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Washington, D. C., February 20, 1911. 

SIR: I have the honor to submit for publication, subject to your 
approval, as Bulletin 40, Part 2, of this Bureau, the manuscript of a 
portion of the Handbook of American Indian Languages, prepared 
under the editorial supervision of Dr. Franz Boas. 

Yours, respectfully, 

Ethnologist in Charge. 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 





The Takelma language of southwestern Oregon, by Edward Sapir 1 

Coos, by Leo J. Frachtenberg 297 

Siuslawan (Lower Umpqua), by Leo J. Frachtenberg 431 

Chukchee, by Waldemar Bogoras 631 




3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 1 



1 . Introduction 7 

2-24. Phonology 8 

2. Introductory 8 

3-11. Vowels 10 

3. General remarks 10 

4. System of vowels 10 

5. Stress and pitch-accent 15 

6-11. Vocalic processes 22 

6. Vowel hiatus 22 

7. Dissimilation of u 24 

8. /-umlaut 24 

9. K-sounds preceded by u-vowels 27 

10. Inorganic a 28 

11. Simplification of double diphthongs 29 

12-24. Consonants 31 

12. System of consonants 31 

13. Final consonants 35 

14-17. Consonant combinations 36 

14. General remarks 36 

15. Initial combinations 36 

16. Final combinations 38 

17. Medial combinations 39 

18-24. Consonant processes _ 41 

18. Dropping of final consonants 41 

19. Simplification of doubled consonants 42 

20. Consonants before x 44 

21. Dissimilation of n to I and m 45 

22. Catch dissimilation 47 

23. Influence of place and kind of accent on manner of articula 
tion 48 

24. Inorganic h 51 

} 25-115. Morphology 52 

25. Introductory. 52 

26-32. Grammatical processes 55 

26. General remarks 55 

27. Prefixation 55 

28. Suffixation 56 

29. Infixation 56 

30. Reduplication 57 

31. Vowel-ablaut 59 

32. Consonant-ablaut 62 

33-83. I. The verb 63 

33. Introductory 63 

34-38. 1. Verbal prefixes 64 

34. General remarks 64 

35. Incorporated nouns 66 

36. Body-part prefixes 72 

37. Local prefixes , 86 

38. Instrumental wa- 91 



25-115. Morphology Continued. 

33-83. I. The verb Cpntinued. Pag e 

39, 40. 2. Formation of verb-stems 92 

39. General remarks 92 

40. Types of stem-formation 95 

41-58. 3. Verbal suffixes of derivation 117 

41. General remarks 117 

42. Petrified suffixes 118 

43. Frequentatives and usitatives 127 

44-51. Transitive suffixes 1-35 

44. General remarks 135 

45. Causative -(a) n- 135 

46. Comitative -(a) gw- 137 

47. Indirective -d- (-s-) 141 

48. Indirective (a ) Id- 143 

49. Indirective -(a } md- 144 

50. Indirective -(a)n (an)- "for" 145 

51. Indirect reflexive -gwa-. . 148 

52-57. Intransitive suffixes 149 

52. General remarks 149 

53. Active intransitive -xa- 150 

54. Reflexive -gwi-... 152 

55. Reciprocal ~ X \-an- 152 

56. Non-agentive -x- 153 

57. Positional -i i- 155 

58. Impersonal -iau- 156 

59-67. 4. Temporal-modal and pronominal elements 157 

59. Introductory 157 

60. Intransitives, class 1 160 

61. Intransitives, class II 164 

62-66. Transitives, class III 167 

62. General remarks 167 

63. Transitive subject pronouns 170 

64. Connecting -x- and -i- 172 

65. Forms without connecting vowel 177 

66. Passives 180 

67. Verbs of mixed class, class IV 181 

68-72. 5. Auxiliary and subordinating forms 184 

68. Periphrastic futures 184 

69. Periphrastic phrases in na(g}- "do, act " 186 

70. Subordinating forms 189 

71. Conditionals 196 

72. Uses of potential and inferential 199 

73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives 201 

73. Introductory 201 

74. Infinitives 201 

75-78 . Participles 204 

75. General remarks 204 

76. Active participle in -C 204 

77. Passive participle in -(a)F w , -iV: w 205 

78. Passive participle in -xap 1 (-sap"} 207 

79-82. Nouns of agency 208 

79. Introductory 208 

80. Nouns of agency in -(a Ys 208 


25-115. Morphology Continued. 

33-83. I. The verb Continued . Page 
73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives Continued. 
79-82. Nouns of agency Continued. 

81. Nouns of agency in -s#, -so, 209 

82. Nouns of agency in -xi 210 

83. Forms in -i ya 210 

84-102. II. Thenoun 210 

84. Introductory 210 

85, 86. 1. Nominal stems 214 

85. General remarks 214 

86. Types of stem formation 215 

87, 88. 2. Noun derivation 221 

87. Derivative suffixes 221 

88. Compounds 225 

89. 3. Noun-characteristics and pre-pronominal -x- 227 

90-93. 4. Possessive suffixes 231 

90. General remarks 231 

91. Terms of relationship 232 

92. Schemes II and III 235 

93. Possessives with pre-positives 237 

94-96. 5. Local phrases 241 

94. General remarks 241 

95. Pre-positives 242 

96. Postpositions 243 

97-102. 6. Post-nominal elements 246 

97. General remarks 246 

98. Exclusive -fa 246 

99. Plural -Can (-han, -k!an] 247 

100. Dual -dll 249 

101. -toi s every 249 

102. Deictic -^ 250 

103-105. III. The pronoun 251 

103. Independent personal pronouns 251 

104. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs 252 

105. Interrogative and indefinite pronouns 254 

106-109. IV. The adjective 255 

106. General remarks 255 

107 . Adjectival prefixes 256 

108. Adjectival derivative suffixes 258 

109. Plural formations 262 

110, 111. V. Numerals 264 

110. Cardinals 264 

111. Numeral adverbs 266 

112-114. VI. Adverbs and particles 267 

112. Adverbial suffixes , 267 

113. Simple adverbs 270 

114. Particles 272 

115. VII. Interjections 278 

116. Conclusion 281 

Appendix A: 1. Comparative table of pronominal forms 284 

2. Scheme of seven voices in six tense-modes 285 

3. Forms of na(0)-"say, do" 286 

Appendix B : Specimen texts with analysis 291 





The language treated in the following pages was spoken in the 
southwestern part of what is now the state of Oregon/ along tfio 
middle portion of Rogue river and certain of its tributaries. It, 
together with an upland dialect of which but a few words were 
obtained, forms the Takilman stock of Powell. The form "Takelma" 
of the word is practically identical with the native name of the tribe, 
Da a gelma f n THOSE DWELLING ALONG THE RIVER (see below, 87, 4) ; 
there seems to be no good reason for departing from it in favor of 
Powell s variant form. 

The linguistic material on which this account of the Takelma 
language is based consists of a series of myth and other texts, pub 
lished by the University of Pennsylvania (Sapir, Takelma Texts, 
Anthropological Publications of the University Museum, vol. n, no. 1, 
Philadelphia, 1909), together with a mass of grammatical material 
(forms and sentences) obtained in connection with the texts. A 
series of eleven short medicine formulas or charms have been pub 
lished with interlinear and free translation in the Journal of Ameri 
can Folk-Lore (xx, 35-40). A vocabulary of Takelma verb, noun, 
and adjective stems, together with a certain number of derivatives, 
will be found at the end of the "Takelma Texts." Some manu 
script notes on Takelma, collected in the summer of 1904 by Mr. 
H. H. St. Clair, 2d, for the Bureau of American Ethnology, have 
been kindly put at my disposal by the Bureau; though these consist 
mainly of lexical material, they have been found useful on one or 
two points. , References like 125.3 refer to page and line of my 
Takelma Texts. Those in parentheses refer to forms analogous to 
the ones discussed. 


The author s material was gathered at the Siletz reservation of 
Oregon during a stay of a month and a half in the summer of 1906, 
also under the direction of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
My informant was Mrs. Frances Johnson, an elderly full-blood 
Takelma woman. Her native place was the village of Ddk*ts!asin or 
Daldani Y, on Jump-off-Joe creek (Dlp/oltsU lda), a northern affluent 
of Rogue river, her mother having come from a village on the upper 
course of Cow creek (Hagwal). Despite her imperfect command of 
the English language, she was found an exceptionally intelligent 
and good-humored informant, without which qualities the following 
study would have been far more imperfect than it necessarily must 
fce under even the very best of circumstances. 

In conclusion I must thank Prof. Franz Boas for his valuable 
.ftdvicd: in regard to several points of method and for his active 
interest in the progress of the work. It is due largely to him that I 
was encouraged to depart from the ordinary rut of grammatical 
description and to arrange and interpret the facts in a manner that 
seemed most in accordance with the spirit of the Takelma language 
itself. 1 


2. Introductory 

In its general phonetic character, at least as regards relative harsh 
ness or smoothness of acoustic effect, Takelma will probably be found 
to occupy a position about midway between the characteristically 
rough languages of the Columbia valley and the North Californian 
and Oregon coast (Chinookan, Salish, Alsea, Coos, Athapascan, Yurok) 
on the one hand, and the relatively euphonious languages of the 
Sacramento valley (Maidu, Yana, Wintun) on the other, inclining 
rather to the latter than to the former. 

From the former group it differs chiefly in the absence of voice 
less Z-sounds (i, I, 2 L!} and of velar stops (q, g, q!); from the latter, 

i What little has been learned of the ethnology of the Takelma Indians will be found Incorporated in 
two articles written by the author and entitled Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, in 
American Anthropologist, n. s., ix, 251-275; and Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians of Southwestern 
Oregon, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, xx, 33-49. 

s In the myths, I is freely prefixed to any word spoken by the bear. Its uneuphonious character is evi 
dently intended to match the coarseness of the bear, and for this quasi-rhetorical purpose it was doubtless 
derisively borrowed from the neighboring Athapascan languages, in which It occurs with great frequency. 
The prefixed sibilant s serves in a similar way as a sort of sneezing adjunct to indicate the speech of 
the coyote. Gwi di WHERE? says the ordinary mortal; Igwi di, the bear; ygwi di, the coyote. 



in the occurrence of relatively more complex consonantic clusters, 
though these are of strictly limited possibilities, and hardly to be 
considered as difficult in themselves. 

Like the languages of the latter group, Takelma possesses clear- 
out vowels, and abounds, besides, in long vowels and diphthongs; 
these, together with a system of syllabic pitch-accent, give the Takel 
ma language a decidedly musical character, marred only to some 
extent by the profusion of disturbing catches. The line of cleavage 
between Takelma and the neighboring dialects of the Athapascan stock 
(Upper Umpqua, Applegate Creek, Galice Creek, Chasta Costa) is thus 
not only morphologically but also phonetically distinct, despite re 
semblances in the manner of articulation of some of the vowels and 
consonants. Chasta Costa, formerly spoken on the lower course of 
Rogue river, possesses all the voiceless Z-sounds above referred to; a 
peculiar illusive qf, the fortis character of which is hardly as prominent 
as in Chinook; a voiced guttural spirant f, as in North German Tage; 
the sonants or weak surds dj and z (rarely) ; a voiceless interdental 
spirant p and its corresponding fortis tp!; and a very frequently oc 
curring $ vowel, as in English HUT. All of these are absent from 
Takelma, which, in turn, has a complete labial series (6, p*, p!, m), 
whereas Chasta Costa has only the nasal m (labial stops occur appar 
ently only in borrowed words, ~bo$ CAT <pussy). The fortis &/, com 
mon in Takelma, seems in the Chasta Costa to be replaced by ql; the 
Takelma vowel u, found also in California, is absent from Chasta 
Costa; r is foreign to either, though found in Galice Creek and Shasta. 
Perhaps the greatest point of phonetic difference, however, between 
the Takelma and Chasta Costa languages lies in the peculiar long 
(doubled) consonants of the latter, while Takelma regularly simpli 
fies consonant geminations that would theoretically appear in the 
building of words. Not enough of the Shasta has been published to 
enable one to form an estimate of the degree of phonetic similarity 
that obtains between it and Takelma, but the differences can hardly 
be as pronounced as those that have just been found to exist in the 
case of the latter and Chasta Costa. 

This preliminary survey seemed necessary in order to show, as far 
as the scanty means at present at our disposal would allow, the 
phonetic affiliations of Takelma. Attention will now be directed to 
the sounds themselves. 



Vowels ( 3-11) 
3. General Remarks 

The simple vowels appear, quantitatively considered, in two 
forms, short and long, or, to adopt a not inappropriate term, pseudo- 
diphthongal. By this is meant that a long vowel normally con 
sists of the corresponding short vowel, though generally of greater 
quantity, plus a slight parasitic rearticulation of the same vowel 
(indicated by a small superior letter) , the whole giving the effect of a 
diphthong without material change of vowel-quality in the course 
of production. The term PSEUDO-DIPHTHONG is the more justified 
in that the long vowel has the same absolute quantity, and experi 
ences the same accentual and syllabic treatment, as the true diph 
thong, consisting of short vowel + i, u, I, m, or n. If the short 
vowel be given a unitary quantitative value of 1, the long vowel 
(pseudo-diphthong) and ordinary diphthong will have an approxi 
mate value of 2 ; while the long diphthong, consisting of long vowe] 
-f i, u, I, m, or n, will be assigned a value of 3. The liquid and 
the nasals (m and n) are best considered as forming, parallel to the 
semi-vowels y (i) and w (u), diphthongs with preceding vowels, 
inasmuch as the combinations thus entered on are treated, similarly 
to i- and u- diphthongs, as phonetic units for the purposes of pitch- 
accent and grammatic processes. As a preliminary example serving 
to justify this treatment, it may be noted that the verb-stem Hlw-, 
bilu- JUMP becomes Hlau- with inorganic a under exactly the same 
phonetic conditions as those which make of the stem Jcfemn- MAKE 
Tcleman-. We thus have, for instance: 

bilwa f s jumper; Irilcfuk* he jumped 
k!emna f s maker; /<?maViF he made it 

From this and numberless other examples it follows that au and an, 
similarly ai, al, and am, belong, from a strictly Takelma point of 
view, to the same series of phonetic elements ; similarly for e, i, o, 
and u diphthongs. 

4. System of Vowels 

The three quantitative stages outlined above are presented for 
the various vowels and diphthong-forming elements in the following 

S 3-4 




I. Short. 

II. Long. 

Short diphthong. 

III. Long diphthong. 


aa, (a) 

ai, au, al, am, an 

ai, au, aal, dam, dan 



ei, eu, el, em, en 

ei, eu, eel, efm era 


Ii, (I) 

iu, il, im, in 

lu, in, Iim, Un 


ou, (o) 

oi, ou, ol, om, on 

oi, 6u(w), oul, oum, dun 

(o) (ul) (um) (un) 


uu, (u) 

ui, uw, ul, um, un 

ui, uu(w), uul, uum, uun 


ii i, (ii) 

ui, uw, ul, iim, un 

ui, uu(w), uul, uum, uun 

It is to be understood, of course, that, under proper syllabic con 
ditions, i and u may respectively appear in semivocalic form as y 
and w; thus o u and u u appear as ow and uw when followed by vowels ; 
e. g., in ~k!uwu u - THROW AWAY, uw and u u are equivalent elements 
forming a reduplicated complex entirely analogous to -del- in Tielel- 
SING. Similarly ai, au, ai, and au may appear as ay, aw, d a y, and 
a a w; and correspondingly for the other vowels. Indeed, one of 
the best criteria for the determination of the length of the first 
element of a diphthong is to obtain it in such form as would cause 
the second element (i or u) to become semi-vocalic, for then the first 
vowel will adopt the form of a short vowel or pseudo-diphthong, 
as the case may be. The following phonetic (not morphologic) pro 
portions will make this clearer: 

I jump: "bUiwat* you jump = ^e g iu he went away from 

him : he ee $wi e n I went away from him 

he ate it: g&yawa n I ate it = gralF he grew: gsi a ya f t he will 

gay&u he ate it : gay&wa nl ate it = Tumfg&u over land : Latg*& a wa 

one from Lat gau [uplands] 

Sometimes, though not commonly, a diphthong may appear in the 
same word either with a semivowel or vowel as its second element, 
according to whether it is or is not followed by a connecting inor 
ganic a. A good example of such a doublet is 7iaye*wa xd(i a dQ or 
hayeiixda a da IN HIS RETURNING (verb stem yen-, ye e w- RETURN). 
It is acoustically difficult to distinguish sharply between the long 
vowel or pseudo-diphthong o u and the it-diphthongs of o (both ou 
and ou are often heard as o u ), yet there is no doubt that there is 
an organic difference between o u , as long vowel to o, and o u = ou, ou. 
Thus, in loliQ u na f n I CAUSE HIM TO DIE, and loJiQna n I SHALL CAUSE 
HIM TO DIE, d u and o are related as long and short vowel in parallel 



fashion to the a a and a of ?/a a ttaY YOU WENT, and ysinada 5 YOU WILL 
GO. On the other hand, the o u of po u p*au- (aorist stem) BLOW is 
organically a diphthong (ou), the o u of the first syllable being related 
to the au of the second as the iu of Jc iuk^au- (verb stem) BRANDISH 
is to its au. Similarly, the -o u - of s d u k 6p*- (verb stem) JUMP 
is organic shortened ou, related to the -owo- of the aorist stem 
s o wo s lc 6p*- as the -e l - of liQ fi ~x- (verb stem) BE LEFT OVER is to the 
-eye- of 7i&ye e x- (aorist stem). A similar acoustic difficulty is experi 
enced in distinguishing u & , (u u ) as long vowel from the u- diphthongs 
of Uj (u). 

Examples of unrelated stems and words differing only in the 
length of the vowel or diphthong are not rare, and serve as internal 
evidence of the correctness, from a native point of view, of the vowel 
classification made : 

gai- eat, but gdi- grow 

verb-prefix dd a - ear, but da- mouth 

wd a xa his younger brother, but wa xa at them 

It may happen that two distinct forms of the same word differ only 
in vocalic quantity; y& a da s t* HE WILL SWIM, y&da s t HE SWIMS. 

It is, naturally enough, not to be supposed that the long vowels 
and diphthongs always appear in exactly the same quantity. Speed 
of utterance and, to some extent, withdrawal of the stress-accent, 
tend to reduce the absolute quantities of the vowels, so that a nor 
mally long vowel can become short, or at least lose its parasitic 
attachment. In the case of the i- and u- diphthongs, such a quan 
titative reduction means that the two vowels forming the diphthong 
more completely lose their separate individuality and melt into one. 
Quantitative reduction is apt to occur particularly before a glottal 
catch; in the diphthongs the catch follows so rapidly upon the second 
element (i or u) that one can easily be in doubt as to whether a full 
i- or u- vowel is pronounced, or whether this second vowel appears 
rather as a palatal or labial articulation of the catch itself. The 
practice has been adopted of writing such diphthongs with a superior 
i or u before the catch: a i , a us t e u ~, and similarly for the rest. When, 
however, in the course of word-formation, this catch drops off, the i 
or u that has been swallowed up, as it were, in the catch reasserts 
itself, and we get such pairs of forms as: 

nag& i he said ; but naga, ida when he said 

sgele u he shouted ; but sgele uda* when he shouted 


On the other hand, vowels naturally short sometimes become long 
when dwelt upon for rhetorical emphasis. Thus ga THAT sometimes 
appears as ga a : 

gd a loho t*e e in that case I shall die 
gd /a ga a^l for that reason 

As regards the pronunciation of the vowels themselves, little need 
be said. The a is of the same quality as the short a of German MANN, 
while the long a a (barring the parasitic element) corresponds to the 
a of HAHN. 

A labial coloring of the a (i. e., 6 as in German VOLL) frequently 
occurs before and after Y w \ 
planted, sown 
w6Y he woke him up 
But there were also heard : 

s2k*aJc* w shot 
malak wa he told him 

The e is an open sound, as in the English LET; it is so open, indeed, 
as to verge, particularly after y, toward a. 1 Also the long vowel e e 
is very open in quality, being pronounced approximately like the ei 
of English THEIR (but of course without the r- vanish) or the e of 
French FETE; e e , though unprovided with the mark of length, will 
be always understood as denoting the long vowel (pseudo-diphthong) 
corresponding to the short e; while e will be employed, wherever 
necessary, for the long vowel without the parasitic - e . The close e, 
as in German REH, does not seem to occur in Takelma, although it 
was sometimes heard for i; in the words la a le? HE BECAME, ld a let am 
YOU BECAME, and other related forms, e was generally heard, and may 
be justified, though there can be small doubt that it is morphologically 
identical with the I* of certain other verbs. 

The i is of about the same quality as in English HIT, while the 
long I 1 is closer, corresponding to the ea of English BEAT. Several 
monosyllables, however, in -i, such as gwi WHERE, di interrogative 
particle, should be pronounced with a close though short vowel (cf. 
French FINI) . This closer pronunciation of the short vowel may be 
explained by supposing that gwi, di, and other such words are rapid 
pronunciations of gwi*, di { , and the others; and indeed the texts 
sometimes show such longer forms. 

i The word yewe i* HE RETURNED, e. g., was long heard as yawc tf, but such forms as ytu RETURN! show 
this to have been an auditory error. 



The o is a close vowel, as in German SOHN, as far as the quality is 
concerned, but with the short quantity of the o of VOLL. This close 
ness of pronunciation of the o readily explains its very frequent 
interchange with u: 

Its lo p al sharp-clawed 
dets IuguY sharp-pointed 

and also the u- quality of the parasitic element in the long close vowel 
o". The short open o, as in German VOLL, never occurs as a primary 
vowel, but is practically always a labialized variant of a. Thus in 
Takelma, contrary to the parallelism one ordinarily expects to find in 
vocalic systems, e- vowels are open in quality, while o- vowels are 

The vowel u is close, as in the English word RUDE, the long mark 
over the u being here used to indicate closeness of quality rather 
than length of quantity. The u is not identical with the German u, 
but is somewhat more obscure in quality and wavers (to an un- 
Indian ear) between the German short u of MUTZE and u of MUSS ; 
sometimes it was even heard with the approximate quality of the 
short o of GOTZ. The long u u is, in the same way, not exactly 
equivalent to the long u of the German suss, but tends in the direc 
tion of u u j with which it frequently varies in the texts. It is some 
what doubtful how far the two vowels u and u are to be considered 
separate and distinct ; it is quite possible that they should be looked 
upon as auditory variants of one sound. Before or after y or w, u is 
apt to be heard as u, - - lc!uwu s THEY RAN AWAY, uyu -s" HE 
LAUGHED, %guyugl fi sij HE KEEPS NUDGING ME, otherwise often as u. 

The only short vowel not provided for in the table is fa (as in Eng 
lish SUN), which, however, has no separate individuality of its own, 
but is simply a variant form of a, heard chiefly before m: 

7ie es tte me xtim he killed us off (for -am) 
xfam in water (for xam) 

The absence of the obscure vowel E of indeterminate quality is 
noteworthy as showing indirectly the clear-cut vocalic character of 
Takelma speech. Only in a very few cases was the E heard, and in 
the majority of these it was not a reduced vowel, but an intrusive 
sound between m and s: 

daWl)e /ce ~k ?~bagamES he tied his hair up into top-knot (in place 

of -ams) . 


Even here it may really have been the strongly sonantic quality 
of the m in contrast to the voiceless s that produced the acoustic 
effect of an obscure vowel. The exact pronunciation of the diph 
thongs will be better understood when we consider the subject of 

5. Stress and Pitch- Accent 

Inasmuch as pitch and stress accent are phonetic phenomena that 
affect more particularly the vowels and diphthongs, it seems advisable 
to consider the subject here and to let the treatment of the conso 
nants follow. As in many Indian languages, the stress-accent of any 
particular word in Takelma is not so inseparably associated with any 
particular syllable but that the same word, especially if consisting 
of more than two syllables, may appear with the main stress-accent 
now on one, now on the other syllable. In the uninterrupted flow of 
the sentence it becomes often difficult to decide which syllable of a 
word should be assigned the stress-accent. Often, if the word bears 
no particular logical or rhythmic emphasis, one does best to regard 
it as entirely without accent and as standing in a proclitic or enclitic 
relation to a following or preceding word of greater emphasis. This 
is naturally chiefly the case with adverbs (such as 7ie s ne THEN) and 
conjunctive particles (such as ganehi* AND THEN; agas i s AND so, BUT 
THEN) ; though it not infrequently happens that the major part of 
a clause will thus be strung along without decided stress-accent until 
some emphatic noun or verb-form is reached. Thus the following 
passage occurs in one of the myths: 

qariehi* dewenxa la a le Jiono- p*ele xa , literally translated, And 
then to-morrow (next day) it became, again they went out to 

All that precedes the main verb-form p*ele xa s THEY WENT OUT TO 
WAR is relatively unimportant, and hence is hurried over without any 
where receiving marked stress. 

Nevertheless a fully accented word is normally stressed on some 
particular syllable; it may even happen that two forms differ 
merely in the place of accent : 

naga -sida? when he said, but 
naga-ida when you said 

The important point to observe, however, is that when a particular 
syllable does receive the stress (and after all most words are normally 

S 5 


accented on some one syllable), it takes on one of two or three musical 
inflections : 

(1) A simple pitch distinctly higher than the normal pitch of 
unstressed speech (-). 

(2) A rising inflection that starts at, or a trifle above, the normal 
pitch, and gradually slides up to the same higher pitch referred to 
above ( ). 

(3) A falling inflection that starts at, or generally somewhat 
higher than, the raised pitch of (1) and (2), and gradually slides 
down to fall either in the same or immediately following syllable, to 
a pitch somewhat lower than the normal (-). 

The "raised" pitch (^) is employed only in the case of final short 
vowels or shortened diphthongs (i. e., diphthongs that, owing to 
speed of utterance, are pronounced so rapidly as to have a quanti 
tative value hardly greater than that of short vowels; also sec 
ondary diphthongs involving an inorganic a); if a short vowel 
spoken on a raised pitch be immediately followed by an unac 
cented syllable (as will always happen, if it is not the final 
vowel of the word), there will evidently ensue a fall in pitch in the 
unaccented syllable, and the general acoustic effect of the two 
syllables will be equivalent to a " falling" inflection (-) within one 
syllable; i. e. (if be employed to denote an unaccented syllable), 

(-) H =( ) The following illustration will make this clearer: 

YOU SANG is regularly accented helelaY, the a x being sung on an 
interval of a (minor, sometimes even major) third above the two 
unaccented e- vowels. The acoustic effect to an American ear is very 
much the same as that of a curt query requiring a positive or nega 
tive answer, DID HE GO? where the i of DID and e of HE correspond in 
pitch to the two e s of the Takelma word, while the o of GO is equiva 
lent to the Takelma a\ The Takelma word, of course, has no 
interrogative connotation. If, now, we wish to make a question out 
of JielelaY, we add the interrogative particle di, and obtain the 
form Tielela t idi DID HE SING? (The I is a weak vowel inserted to 
keep the and d apart.) Here the a has about the same pitch as 
in the preceding word, but the I sinks to about the level of the e- 
vowels, and the di is pronounced approximately a third below the 
normal level. The Takelma interrogative form thus bears an acoustic 
resemblance to a rapid English reply: so HE DID GO, the o of so and 



e of HE corresponding in pitch to the unaccented e- vowels of the 
Takclma, the i of DID resembling in its rise above the normal pitch 
the a , and the o of GO sinking like the i of the interrogative particle. 1 
If the normal level of speech be set at A, the two forms just considered 
may be musically, naturally with very greatly exaggerated tonal 
effect, represented as follows : 

he- le- la^t he- le- la - ft- dl 

pitch (<^) is found only on long vowels and short or 
long diphthongs. The rising pitch is for a long vowel or diphthong 
what the raised pitch is for a short vowel or shortened diphthong; 
the essential difference between the two being that in the latter case 
the accented vowel is sung on a single tone reached without an inter 
mediate slur from the lower level, whereas in the case of the rising 
pitch the affected vowel or diphthong changes in pitch in the course 
of pronunciation; the first part of the long vowel and the first vowel 
of the diphthong are sung on a tone intermediate between the normal 
level and the raised pitch, while the parasitic element of the long 
vowel and the second vowel (i or u) of the diphthong are hit by the 
raised tone itself. It is easy to understand that in rapid pronuncia 
tion the intermediate tone of the first part of the long vowel or diph 
thong would be hurried over and sometimes dropped altogether ; this 
means that a long vowel or diphthong with rising pitch (a, al) becomes 
a short vowel or shortened diphthong with raised pitch (a v , a r i). 2 
Diphthongs consisting of a short vowel + Z, m, or n, and provided 
with a rising pitch, ought, in strict analogy, to appear as an, al, am; 
and so on for the other vowels. This is doubtless the correct repre 
sentation, and such forms as: 

nank" he will say, do 

gwalt wind 

dasmayam he smiled 

wulx enemy, Shasta 

were actually heard, the liquid or nasal being distinctly higher in 
pitch than the preceding vowel. In the majority of cases, however, 

1 It is curious that the effect to our ears of the Takelma declarative hclela t is of an interrogative DID YOU 
SING? while conversely the effect of an interrogative helela t ldi is that of a declarative YOU DID SING. 
This is entirely accidental in so far as a rise in pitch has nothing to do in Takelma with an interrogation. 

2 A vowel marked with the accent =* is necessarily long, so that the mark of length and the parasitic 
vowel can be conveniently omitted. 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 - 2 J 5 


these diphthongs were heard, if not always pronounced, as shortened 
diphthongs with raised pitch (a X aV, a^m) . The acoustic effect of a 
syllable with rising pitch followed by an unaccented syllable is neces 
sarily different from that of a syllable with falling pitch (-), or of a 
syllable with raised pitch followed by an unaccented syllable, because 
of the steady rise in pitch before the succeeding fall. The tendency 
at first is naturally to hear the combination ^ as - , and to 
make no distinction in accent between yewe ida 5 WHEN HE RETURNED 
and yewetfe* i RETURNED; but variations in the recorded texts 
between the rising and falling pitch in one and the same form are in 
every case faults of perception, and not true variations at all. The 
words tfomom HE KILLED HIM and y await e s i SPOKE may be approxi 
mately represented in musical form as follows : 

ij < & i . r i 

t. o- md-um ya- wa- i- t e s 

The falling pitch ( ) affects both long and short vowels as well as 
diphthongs, its essential characteristic being, as already denned, a 
steady fall from a tone higher than the normal level. The peak of 
the falling inflection may coincide in absolute pitch with that of the 
rising inflection, though it is often somewhat higher, say an interval 
of a fourth above the ordinary level. The base Qowest tone) of the 
fall is not assignable to any definite relative pitch, the gamut run 
through by the voice depending largely upon the character of the 
syllable. If the accent hits a long vowel or diphthong not immedi 
ately followed by a catch, the base will, generally speaking, coincide 
with the normal level, or lie somewhat below it. If the long vowel 
or diphthong be immediately followed by an unaccented syllable, the 
base is apt to strike this unaccented syllable at an interval of about 
a third below the level. If the vowel or diphthong be immediately 
followed by a catch, the fall in pitch will be rapidly checked, and the 
whole extent of the fall limited to perhaps not more than a semitone. 
As soon, however, as the catch is removed (as often happens on the 
addition to the form of certain grammatical elements), the fall runs 
through its usual gamut. The words 

Tc wede i his name 

yewe ida* when he returned 

yewe i he returned 

will serve to illustrate the character of the falling pitch. 


k we- dt - i ye- we - i - da ye - 

The pronunciation of the diphthongs is now easily understood 
A shortened diphthong (a v , a i ) sounds to an American ear like an 
indivisible entity, very much like ai and au in HIGH and HOW; a 
diphthong with falling pitch (a i) is naturally apt to be heard as two 
distinct vowels, so that one is easily led to write naga -ida s instead of 
naga ida* WHEN HE SAID; a diphthong with rising pitch (ai) is heard 
either as a pure diphthong or as two distinct vowels, according to 
the speed of utterance or the accidents of perception. All these 
interpretations, however, are merely matters of perception by an 
American ear and have in themselves no objective value. It would 
be quite misleading, for instance, to treat Takelma diphthongs as 
pure " and " impure," no regard being had to pitch, for such a classi 
fication is merely a secondary consequence of the accentual phenomena 
we have just considered. 

One other point in regard to the diphthongs should be noted. It 
is important to distinguish between organic diphthongs, in which each 
element of the diphthong has a distinct radical or etymological value, 
and secondary diphthongs, arising from an i, u, Z, m, or n with pre 
fixed inorganic a. The secondary diphthongs (ai, au, al, am, an), 
being etymologically single vowels or semivowels, are always unitonal 
in character; they can have the raised, not the rising accent. Con 
trast the inorganic au of 

bil^uk* ( = *Z>iZw x F, x not *&iZaufc ) he jumped; cf. bilwa s JUMPER 
with the organic au of 

gaysiu he ate it; cf. gaysiwa s n I ate it 
Contrast similarly the inorganic an of 

kfems^uk* (=*Je!emnW, not *fc/emanF) he made it; cf. Jc!emna s s 

with the organic am of 

dasmay&m he smiled ; cf . dasmaysna.a fe n I smiled 
Phonetically such secondary diphthongs are hardly different from 
shortened organic diphthongs; etymologically and, in consequence, 
in morphologic treatment, the line of difference is sharply drawn. 

Non-existent or theoretically reconstructed forms are indicated by a prefixed asterisk. 



It was said that any particular syllable, if accented, necessarily 
receives a definite pitch-inflection. If it is furthermore pointed out 
that distinct words and forms may differ merely in the character of 
the accent, and that definite grammatical forms are associated with 
definite accentual forms, it becomes evident that pitch-accent has a 
not unimportant bearing on morphology. Examples of words differ 
ing only in the pitch-accent are : 

se fe l black paint, writing; sel kingfisher 

laf a p* leaves; (1) lap he carried it on his back, (2) lap become (so 

and so) ! 

sa a t his discharge of wind; sat mash it! 
will 1 his house; will house, for instance, in daYwill on top of 

the house 
Tie e l song; Tiel sing it! 

Indeed, neither vowel-quantity, accent, nor the catch can be consid 
ered negligible factors in Takelma phonology, as shown by the 
following : 

waya" knife 

waya a his knife 

waya f he sleeps 

wayan he put him to sleep 

Jc!wa ya^ ( = Tc!wal e cf) just grass 

It is impossible to give any simple rule for the determination of 
the proper accent of all words. What has been ascertained in regard 
to the accent of certain forms or types of words in large part seems 
to be of a grammatic, not purely phonetic, character, and hence will 
most naturally receive treatment when the forms themselves are dis 
cussed. Here it will suffice to give as illustrations of the morphologic 
value of accent a few of the cases: 

(1) Perhaps the most comprehensive generalization that can be 
made in regard to the employment of accents is that a catch requires 
the falling pitch-accent on an immediately preceding stressed syllable, 
as comes out most clearly in forms where the catch has been second 
arily removed. Some of the forms affected are: 

(a) The first person singular subject third person object aorist of 
the transitive verb, as in: 

t!omoma f n I kill him 
ttomoma nda* as I killed him 


(6) The third person aorist of all intransitive verbs that take the 
catch as the characteristic element of this person and tense, as in: 

ya he went 

ya a da when he went 

(c) The second person singular possessive of nouns whose ending 
for this person and number is - f , as in : 

tn ri f your husband 
ela H* your tongue 

Contrast : 

tllCY my husband 
elaW my tongue 

There are but few exceptions to this rule. A certain not very nu 
merous class of transitive verbs, that will later occupy us in the treat 
ment of the verb, show a long vowel with rising pitch before a catch 
in the first person singular subject third person object aorist, as in: 

Jc!eme s n I make it 
dit!ugu n I wear it 

The very isolation of these forms argues powerfully for the general 
correctness of the rule. 

(2) The first person singular subject third person object future, and 
the third person aorist passive always follow the accent of la: 

dd u ma n I shall kill him 
tlomomafn he was killed 

Contrast : 

zd u ma?n he dried it 
Like Jc!eme s n in accent we have also: 

~k!emen it was made 

(3) The first person singular possessive of nouns whose ending for 
that person and number is -t"Tc* shows a raised or rising pitch, according 
to whether the accented vowel is short or long (or diphthongal) : 

Jc wedelt Jc my name 
plant* Jc* my liver 
HibagwcfnVY my pancreas 

Contrast : 

~k wede i his name 
p!a a n his liver 
tlibagwa n his pancreas 


(4) The verbal suffix -aid- takes the falling pitch: 

sgelewa lda n I shouted to him 

sgelewa lt" he shouted to him 
Contrast : 

gwalt* wind 

Many more such rules could be given, but these will suffice at present 
to show what is meant by the "fixity" of certain types of accent in 
morphological classes. 

This fixity of accent seems to require a slight qualification. A 
tendency is observable to end up a sentence with the raised pitch, so 
that a syllable normally provided with a falling pitch-accent may 
sometimes, though by no means always, assume a raised accent, if it is 
the last syllable of the sentence. The most probable explanation of 
this phenomenon is that the voice of a Takelma speaker seeks its 
rest in a rise, not, as is the habit in English as spoken in America, in 

a fall. 1 

Vocalic Processes ( 6-11) 


There is never in Takelma the slightest tendency to avoid the com 
ing together of two vowels by elision of one of the vowels or con 
traction of the two. So carefully, indeed, is each vowel kept intact 
that the hiatus is frequently strengthened by the insertion of a catch. 
If the words ya pla MAN and a ni NOT, for instance, should come 
together in that order in the course of the sentence, the two a- vowels 
would not coalesce into one long vowel, but would be separated by 
an inorganic (i. e., not morphologically essential) catch yap! a 
a f nl . The same thing happens when two verbal prefixes, the first 
ending in and the second beginning with a vowel, come together. 

de- in front 

xa a - between, in two 

-H- with hand 
generally appear as: 

de l- 

xa a i- 
respectively. The deictic element -a\ used to emphasize preceding 

i Those familiar with Indogermanic phonology will have noticed that my use of the symbols (*), (-"), and 
(^0 has been largely determined by the method adopted in linguistic works for the representation of the 
syllabic pitch-accents of Lithuanian; the main departures being the use of the (-) on short as well as on 
long vowels and the assignment of a different meaning to the (-). 



nouns, pronouns, and adverbs, is regularly separated from a pre 
ceding vowel by the catch: 

maf s cf but you, you truly 
bo u a^ nowadays indeed 

If a diphthong in i or u precedes a catch followed by a vowel, the i or 
u often appears as y or w after the catch: 

Jc!wd s ya^ just grass (= Tc!wdl + -a^) 
d tycf just they (= di- they + -V) 
lid wl- ( Jia-u- under +1- with hand) 

If the second of two syntactically closely connected words begins 
with a semivowel (w or y) and the first ends in a vowel, a catch is 
generally heard to separate the two, in other words the semivowel is 
treated as a vowel. Examples are: 

ge woY (=ge f +wok ) there he arrived 

be e wa a dl fi ( = be e + wa a dl fi ) day its-body all day long 

ge ya a hi (=ge+ya /a Jii) just there indeed 
Such cases are of course not to be confounded with examples like: 

me woY HE ARRIVED HERE, and 

me yen COME HERE ! 

in which the catch is organic, being an integral part of the adverb 
me HITHER; contrast: 

me gini V HE CAME HERE, with 

ge gini f Y HE WENT THERE. 

The same phonetic rule applies even more commonly when the first 
element is a noun or verb prefix: 

h&*winl fi da inside of him; but ha6e e 6mi v at noon 

de wiliwia u they shouted; but dexebe n he said so 

Bb&i e wa e yew8n7ii he returned inside with him; but abai<?im F he 
went inside 

wi wd my younger brother; but \ nhcfm my father 
It is interesting to note that the catch is generally found also 
when the first element ends in Z, m, or n, these consonants, as has 
been already seen, being closely allied to the semivowels in phonetic 
treatment : 

&\ wd a dide to my body; but als*o w ma7 to the mountain 

a.l yowo he looked; but aLrZ /z fc he saw him 

&a tt ge l*yo he lay belly up; but geUdiyi W he turned to face him 

gwei\. wat*geits !lk*wa his (head) lay next to it; but gwerdiwila fue 
he looked back 

yiwin* wo Yi (=yiwin speech -\-wo f k i without) without speech 



It goes without saying that the catch separates elements ending in 
Z, m, or n from such as begin with a vowel : 

s in ilats!agi s n I touch his nose 
al s it*baga t l>ak he struck them 


A diphthong in u tends, by an easily understood dissimilatory 
process, to drop the u before a labial suffix (-gw-, -p\ -ba s ). Thus 
we have: 

wahawaxtfgwa fy I rot with it, for *xiugwa s n 
Compare : 

Jiawaxi u he rots 
waliawaxiwigwa n I shall rot with it 

Similarly : 

~billY w he jumped having it, for *l)iliulc* w (stem biliu-} 
willY w he proceeded with it, for *wttiuk* w (stem wiliu-) 

Observe that, while the diphthong iu is monophthongized, the orig 
inal quantity is kept, i being compensatively lengthened to I*. In the 
various forms of the verb yen- RETURN, such dissimilation, wherever 
possible, regularly takes place : 

yek* w he returned with it, for *yetik* w ( = yeu- gw- ) 
me e yep* come back! (pi.), but sing. me s yeU 
ye e ba f let us return! for *yeuba s 

It is interesting to note how this u- dissimilation is directly respon 
sible for a number of homonyms : 

yek* w bite him! 
(aT)yep* show it to him! 

A similar dissimilation of an -u- after a long vowel has in all proba 
bility taken place in the reduplicating verb la a liwi s n i CALL HIM BY 
NAME (le e la usi HE CALLS ME BY NAME) from * lauliwi e n (* leula usi) . 


Probably the most far-reaching phonetic law touching the Takelma 
vowels is an assimilatory process that can be appropriately termed 
"i- umlaut." Briefly stated, the process is a regressive assimilation 
of a non-radical -a- to an -i-, caused by an -i- (-I 1 -} in an immediately 
following suffixed syllable, whether the -i- causing the umlaut is an 
original -i-, or itself umlauted from an original -a-; the -i- of the 


pronominal endings -bi- THEE, -si- HE TO ME, -xi- HE ME, fails to 
cause umlaut, nor does the law operate when the -i- is immediately 
preceded by an inorganic Ji. The following forms w T ill make the 
applicability of the rule somewhat clearer : 

walc!ayayini f n I caused him to grow with it (but k!ayayana n 
I caused him to grow, with preserved -a-, because of following 
-a n, not -i s ri) 

waJdeyeya nxi he caused me to grow with it 

waklayaya/nxbtfn I caused thee to grow with it 

lyulu yili n I rub it (from -yali-n} 

lyuLu yalln he rubs it 

It should be carefully noted that this i- umlaut never operates on a 
radical or stem-vowel, a fact that incidentally proves helpful at tunes 
in determining how much of a phonetic complex belongs to the stem, 
and how much is to be considered as belonging to the grammatical 
apparatus following the stem. In: 

wd a giwi f n I brought it to him (from -awi e n; cf. wd a ga sbi n 
I brought it to you) 

the -a- following the g is shown to be not a part of the aoristic stem 
wa a g- by the i- umlaut that it may undergo; on the other hand, the 
corresponding future shows an un-umlauted -a-: 

wagawi n I shall bring it to him 

so that the future stem must be set down as waga-, as is confirmed by 
certain other considerations. 

It would take us too far afield to enumerate all the possible cases 
in which i- umlaut takes place ; nevertheless, it is a phenomenon of 
such frequent recurrence that some of the more common possibilities 
should be listed, if only for purposes of further illustration: 

(1) It is caused by the aoristic verb suffix -4* - denoting position: 

s as inl he stands (cf. 8 a s ant*a a he will stand) 
Hobigl he lies as if dead (cf . future t!obaga r sda a } 

(2) By an element -i- characteristic of certain nouns, that is added 
to the absolute form of the noun before the possessive pronominal 
endings : 

6u tt &imY& my arm (cf. bu u l)a^n arm) 
fga lt* gilixdeJc* my belly (for * t galt gali-) 

(3) By the -common verbal "instrumental" vowel -i-, which, for 
one reason or another, replaces the normal pre-pronominal element 



-a-, and often serves to give the verb an instrumental force. This 
instrumental -i- may work its influence on a great number of preceding 
elements containing -a-, among which are: 

(a) The -a- that regularly replaces the stem-vowel in the second 
member of a duplicated verb: 

cd e lfl)aga t*ligi n I beat him (cf. -fbagaffbak* he beat him) 
ts !ele ts !ili s n I rattle it (cf. ts-lele ts lalhi he rattles it) 
lsmili smili n I swing it (cf. ismi lsmal swing it!) 

(I) The causative element -an-: 
vjap!d a gini /s n I cause him to swim with it (cf. p!a a gana n I cause 

him to swim) 
See above: 

wak!ayayini s n I cause him to grow 

(c) The element -an- added to transitive stems to express the idea 


wat!omomini *n I kill it for him with it (cf. t!omomana e n I kill it 
for him) 

(d) The pronominal element -am-, first personal plural object: 
alxl fi ximi s one who sees us (cf . alxl fi xam he sees us) 

4. B^y the suffixed local element -dl* ON TOP OF added to the demon 
strative pronoun ga THAT to form a general local postposition : 

gidl* on top of it, over (so and so) 
Compare the similarly formed : 

gada"Y above 

gadcfl among 
and others. 

5. By the pronominal element -ig- (-He*) , first personal plural subject 
intransitive : 

Homoxinik* we kill each other (cf . t!omoxa e n they kill each other) 
daxinigam we shall find each other (cf . daxan t* they will find each 

This list might be greatly extended if desired, and indeed numerous 
other examples will meet us in the morphology. Examples of a double 
and treble i- umlaut are: 

loho u ninini f n I caused him to die (i. e., killed him) for him (cf. 

loho u nana f nlii he killed him for him) 
Ikluraininini^nk 1 he will fix it for him (compare lk!u u mc^n he 

fixed it) 


The semivowel corresponding to i, namely y, is also capable, under 
analogous circumstances, of causing the i- umlaut of a preceding non- 
radical a. Examples are: 

daxoyo xiya n (=-xaya n) I scare them around; daxoyo xi (=-xiy 
= -xay) he scares them around 

al e it ge f it giyaJc w (=-t gay-) rolled up 

alhuyu f lii i x (=-Jiiyx=-hayx} he used to hunt 

saniya? (=-sanaya^) to fight him 

dd u mk*wiya (=-k*waya) to kill him; and numerous other infini 
tives in -Ywiya (=-Ywaya) 


An u- vowel (o, u } u, and diphthongs in -u) immediately preceding a 
Jc- sound (i. e., </, Jc\ Jcf, x) introduces after the latter a parasitic -w-, 
which, when itself followed by a vowel, unites with the Tc- sound to 
form a consonant-cluster (gw, Vw, Jc!w, xw), but appears, when stand 
ing after a (word or syllabic) final Y, as a voiceless - ". The intro 
duction of the excrescent w simply means, of course, that the labial 
rounding of the u- vowel lingers on after the articulation of the 7c- 
sound, a phonetic tendency encouraged by the fact that the produc 
tion of the guttural consonant does not, as in the labials and dentals, 
necessitate a readjustment of the lips. A few examples will illustrate 
the phonetic process: 

gelgulugwa f n I desire it 

gelgulu^ w he desires it (contrast gelgvlaW he desired it, without 

the labial affection of the -F because of the replacement of the 

-u- by an -a-) 
guxwl * his heart 
dtiPgwi fgwa her dress 
dftk* w woman s garment 
yo u Jc!wa a his bones 

As also in the upper Chinook dialects (Wasco, Wishram), where 
exactly the same process occurs, the w- infection is often very slight, 
and particularly before u- vowels the -w- is, if not entirely absent, 
at least barely audible : 

yokl w dya n I know it 

yo lfy&n I shall know it 

In one very common word the catch seems to be treated as a Jc- sound 
in reference to a preceding u when itself followed by an -I- : 

s u wili he sits; but 

s u alt*a a he will sit 



The first form was, for some reason or other, often heard, perhaps 
misheard, as s i s ull. 


It frequently happens in the formation of words that a vowel 
present in some other form of the stem will drop out, or, more accu 
rately expressed, has never been inserted. Consonant-combinations 
sometimes then result which are either quite impossible in Takelma 
phonetics, or at any rate are limited in their occurrence to certain 
grammatical forms, so that the introduction of an " inorganic" -a-, 
serving to limber up the consonant-cluster, as it were, becomes neces 
sary. Ordinarily this -a- is inserted after the first consonant; in 
certain cases, after the two consonants forming the cluster. The 
theoretical future of gini Yde* i GO SOMEWHERE should be, for 
example, *gink*de e ; but, instead of this somewhat difficult form, 
we really get gina Yde*. That the -a - is here really inorganic, and 
not a characteristic of the future stem, as was at first believed, is 
clearly shown by the imperative gVnY (all imperatives are formed 
from the future stem) . Similarly : 

JcliyaWde* I shall go, come; aorist, JcIiyi f Jc*de* 

aZxikla lhik* ( = theoretical *alxik!li~k ) he kept looking at him; 

aorist first person alxik!$hi*n I keep looking at him 
Ictema n make it! ( = theoretical *Jc!emn); cf. Jclemna n I shall 

make it 
bai iye e wa n drive out sickness!; aorist, -yewen he drove out 

sgela ut*e e I shall shout ( = theoretic *sgelwt*e e ) , aorist second 

person, sgelewaV you shouted 

As an example of an inorganic -a- following a consonantic cluster 
may be given: 

wisma f t*e e \ shall move (stem wism-} ; aorist, wits !imt*e s I moved L 
The exact nature of the processes involved in the various forms given 
will be better understood when stem-formation is discussed. Here 

i Such an -a may stand as an absolute final; e. g., ba-imasga* START IN SINGING! (stem masg-), aorist 
third person, -mats.Wk . The form masga* well illustrates the inherent difficulty of delimiting the range of 
a phonetic law without comparative or older historical material to aid in determining what is due to regular 
phonetic development, and what is formed on the analogy of other forms. The final cluster -sk does occur 
in Takelrna; e. g., dink. a^sk (long object) [ay stretched out; so that a phonetic irregularity must exist in 
one of the two forms. Either we should have *m<?sk , or else *dink!ostfk or *dink!asgo is to be expected. 
On closer examination it is found that the -k in forms like dink.Wsk is a grammatical element added on to 
the future stem dink/as-; whereas in masga* the -g- belongs in all probability to the stem, and is no added 
suffix; at least is not felt as such. It seems evident, then, that the quasi-mechanical juxtaposition of 
grammatical elements does not entirely follow the same phonetic lines as organic sound-complexes. 



it will suffice to say that there are three distinct sorts of inorganic or 
secondary a- vowels : the regular inorganic a first illustrated above, 
inserted between two consonants that would theoretically form a 
cluster; the post-consonantal constant a of certain stems (such as 
wism- above) that would otherwise end in more or less impracticable 
consonant clusters (this -a appears as -i under circumstances to be 
discussed below); and a connecting a employed to join consonantal 
suffixes to preceding consonants (such suffixes are generally directly 
added to preceding vowels or diphthongs). The varying treatment 
accorded these different secondary a vowels will become clearer in 
the morphology. 


By a double diphthong is meant a syllable consisting of an ordinary 
diphthong (long or short) followed by a semivowel (y, w) or by Z, ra, 
or n. Such double diphthongs are, for instance, aiw, diw, any, duy, 
ain, din, alw, d a lw; those with initial short vowel, like ain, have, 
Like the long diphthongs (e. g. a a ri), a quantitative value of 3 morae, 
while those with initial long vowel, like din, have a quantitative value 
of 4 morae and may be termed over-long diphthongs. Double diph 
thongs may theoretically arise when, for some reason or other, a con 
necting or inorganic a fails to lighten the heavy syllable by reducing 
it to two (see particularly 65 for a well-defined class of such cases) . 
Double diphthongs, however, are nearly always avoided in Takelma; 
there is evidently a rhythmic feeling here brought into play, a dislike 
of heavy syllables containing three qualitatively distinct sonantic 

In consequence of this, double diphthongs are regularly simplified 
by the loss of either the second or third element of the diphthong; 
in other words, they are quantitatively reduced by one mora (the 
simple double diphthongs now have a value of 2 morae, the over- 
long diphthongs 3 morae like ordinary long diphthongs), while 
qualitivetatly the}?- now involve only two sonantic elements. An 
exception seems to be afforded by double diphthongs in -uy (e. g. 
-any), wiiich become dissyllabic by vocalizing the y to i, in other 
words, -any becomes -awi: 

fe/awiV; he ran fast; cf. te/a-uya / s fast runner, 

(aorist) you ran fast 
yawiT e e I shall talk; cf. 7/awayaV (aorist) you talked 


The -awi- ( = theoretic -awy-} of these forms is related to the -away- 
of the aorist as the -ilw- of Mlwa / s JUMPER to the -iliw- of the aorist 

Such double diphthongs as end in -w (e. g. -aiw, -a a lw) simply 
lose the -w: 

gal eat it! (=*galw~); galY he ate it (=*galw} , compare 
ga-4wa n I shall eat it 

Other examples of this loss of w are given in 18, 2. All other 
double diphthongs are simplified by the loss of the second vowel (i, u) 
or consonant (I, m, n) , a glottal catch, if present after the second 
vowel or consonant, is always preserved in the simplified form of the 
double diphthong. Examples of simplified double diphthongs with 
initial short vowel are: 

gelhewe htfn. ( = *-&au n) I think; compare gelhewe h&u he thinks 
imi htfn. ( = *-^am n) I sent him; compare irai &am he sent him 
ra0 fo raa n (=*raal n) I stir it up; rao Z raan ( = *-raaln) I shall 

stir it up; compare parallel forms with connecting a: mo lo s - 

mala n, mo Z raalan, and third person aorist rao ?o mal 
ma a nmsL / u ( = *-raan n) I count them; compare damd a nmmi n 

(umlauted from -man-i / ?i) I counted them up 
lc!emxa t e e (=*~k!eirmxa t e e ) I shall make; compare fr/emna / s 

maker and fc/ema n make it! (with inorganic a because accent 

is not thrown forward) 
Examples of simplified over-long diphthongs are : 

dsL^ldi n ( = *dauWn) I shall go to him for food; compare 

dsLit*e e I shall go for food 
el Vgelxl* (^^gellxl*) wagon (literally, rolling canoe); compare 

t ge^a^lx it rolls 
dat!ag& s n (=*Z/a<7ai n) I build a fire; compare datfag&l he builds 

a fire 

fc/eme n (=*fc/eme! n) I make it; compare Jcfemel he makes it 
07/6 n ( = *oyon n) I give it; compare third person oyon. he gives it 

In the inferential, less frequently passive participle and impera 
tive, forms of the verb, double diphthongs, except those ending 
in w, generally fail to be simplified. If coming immediately 
before the inferential -Y- the double diphthong is preserved, for 
what reason is not evident (perhaps by analogy to other non-aorist 
forms in which the last element of the double diphthong belongs to 
the following syllable) : 




(but also te /ayam F) he hid it; compare ts t 
shall hide it 

he gave it; compare oma n I shall give it 

If the inferential -F- does not immediately follow, an inorganic a 
seems to be regularly inserted between the second and third elements 
of the diphthong: 

gelts l&ya mxamYnar since he concealed it from us 
Examples of other than inferential forms with unsimplified double 
diphthong are: 

oin give it! (yet fe /aya m hide it! with inorganic a) 

Consonants ( 12-24) 
12. System of Consonants 

The Takelma consonant system is represented in the following 
table : 











v. unv. 

W - 







Sibilant . . 

ts ts~ 

S S 










The spirants have been divided into two groups, those on the left- 
hand side of the column (labeled v.) being voiced, while those on the 
right-hand side (labeled unv.) are unvoiced. The rarely occurring 
palatal lateral I (see 2, footnote) is also voiceless. Every one of the 
consonants tabulated may occur initially, except the voiceless labial 
spirant - w , which occurs only with 7c at the end of a syllable. Prop 
erly speaking, -F w should be considered the syllabic final of the 
labialized guttural series (Fw, gw, ~k!w) ; a consideration of the 
consonant-clusters allowed in Takelma shows that these labialized 
consonants must be looked upon as phonetic units. The catch ( ) 
as organic consonant is found only medially and finally; the I only 



initially. In regard to the pronunciation of the various consonants, 
w, s, y t Tij I, m, and n do not differ materially from the corresponding 
sounds in English. 

The first two series of stops tenuis (p\ C, F) and media (Z>, d, </) 
do not exactly correspond to the surd and sonant stops of English or 
French. The aspirated tenues are, as their name implies, voiceless 
stops whose release is accompanied by an appreciable expulsion of 
breath. The voiceless mediae are also stops without voiced articula 
tion ; but they differ from the true tenues in the absence of aspiration 
and in the considerably weaker stress of articulation. Inasmuch as 
our English mediae combine sonancy with comparatively weak stress 
of articulation, while the tenues are at the same time unvoiced and 
pronounced with decided stress, it is apparent that a series of con 
sonants which, like the Takelma voiceless mediae, combine weak stress 
with lack of voice will tend to be perceived by an American ear some 
times (particularly when initial) as surds, at other times (particularly 
between vowels) as sonants. On the other hand, the aspirated tenues 
will be regularly heard as ordinary surd-stops, so that an untrained 
American ear is apt to combine an uncalled-for differentiation with a 
disturbing lack of differentiation. While the Takelma tenuis and 
media are to a large extent morphologically equivalent consonants 
with manner of articulation determined by certain largely mechanical 
rules of position, yet in a considerable number of cases (notably 
as initials) they are to be rigidly kept apart etymologically. Words 
and stems which differ only in regard to the weak or strong stress 
and the absence or presence of aspiration of a stop, can be found 
in great number: 

dd a n- ear ; t*d a n squirrel 

bo u now; p*o u - to blow 

ga that ; Ya what 

dl*- on top ; W- to drift 

bo u d- to pull out hair; p*o u d- to mix 

dd a g- to build fire ; dd a g- to find ; t*d a g-to cry 

gai- to eat; 1c*ai- thing, what * 

i These two series of stops are not at all peculiar to Takelma. As far as could be ascertained, the same 
division is found also in the neighboring Chasta Costa, a good example of how a fundamental method of 
phonetic attack may be uniformly spread over an area in which far-reaching phonetic differences of detail 
are found and morphologic traits vary widely. The same series of stops arc found also in Yana, in 
northern California. Farther to the east the two series are apparently found, besides a series of true 
sonant stops, in Ponca and Omaha (J. O. Dorsey s p, t, k, and d, j, 3). The Iroquois also (as could Le 
tested by an opportunity to hear Mohawk) are, as regards the manner of articulating the two series, abso 
lutely in accord with the Takelma. A more accurate phonetic knowledge of other languages would doubt 
less show a wide distribution in America of the voiceless media. 



The fortes (p!, t!, k!, ts! [ = & /], and , which has been put in the 
same series because of its intimate phonetic and morphologic rela 
tion to the other consonants) are pronounced with the characteristic 
snatched or crackly effect (more or less decided stress of articula 
tion of voiceless stop followed by explosion and momentary hiatus) 
prevalent on the Pacific coast. From the point of view of Take! ma, 
p!j t!, and &/ are in a way equivalent to p , t , and Jc , respectively, 
or rather to b , d s , and g s , for the fortes can never be aspirated. 
In some cases it was found difficult to tell whether a fortis, or a voice 
less stop followed by a glottal stricture, was really heard: 

yaplcf and yap e a^ man 
ga plinV and gafp^inP two 

In fact, a final tenuis + a catch inserted, as between vowels, to pre 
vent phonetic amalgamation, regularly become, at least as far as 
acoustic effect is concerned, the homorganic f ortis : 

ok! a" he indeed (=aY he 4- deictic &V cf. ma f a^ you indeed) 
saktelf you shot him (= saY he shot him +( )elt* you are) 
map! a* just you [pi.] (= map" you [pi.] + a v ) 

Nevertheless, p , t , Jc s are by no means phonetically identical with 
p!, t!, Tel] in Yana, for instance, the two series are etymologically, as 
well as phonetically, distinct. One difference between the two may 
be the greater stress of articulation that has been often held to be 
the main characteristic of the fortes, but another factor, at least as 
far as Takelma (also Yana) is concerned, is probably of greater mo 
ment. This has regard to the duration of the glottal closure. In 
the case of p , t , and k s the glottis is closed immediately upon release 
of the stop-contact for p, t, and Tc. In the case of p!, t!, and 1c! the 
glottis is closed just before or simultaneously with the moment of con 
sonant contact, is held closed during the full extent of the consonant 
articulation, and is not opened until after the consonant release; the 
fortis p!, e. g., may be symbolically represented as p (or b , better 


as b j i. e., a labial unaspirated stop immersed in a glottal catch). 
As the glottis is closed throughout the whole extent of the fortis 
articulation, no breath can escape through it; hence a fortis conso 
nant is necessarily unaspirated. This explains why fortes are so apt 
to be misheard as voiceless mediae or even voiced mediae rather than 
as aspirated tenues (p!, e. g., will be often misheard as ~b rather than 
p). The cracked effect of the fortes, sometimes quite incorrectly 
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 3 12 


referred to as a click, is due to the sudden opening of the closed cham 
ber formed between the closed glottis and the point of consonant 
contact (compare the sound produced by the sudden withdrawal of 
a stopper from a closed bottle) ; the hiatus generally heard between 
a fortis and a following vowel is simply the interval of time elapsing 
between the consonant release and the release of the glottal closure. 1 
That the fortis consonant really does involve an initial glottal catch 
is abundantly illustrated in the author s manuscript material by such 
writings as: 

dulti s t!ili e n=dittti t!ili e n I stuff it 

du l e t!ilin=du ltlilin I shall stuff it 

leme f 7c!ia-uda = leme lc!ia-uda as they go off 

Many facts of a phonetic and morphological character will meet us 
later on that serve to confirm the correctness of the phonetic analysis 
given (see 13, end; also 30,4; 40,6; 40,13a, p. 113; 40,13b). Here 
it is enough to point out that p!, t!, Tel, ts t are etymologically related 
to &, d, g, s m as are i , u , % m, n to i, u, I, m, n. 

There is no tenuis or media affricative (ts dz; ts , tc dz m t dj) corre 
sponding in Takelma to the fortis ts!, ts !, though it seems possible 
that it originally existed but developed to x (cf. yegwexi they bite 
me [upper Takelma yegwe tci]; ts fi xi dog [from original *ts tits it 2 ]). 
Morphologically ts!, ts ! stand in the same relation to s, s that p!, t!, 
and lc! stand in to fr, d, g. For example, 
Aorist stems : 

ttomom- kill, pliigug- start (war, basket), Tclolol- dig are related 

to their corresponding 
Future stems : 

do u m-, btiPg-j go u l-, as are the 
Aorist stems: 

ts tadad- mash, ts leld- paint to their corresponding 
Future stems : 

s d a d-, s e e l- 

Of the other consonants, only x, - w , and s, s call for remark, x is 
equivalent to the ch of German DACH, though generally pronounced 
further forward (x). It frequently has a w tinge, even when no 
it- vowel or diphthong precedes, particularly before i; examples are 
Tw, px w i CHILD and 7iax w iycf (ordinarily haxiycf) IN THE WATER. -Y w , 

1 Doctor Goddard writes me that an examination of tracings made on the Rousselot machine leads 
to substantially the same phonetic interpretation of the fortes as has been given above. 

2 See Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, American Anthropologist, n. s., ix, 257. 

S 12 


in which combination alone, as we have seen, -* w occurs, is the 
aspirated tenuis V followed by a voiceless labial continuant approxi 
mately equivalent to the wh of English WHICH, more nearly to the 
sound made in blowing out a candle, s is the ordinary English s as 
in SELL; while s m is employed to represent a sibilant about midway in 
place of articulation between s and c (= sJi in English SHELL), the 
fortes ts! and ts l corresponding, respectively, in place of articulation 
to s and s\ The two sounds s and s m have been put together, as it 
is hardly probable that they represent morphologically distinct 
sounds, but seem rather to be the limits of a normal range of varia 
tion (both sal- WITH FOOT and s al-, e. g., were heard). The only 
distinction in use that can be made out is that s occurs more fre 
quently before and after consonants and after : 

s a s*ane e I shall stand 

ogu s i he gave it to me, but ogu sbi he gave it to you 

ld u s i * his plaything 110.6 

llasgi n I shall touch it 

le e psV feathers 

yols steel-head salmon 

Jia-uhana s it stopped (raining) 

13. Final Consonants 

By a "final" consonant will always be meant one that stands at 
the end of a syllable, whether the syllable be the last in the word or 
not. Such a final position may be taken only by the aspirated tenues 
the voiceless spirants, the catch, the liquid (Z), and the nasals, not by 
the voiceless mediae, fortes, and semivowels (y and w) ; Ji occurs as 
a final only very rarely : 

la^Ti excrement 

lohlahcfnV he always caused them to die 

A final semivowel unites with the preceding vowel to form a diph 
thong : 

gay aft he ate it (cf. gayawa n I ate it) 

gal grow! (cf. gaPya H* he will grow) 

A final voiceless media always turns into the corresponding aspirated 
surd; so that in the various forms of one stem a constant alternation 
between the two manners of articulation is brought about : 

se e l>a n I roasted it; sep* he roasted it 

xebe f n he did it; xep*ga I did it 

xuduma lda 7i I whistle to him; xuduma lt*, xuduma Wgwa he 
whistles to him 

t!ayaga n I found it; tlcvyaW he found it, daVna* since he 
found it 

S 13 


A final fortis also becomes the corresponding aspirated surd (-ts! 
becoming - s), but with a preceding catch by way of compensation 
for the loss of the fortis character of the consonant. This process is 
readily understood by a reference to the phonetic analysis of the fortes 
given above ( 12). Final p!, for instance, really &( ), is treated in 
absolutely parallel fashion to a final I; the final media implied in 
the p! must become an aspirated surd (this means, of course, that 
the glottal closure is released at the same time as the stop, not sub 
sequently, as in the ordinary fortis), but the glottal attack of the b 
still remains. Examples are: 

wasgd plin I shall make it tight; wasgd^p* make it tight 
Fap!a f Fap f na n I throw them under (fire, earth) ; future, Ya p - 

ba a xd t!an I shall win over him; bd a xo t* win over him! ~bd a xo t ga e 

I won over him 
alxl lclin I shall see him; alxl f see him! (contrast alxl ri gi n I 

saw him; altfi W he saw him) 
ha wiha nts!in I shall cause it to stop (raining); lia wilia n s 

make it stop raining! 

no tslatfgwan next door to each other; no us s" next door 
ha imi f ts!adan t!eimi f s six times 100; ~ha lmi s six 

Consonant Combinations ( 


Not all consonant combinations are allowable in Takelma, a cer 
tain limited number of possibilities occurring initially, while a larger 
number occur as finals. Medial combinations, as we shall see (17), 
are simply combinations of syllabic final consonants or permissible 
consonant combinations and syllabic initial consonants or permis 
sible consonant combinations. 


If, as seems necessary, we regard gw as a single labialized consonant, 
the general rule obtains that no combinations of three or more con 
sonants can stand at the beginning of a word or syllable. The fol 
lowing table shows all the initial combinations of two consonants 
possible in Takelma, the first members of the various combinations 
being disposed in vertical columns and the second members, with 
which the first combine, being given in horizontal lines. Examples 
fill the spaces thus mapped out. Inasmuch as the mediae and fortes, 

S 14-15 




the liquid, nasals, semivowels, and h never appear, or with very few 
exceptions, as the first members of initial combinations, it was not con 
sidered necessary to provide for them in the horizontal row. Simi 
larly the tenues and fortes never occur as second members of initial 
combinations. A dash denotes non-occurrence. 







t baag- hit 

sbin beaver 



s do i s-dagwa- put on style 

xdelf flute 


t geib- roll 

sgi si coyote 


I gwa^ thunder 

sgwini^ raccoon 

x } 



xliwi war feathers 


t mila^px smooth 

sma-im- smile 



s-na mamma! 

xnW acorn mush 



t wap. at wap - blink 

[k wd a g w - 

swat g- pursue 


It will be noticed that only t (p* and Y were given mainly for 
contrast) and the two voiceless spirants s and x combine with fol 
lowing consonants (w- is not to be analyzed into Y +w, but is to be 
regarded as a single consonant, as also gw- and ~k!w-, both of which 
frequently occur as initials) ; furthermore that s, x, and y never com 
bine with preceding consonants. The general law of initial combi 
nation is thus found to be: tenuis (O or voiceless spirant (s, x) + 
media (b, d, g) or voiced continuant (I, m, n, w). 1 Of the combina 
tions above tabulated, only 1- t g-, si-, sg-, and perhaps sgw- and 
sw-, can be considered as at all common, t*m-, t w-, sd-, sn- t xd-, 
xl-, and xn- being very rare, si-, sb-, xm-, and xw- have not been 
found, but the analogy of xl- for the first, and of si)-, sm-, and sw- 
f or the others, make it barely possible that they exist, though rarely ; 
there may, however, be a distinct feeling against the combination 
x + labial (b, m, w). 

Only two cases have been found of f ortis or media + consonant : 

t!wep!e t!wapx they fly about without lighting; future dwep*- 
dwa pxda" 

This may possibly serve to explain why the affricative ts- (to correspond to ts\ ) is not found in Takelma. 




[BULL. 40 

Final consonant combinations are limited in possibility of occur 
rence by the fact that only aspirated tenues and voiceless spirants 
(p\ t* , F, F", s, and x) can stand as absolute finals after other con 
sonants. The following table will give examples of all final combi 
nations of two or three consonants that have been discovered in the 
available material. 










elt p ye are 


belp swan 

s - a s-anp 
stand! (pi.) 



sgelewalt he 
snouted to him 

ts . elela mt 
he paints it 

p/a ant his 


x^p k hedidit 

p ima^fk 
my sal 


a Ik silver-side 

xa v mk grizz 
ly bear 

he will 
kill him 

he loved 

k wa aixk. 
he s awake 



t gwe^lk. ^ rat 


2/dnk whe 
took it 

p k 


s-u a\p k he 

se nsanp k 
he whooped 



doTOa v lt k my 

zdaZo mt k 
my urine 

&iZpa x nt f k 
my breast 


Za v ps blanket 


ftlls moss 

gums blind 


t geya^px round 


t geeya^x i t 

ya y mx grease 

6dnx hun 

xk n 

des-lpxk i t 


gu lk alxk" it 

was blazing 

date /a v mxk* 
it hurt 

he drank 



s<7llpx warm 
your back! 


No examples of -mk* w and -npx have been found, but the analogy 
of -Ipx makes the existence of the latter of these almost certain (Z and 
n are throughout parallel in treatment) ; the former (because of the 
double labial; cf. the absence of -mp ) is much less probable, despite 
the analogy of -Ik*"" and -nk w . It is possible also that -ZsF, -msk\ 
and -nsk* exist, though their occurrence can hardly be frequent. Of 
final clusters of four consonants -nt*p*Jc* has been found in S a s anfpW 
HE STOOD, but there can be small doubt that the -t- is merely a dental 
tenuis glide inserted in passing from the dental nasal to the labial 
tenuis; compare the morphologically analogous form se nsanp^V HE 
WHOOPED. However, the combinations -Ipxk* and -npxY (if -npx 
exists), though not found in the available material, very probably 
ought to be listed, as they would naturally be the terminations of 
morphologically necessary forms (cf. des lpxY}. Most, if not all, of 



the preceding final combinations may furthermore be complicated by 
the addition of , which is inserted before the first tenuis or voiceless 
spirant of the group, i. e., after a possible liquid or nasal: 

iif^s V he laughed 
o px dust, ashes. 
ts !u n s s (deerskin) cap 

As compared to the initial combinations, the table of final clusters 
seems to present a larger number of possibilities. It is significant, 
however, that only those that consist of Z, m, or n + single consonant 
can ever be looked upon as integral portions of the stem (such as 
za v mF and t*gweW w ) ; while those that end in -s can always be sus 
pected of containing either the verbal suffix -s ( = t + x), or the noun 
and adjective forming element -s. All other combinations are the 
result of the addition of one or more grammatical elements to the 
stem (e. g., s u es alp Y = s u al- + p + F) . Further investigation shows 
that only two of the combinations, -t*p* (second personal plural sub 
ject aorist) and -t Jc* (first personal singular possessive) are suffixal 
units; though -fp* might be ultimately analyzed into -t* (second per 
sonal singular subject aorist) + -p\ It is interesting to note that 
these clusters are at the same time the only ones, except fgw- y allowed 
initially, t b- and Cg-. The constitution of the Takelma word-stem 
may thus be formulated as 

tenuis (or voiceless spirant) -|- media (or voiced continuant) + 
vowel (or diphthong) + liquid or nasal + stop (fortis or 
media tenuis) , 

any or all of the members of which skeleton may be absent except 
the vowel; Ji may also be found before the vowel. 


A medial combination consists simply of a syllabically final com 
bination or single consonant + an initial combination or single con 
sonant, so that theoretically a very large number of such medial 
combinations may occur. Quite a large number do indeed occur, 
yet there is no morphologic opportunity for many of them, such as 
F-Z, np*-m, and numerous others. Examples of medial combinations 

t!omoma n-ma e when he was killed 

lieW-na wlien he sang 

dak*-t*gu u ba n I put hollowed object (like hat) on top (as on head) 



The occurrence of such clusters as -lc*n- must not for a moment be 
interpreted as a contradiction of the non-occurrence of the same clus 
ters initially or finally, as they are not, syllabically speaking, clusters 
at all. Had such combinations as, say, -t gn- (in which -t* would be 
the final of one syllable and gn- the initial of the next) occurred, we 
should be justified in speaking of an inconsistency in the treatment 
of clusters; but the significant thing is, that such clusters are never 
found. A Takelma word can thus ordinarily be cut up into a definite 
number of syllables : 

gaik^ncb* when he ate it ( = galk*-na } 
yo Yyan I shall know it ( = yo ~k"-yan) 

but these syllables have only a phonetic, not necessarily a morpho 
logic value (e. g., the morphologic division of the preceding forms is 
respectively gai-Y-na* and yoYy-ari). The theory of syllabification 
implied by the phonetic structure of a Takelma word is therefore at 
complete variance with that found in the neighboring Athapascan 
dialects, in which the well-defined syllable has at least a relative 
morphologic value, the stem normally consisting of a distinct syllable 
in itself. 

One important phonetic adjustment touching the medial combina 
tion of consonants should be noted. If the first syllable ends in a 
voiceless spirant or aspirated surd, the following syllable, as far as 
initial stops are concerned, will begin with a media (instead of aspi 
rated surd) or aspirated surd + media ; i. e., for a cluster of stops in 
medial position, the last can be a media only, while the others are 
aspirated surds. As also in the case of single consonants, this adjust 
ment often brings about a variation in the manner of articulation 
of the final consonant in the cluster, according to whether its position 
in the word is medial or final. Thus we have: 

xep*ga I did it; xep*Jc* he did it 
Contrast, with constant -& -: 

dlxl f a I saw it; alxl Tc^ he saw it 

the -g- of the first form and the -V of the second being the same mor 
phological element; the -p* of both forms is the syllabically final ~b 
of the stem xe*b- DO, so that xep*ga stands for a theoretical *xebk*a , 
a phonetically impossible form. Other examples are: 

i This form is distinct from alxl W LOOK AT IT!, quoted before. The imperative theoretically = *alxl kf 
the text form = *alxi k!k . 



ga-iwaft*l)Cb ye shall eat it; gayawaYp* ye ate it 
di n xga I (as long object) was stretching out; di n xk long object 
was stretching 

Consonant Processes ( 18-24) 


There is a good deal to indicate that the comparatively limited 
number of possible final consonant-clusters is not a primary condi 
tion, but has been brought about by the dropping of a number of 
consonants that originally stood at the end. 

1. The most important case is the loss of every final - that stood 
after a voiceless spirant or aspirated surd. Its former presence in 
such words can be safely inferred, either from morphologically par 
allel forms, or from other forms of the same stem where the phonetic 
conditions were such as to preserve the dental. Thus gwidiW HE 
THREW IT represents an older reduplicated *gwidiW w t* ( = gwid-i-gwd-) , 
as proven by the corresponding form for the first person, gwidi w da n 
i THREW IT and gwidi Ydagwa HE THREW HIM (122.13). Similarly 
all participles showing the bare verb stem are found to be phonet 
ically such as not to permit of a final -t\ and are therefore historic 
ally identical with the other participial forms that show the - : 

sak" shooting ( = *safc O 
dox gathering ( = *dox) 
ha-VMV following in path ( = *t!W) 
sancfp* fighting ( = *sana?p*t*) 
Compare : 

ya/ncft" going 
lohoY dead 
sebe^t roasting 
ddmt* having killed 
se nsant* whooping 
yiW copulating with 

The combinations -Y w t Y (-V w t g-) and -Jc* w t*x-, however, seem to 
lose, not the -f -, but the -k* w -, whereupon -t*Jc* (-t*g-) remains, while 
-t*x- regularly becomes -s- (see 20, 2) : 

7ie ee gwidaW ( =*gwida,W w t*-Jc\ mferentialofgwidik w d-) he lostit 
7ie e gwida t*ga (=*gwida F w t*-ga ) I lost it 

xamgwidi sgwide (=*gwidi lc* w t*-x-gw- or possibly *gwidi Jc* w t*- 
. gwi-) I drown myself 



2. Somewhat less transparent is the former existence of a -w after 
consonants. The f ollowing examples have been found in the material 
at disposal: 

lal she twined basket ( = *lalw) ; cf . la a lwa n I twine it (that -w 

really belongs to the stem is shown by the forms la a wa n 

I shall twine it; leuxi twine it for me!) 
Jctel basket bucket ( = *lc!elw) , cf. Tclelwl * her bucket 
7c*al penis ( = *Walw} , cf. Jc alwl fi his penis. 
sgelel (=*sgelel w) he keeps shouting; cf. sgelewaY you shout, 

sgelwa lt*e e I shall keep shouting 
alsgalYa* (=*sgalwlc*a ) I turned my head to one side to look at 

him; cf. alsga a lwi f n I shall turn my head to look at him 
alsgelelxi (=*sgelelwxi) he keeps turning his head to one side to 

look at me; cf. alsgala a liwi n I keep turning my head to look 

at him, future alsgalwalwi n 

This process, as further shown by cases like gal EAT IT! (=*ga/lw\ is 
really a special case of the simplification of double diphthongs (see 
11). Perhaps such "dissimulated" cases as la a - and le e - (for lau- 
and leu-), see 7, really belong here. 

Other consonants have doubtless dropped off under similar condi 
tions, but the internal evidence of such a phenomenon is not as 
satisfactory as in the two cases listed. The loss of a final -n is probable 
in such forms as lJiegwe f hak w HE WORKS, cf. lhegwe f Jiak w na n i WORK, 
and i7iegwe hak w nanaW WE WORK. Certain verb-forms would be 
satisfactorily explained as originally reduplicated like gwidiW, if we 
could suppose the loss of certain final consonants : 

gini f Jc* he went somewheres (= 1*gin-i - e Yn) 

gelguluW he desired it (= ^-gul-u"-F w l) 

In the case of these examples, however, such a loss of consonants 
is entirely hypothetical. 1 


Morphologically doubled consonants occur very frequently in Ta- 
kelma, but phonetically such theoretic doublings are simplified into 
single consonants; i. e., Tc*+g become & or g, and correspondingly 
for other consonants. If one of the consonants is a fortis, the simpli 
fied result will be a fortis or aspirated surd with preceding catch, 
according to the phonetic circumstances of the case. If one of the 

1 Many of the doubtful cases would perhaps be cleared up if material were available from the upper 
dialect, as it shows final clusters that would not be tolerated in the dialect treated in this paper; e. g. 
EELATIVES (cf. Takelma k winaxde MY Km). 



Jc- consonants is labialized, the resulting fc- sound preserves the labial 
affection. Examples of consonant simplification are: 

mo tfeY my son-in-law ( = moY- + -dele*) 

lak woY he gave him to eat ( = lag- + -k^wok*) 

dek!iya lfi s if it goes on (= dekliya g- + -Yi ) 

IVgwa n I shall fetch them home ( = ll l g- + -gwan) ; cf . aorist 

ligigwa/ e n 
dtfJiila Jc !weme s n I make him glad (= Mla*k * glad + k!eme n I 

make him) 

A good example of three ^-sounds simplifying to one is : 
ginak wi if he comes (= ginag-Tc* v -Yi s ) 

The interrogative element di never unites with the -t of a second 
person singular aorist, but each dental preserves its individuality, a 
light I being inserted to keep the two apart : 

xemda ftdi do you wish to eat ? ( = xemelaY + di) 

The operation of various phonetic processes of simplification often 
brings about a considerable number of homonymous forms. One 
example will serve for many. From the verb-stem sa a g- SHOOT are 
derived : 

1. Imperative saY shoot it! 

2. Potential saY he can, might shoot it 

3. Participle saF shooting ( = *safcY) 

4. Inferential sak* so he shot it ( = *sag-Y} 

The corresponding forms of the stem yana- GO will bring home the 
fact that we are here really dealing with morphologically distinct 
formations : 

1. yancf go! 

2. yana he would have gone 

3. yanaV going 

4. yanofY so he went 

Another simplification of consonant groups may be mentioned 
here. When standing immediately after a stop, an organic, etymo- 
logically significant Ji loses its individuality as such and unites with a 
preceding media or aspirated tenuis to form an aspirated tenuis, 
with a preceding fortis to form an aspirated tenuis preceded by a 
glottal catch (in the latter case the fortis, being a syllabic final, 
cannot preserve its original form). Thus, for the fc- series, g or F +li 
becomes Jc\ Jc! (or F) +7i becomes F; gw or Y w -\-Ji becomes Yw, 
(or w ) +7i becomes e Jc*w. Under suitable conditions of accent 



[BULL. 40 

(see 23) the contraction product or Yw may itself become g or 
gw, so that all trace of the original h seems to be lost. Examples for 
the Jc- sounds are : 

t gunuk i (=t*gunu~k* -fquotative -hi e ) it became warm, it is said 

nagand /a Jc i ( = naga,nd a Jc* +quotative -lii s -, see 22) he always 
said, it is said 

gwen-he Ywa a gw- (-reduplicated he gw-M a gw-) relate; with ac 
cent thrown forward gwen-Jiegwa a gw-an-i- (Jiegw-7ia a gw-) , 
compare, with preserved A, gwen-hegwe hagw-an-i tell to 

s o wo Y6p" (=s o wo Y-hap* = *s o woJc!-hap ) he jumps (o 
wa] see 9) he jumps; compare s owo ~k!ana n I cause him to 

Similarly, d or f +li becomes t\ t! (or O +7i becomes ^; b or p* + Ji 
becomes p*,p! (or s p*) +h becomes p* : 

go/no, t*i (=gancft* + emphatic -hi) of just that sort 

yo fi (=yoY being + emphatic -M) alive; compare plural 

yot i hi 
~he e sgu fu t" 6V W (=sgu v t!-kdk* w ) cut away; compare Jie ee sgo u t!an 

I shall cut it away 

s m and x also generally contract with Ji to s m and x, e. g. : 
nd u s i e (=no ue 8 +-M ) next door, it is said. 


No stopped consonant or spirant may stand before x, except p. 
The dentals, guttural stops, and sibilants all simplify with x into 
single sounds; the fortes (including ts!) following the example of 
the ordinary stops and of the s } but leaving a trace in the vicarious . 

1. All Jc- sounds (F, g } Jc!, Jc*w, gw, lc!w] simply disappear before x 
without leaving any trace of their former existence, except in so far 
as Jc! and Jc!w remain as ; if x is followed by a vowel, the w of the 
labialized ^-sounds unites with x to form xw: 

alxl fi xi he saw me ( =al-xl ri g-xi) ; cf. alxl i gi e n I saw him 
wa a xde I awoke (=wa fa gw-x-de }\ cf. ik*wa a gwi e n I woke 

him up 
gelgulu f xbi n I like you ( = -gulu gw-x-bi ri) ; cf . -gulugwa f n I 

like him 
la a dini x (clouds) spread out on high ( =-dini ~k!-x) ; cf. di niJc!a n 

I stretch it out 

lu xwa* to trap ( =luk! w -xa"} ; cf. lo Jdwan I shall trap (deer) 
yexwinY ( =yegw-xink ) he will bite me; but yexda ( =yegw-x-da ) 

you will bite me 


2. tx always simplifies to s, t!x to s. Whether the combination tx 
really spontaneously developed into s it is naturally impossible to 
say; all that can safely be stated is that, where we should by mor 
phologic analogy expect t + x, this combination as such never appears, 
but is replaced by s. Examples are numerous: 

lebe sa, 5 she sews (=lebe t-xa ) , cf., for -t* of stem, lebe^t she 

sewed it, for suffix -xa , lobo xa? she pounds 
sgelewaflsi he shouts to me (=sgelewa f ld-xi}\ cf. sgelewaflda n I 

shout to him 
da ! iboddbafsa, s n they pull out each other s hair, with reduplicated 

stem bodobad-- + x- 
xa a t"be e Yt ~bagams it is all tied together ( =-t*bagamt-x) ; cf. 

xa a t bd a gamda s n I tie it together 
hansgd u s he cut across, lay over (road) ( =-sgo u t!-x} ; cf . 

Tiansgo fu t!an I shall cut it across 

This change of tx to s is brought about constantly in the course of 
word-formation, and will be incidentally exemplified more than once 
in the morphology. 

3. sx simplifies to s, ts!x ( = sx) to s. Examples are: 

yimi s a he dreams ( =yimi s -xa s , with suffix -xa as in lobo xa* 

Tia-uhana f s it stopped (raining) (=*-liana sx, stem hai*ats!- + 



If a (generally) final n of a stem is immediately followed, or, less 
commonly, preceded by, a suffix containing a nasal, it dissimilates 
to Z. The following examples have been found: 

yalalanaY you lost it (cf. yalnanada * you will lose it, with n 

preserved because it forms a consonant-cluster with Z) 
ha-gwa a l-a^m in the road (cf . gwan road) 
Dldalcfm Grant s Pass (probably =over [dl-] the rocks [dcfn]) 

my urine; xala f xame I urinate (cf. xan urine) 
i lik !wi n I blow my nose, with Z due to -n of prefix 
s in- nose (cf. xln mucus) 
s inp i l s flat-nosed, alongside of s inp*i n s 

The possibility of a doublet in the last example shows that the 
prefix s-in- is not as thoroughly amalgamated with the rest of the 
word as are the suffixes; probably, also, the analogy of forms in -p in s 
with other prefixes not containing an n would tend to restore an 
anomalous-sounding 8 injfi l s 8 to -p i n s. 



A suffixed -(a)n dissimilates to -(a)l because of a preceding m in the 

s imi^l dew (cf. such nouns as pHyi^n deer) 
ddk*-s d u ma"l on the mountain (s om mountain) 
do u mcflY my testicles (do u m testicles) 

With these compare: 

dd a -ts!d a wa^n by the ocean (tsldu deep water) 

In xd a -gulma^n AMONG OAKS, the I immediately preceding the m 
seems to have prevented the dissimilation of the -an to -al. 

It is practically certain that the -am of Jiagwd a la^m, Didala^m, and 
xa a lcfmfk* is at bottom phonetically as well as functionally identical 
with the suffix -an (-al), seen in xd a -gulma^n (gulu^m OAK) and dak - 
s d u ma^l, and rests on a second dissimilation of the nasal lingual (n) 
of the suffix to- a labial nasal (m), because of the lingual (Z) of the 
stem. The history of a word like Jiagwa a la?m is in that event as 
follows : An original *hagwd a na^n IN THE ROAD (stem gwd a n- + nominal 
characteristic -an) becomes first *7iagwd a la^n by the dissimilation of 
the first n because of the following n, then hagwd a la^m by the dissimi 
lation of this second n because of the preceding I. Similarly Dldalcfm 
and xaPlcfmtW would go back to *Dldana^n and *xa a ncfnt*Jc* respec 
tively ; with the second form compare the reduplicated verb xala xam- 
( = *xanaxan-) URINATE. The probability of such a dissimilation of 
n to m is greatly strengthened by the fact that nearly all nouns with 
an evidently suffixal noun-forming element -(a)m have an Z in the 
stem as compared to an -(a)n of nouns not so affected. Contrast: 

-m -n 

/^ e la v m board (cf. dtfhe liya ^a$a v n turtle 

sleeping on wooden platform) 

river wigm red lizard 

hail (cf. stem tslel- pfiypn deer (-n here as suffix 
rattle) shown by pfiya^x fawn) 

sick, ghost yutlu^n white duck (cf. yut!- 

u yidi n I eat it greedily) 
wart J yu xgsm trout 

m empty xdan eel (cf . hd -xda fa xdagwa n 

I throw something slippery 
far away) 
lap* am frog wd u p!un- eyebrows 

iNo other example of final -Im is known, so that this form was probably misheard for ts-. ulii m 
(ct. gulu^m OAK). 



m eagle (also yulsfm is dd a - n- ear 

gulu^m oak fre&e n rushes 

Fi/lum fish (sp. ?) #a fr /an house ladder 

kgrem- kidney gwitfm- wrist 

It should not be concealed that a few words (such as MlUn OCEAN, 
tlagcfm LAKE, and yuk!um-a- BONES) do not seem to conform to the 
phonetic law implied by the table ; but more exact knowledge of the 
etymology of these and similar words would doubtless show such 
disagreement to be but apparent. It is probable that in delgcfn- 
BUTTOCKS, lilgcfn- BREAST, and doWin-i- ANUS, the g, (F) im 
mediately following upon the Z prevented the expected dissimila 
tion of n to m; in le Ywan- ANUS the dissimilation was perhaps 
thwarted by a counter-tendency to dissimilate the two labials (k* w 
and m) that would thus result. *yalan-an- LOSE (tr.), dissimilated, 
as we have seen, to yalal-an-, fails to be further dissimilated to *yalal- 
am- because, doubtless, there is a feeling against the obscuring of 
the phonetic form of the causative suffix -an-. The great probability 
of the existence of a dissimilatory tendency involving the change 
of n to m is clinched by the form do lYim-i- ANUS alongside of 
do Win-i-. 

A dissimilation of an original I to n (the reverse of the process first 
described) 3 because of an I in the stem, is found in 

yiltfnma^n I keep asking for it ( = original ^yiltflma^n [ I inserted 
as repetition of stem -I- in iterative formation from yilima n 
I ask him]) 

le e l}CL f nxde I am carrying (object not specified) (= original *le e - 
la lxde e ) ; cf. identical suffix -al-x-, e. g., gayawa lxde 5 1 eat. 

In u u gwcb f nxde I DRINK (stem ugw-), it hardly seems plausible that 
-wnr-x- is at all morphologically different from the -al (-an) -x- of these 
words, yet no satisfactory reason can be given here for a change 
of the I to n. 


If to a form with a glottal catch in the last syllable is added a syn 
tactic (conjunctive) element, itself containing a catch, the first catch 
is lost, but without involving a change in the character of the pitch- 
accent; the loss of the catch is frequently accompanied by a length 
ening of the preceding vowel (or rather, in many cases, a restoration 
of the original length) . This phonetic process finds its most frequent 



application in the subordinate form of the third person aorist 
intransitive : 

ya a da when he went (cf . ya he went) 
g%nl rf k*da e when he went to (cf. gini f Y he went to) 
yawa ida* when he spoke (cf . yawa i he spoke) 
loho ida* when he died (cf . loho ie he died) 

The connectives -hi e IT is SAID, and -s i e BUT, AND are, in regard to 
this process, parallel to the -da of the preceding forms: 

naga ihi* he said, it is said (cf. naga ie he said) 
no u s i f but, so (he went) next door (cf. no fu *s next door). 
a nls i* but not (cf. a nl not) 

l s is i but no matter how (often) (cf. i s i even if) 
dal wl fi s i but some (cf. dal wi / sometimes; -wl fi s i is related to 
-wi as is yd fa da to ya ) 



The general phonetic rule may be laid down that an aspirated surd, 
when not immediately followed by another consonant, can, with com 
paratively few exceptions, be found as such medially only when the 
accent immediately precedes, provided that no consonant (except in 
certain circumstances Z, m, and n) intervene between the accented 
vowel and the aspirated surd; under other conditions it appears 
as a media. This phonetic limitation naturally brings about a con 
stant interchange between the aspirated surd and the correspond 
ing media in morphologically identical elements. Thus we have as 
doublets -da and -fa, third person possessive pronoun of certain nouns : 

&emt a a his stick 

se f e Zt a a his writing 

wilafui^o^ his arrow 

</a Zt a a his bow 

mo t a a his son-in-law; but 

da gaxda, his head 

and numerous other nouns with -x-. This consonant in itself, as we 
have seen, demands a following media. Another pair of doublets is 
-de 5 and -t*e , first person singular subject intransitive aorist (-de e 
and -t l e e to correspond in future) : 

p l ele xadQ I go to fight; p*elxa t*e e I shall go to war 
yant e I go; yana t*e e I shall go 
nagalt e I say; mz/t e e I shall say 



wits !ismade I keep moving; future wits !e smade e (contrast 

wits !imt*e e I move and wisma t*e e I shall move) . 
Other examples of interchange are : 

sgd u t*sga Vi he cut them to pieces; sgo u t sgidi n I cut them to 

ts !umumt*a n I boil it, s umt an I shall boil it (stem s u u m-t a-) ; 

s omoda n I boil it, s omda n I shall boil it (evidently related 

stem s m om-d-) 
s as inlp ik* we stand; e e bW we are 

This phonetic rule must not be understood to mean that a media 
can never appear under the conditions given for the occurrence of a 
surd. The various grammatical elements involved are not all on 
one line. It seems necessary to assume that some contain a surd as 
the primary form of their consonant, while others contain an organic 
media. The more or less mechanical changes in manner of articula 
tion, already treated of, have had the effect, however, of so inextri 
cably interlocking the aspirated surds and mediae in medial and 
final positions that it becomes difficult to tell in many cases which 
manner of articulation should be considered the primary form of the 
consonant. Some of the medially occurring elements with primary 
tennis are: 

-if a, third person possessive 

-fa, exclusive (as in IcIwafWa young, not old; younger one) 

-t e , first person intransitive aorist (future, -V) 

-tfefc) first person singular possessive (as in ga WeY my bow) 

Such elements show an aspirated consonant whether the preceding 
accent be rising or falling; e. g., bemfa like 7ie f lt*a. Some of those 
with primary media are: 

-da, third person possessive with preceding preposition (corre 
sponding not to first person -t* ek\ -dek\ but to -de) 
-of Id- and -a f md- indirect object 
-da e , subordinating element 

This second set regularly keep the media whether the accent imme 
diately precedes or not. The first two of these generally, if not 
always, require the preceding accent to be a falling one: 

dak* will tda on his house 
hat*ga a da in his country 
xa a sa lda between his toes 
xa a lia mda on his back 
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 4 23 


Jiawa nda under him 
sgelewa lda n I shout to him 
ts!elela r -mda n I paint it 

The third retains its primary character as media when the preceding 
verb form has the falling accent : 

yewe ida* when he returned 
naga -ida when he said 
baxa mda when he came 
Tiele lda* when he sang 
xebe nda when he did it 

On the other hand it appears as an aspirate tenuis when preceded by 
the rising accent : 

la a leCa as it became 
s-as-imt a when he stood 

The rule first given, when interpreted in the light of a reconstructed 
historical development, would then mean that a rising accent preserved 
an immediately following aspirated surd (including always those 
cases in which /, m, or n intervened), and caused the change of a 
media to an aspirated surd; while a falling accent preserved a simi 
larly situated media or aspirated surd in its original form. That the 
change in the phonetic circumstances defined of an original media to 
an aspirated surd is indeed conditioned by a preceding rising accent, 
is further indicated by such rather uncommon forms as Jiadedll-t a 
EVERYWHERES. Here the -t a is evidently the same as the -da of 
Jiawill fi da, IN HIS HOUSE, and the difference in manner of articulation 
is doubtless in direct relation to the difference of accent. 

A modification of the general phonetic rule as first given remains 
to be mentioned. After I, m, or n an original aspirated tenuis retains 
its aspiration even if the accent falls on the preceding syllable but 
one; also after a short vowel preceded by Z, m, or n, provided the 
accented vowel is short. Examples are: 

alwe lctalVe* I shall shine; alwe Jdalp igam we shall shine; alwQ - 

k!a\k\ua to shine 

fc e ^ alt e 6 I shall be absent; Jc*e f p*a\k.*wci to be absent 
wulu hamt*e I have menstrual courses for the first time 
xal& xamt*e I urinate 
I mfamik am he was sent off (I is short, though close in quality; 

contrast domhigam he was killed) 
imi hawk wit he sent himself 


ts !umu f ts !amt a n I always boil it (cf. s omoda n I boil it) 
s a s.antV I shall stand; s a, s an.p*igam we shall stand; s aVan- 

^LWCL to stand 

sene s(mt*e e I whoop; se nsant*e e I shall whoop 
de lwi fi gank*wide I spread (it) out for myself 
dasg& lit* a a (grain) will lie scattered about 

With -f d a and -t*e e above contrast the morphologically identical ele 
ments -da a and -de of the following examples, in which the same 
accentual condition prevails but with a consonant other than Z, m, or n 
preceding the affected dental: 

t*ge its !ida a (round object) will lie (there) 
s u dida a (string) will lie curled up 

dak t*ek!e xade I smoke (but future -xa t*e e because of immedi 
ately preceding accent) 


Whenever two morphologically distinct vowels come together 
within the word (verbal prefixes and postposed particles, such as 
deictic -a\ are not considered as integral parts of the word), the first 
(accented) vowel is separated from the second by an " inorganic" -h-\ 

tt!ana hi n I hold it (aorist stem t !ana- + instrumental -i-), but 
future Itlani n (stem t!an-) 

dalc -da-Jiala hin I shall answer him (future stem hala- + instru 
mental -i-), but aorist dak"-da-ha a li n (stem Tia a l-} 

This inorganic h is found also immediately following an m, n, or I 
preceded by the accent: 

wayanJia 7i I put him to sleep (cf. same form with change of 

accent wa-ya a na n) 

da a aganJii n I used to hear about it (cf . -agani n I hear it) 
liwlttiaut e 8 1 kept looking (cf. liwilafutfe* I looked) 
xarit^glHfgaflhi he broke it in two (cf. with identical -i- suffix 

xa a salfgwi f Wgwili he broke [somebody s arm] by stepping) 
I mliaml^am he was sent off (also in aorist stem Imiham-) 
wadomhiJc* he killed him with it (stem do u m- + -i-) 

It will be observed that the insertion of the Ms practically the same 
phonetic phenomenon as the occurrence of an aspirated tenuis instead 
of a media after an accented vowel. The vowel, nasal, or liquid may 
appropriately enough be considered as having become aspirated under 
the influence of the accent, just as in the case of the mediae. 


MORPHOLOGY ( 25-114) 
25. Introductory 

Takelma conforms to the supposedly typical morphology of Amer 
ican languages in that it is thoroughly incorporating, both as regards 
the pronominal, and, though somewhat less evidently, the nominal 
object. If by "polysynthetic" is merely meant the introduction into 
the verb-complex of ideas generally expressed by independent ele 
ments (adverbs or the like), then Takelma is also polysynthetic, yet 
only moderately so as compared with such extreme examples of the 
type as Eskimo or Kwakiutl. The degree of intimacy with which 
the pronominal objective elements on the one hand, and the nominal 
objective and polysynthetic (instrumental and local) elements on the 
other, are combined with the internal verb-structure is decidedly 
different. The former combine as suffixes to form an indissoluble 
part, as it were, of the verb-form, the subjective elements of the 
transitive verb, though in themselves absolutely without independent 
existence, being secondarily attached to the stem already provided 
with its pronominal object. The latter vary in degree of independ 
ence ; they are strung along as prefixes to the verb, but form no integral 
part of its structure, and may, as far as grammatical coherence is 
concerned, fall away entirely. 

The polysynthetic character of the Takelma verb (and by discuss 
ing the verb we touch* as so frequently in America, upon the most vital 
element of the sentence) seems, then, a comparatively accidental, 
superimposed feature. To use the term "polysynthetic" as a catch 
word for the peculiar character of Takelma, as of many another 
American language, hardly hits the core of the matter. On the other 
hand, the term " incorporation," though generally of more value as a 
classificatory label than "polysynthesis," conveys information rather 
as to the treatment of a special, if important, set of concepts, than 
as to the general character of the process of form-building. 

If we study the manner in which the stem unites in Takelma with 
derivative and grammatical elements to form the word, and the vocalic 
and consonantic changes that the stem itself undergoes for gram 
matical purposes, we shall hardly be able to iind a tangible difference 

* 25 


in general method; however much the details may vary, between 
Takelrna and languages that have been dignified by the name "inflec 
tional." It is generally said, in defining inflection, that languages 
of the inflectional as contrasted with those of the agglutinative type 
make use of words of indivisible psychic value, in which the stem and 
the various grammatical elements have entirely lost their single indi 
vidualities, but have " chemically" (!) coalesced into a single form- 
unit; in other words, the word is not a mere mosaic of phonetic 
materials, of which each is the necessary symbol of some special 
concept (stem) or logical category (grammatical element) . 

In support of the actual existence of this admired lack of a one- 
to-one correspondence between a grammatical category and its pho 
netic expression is often quoted the multiplicity of elements that 
serve to symbolize the same concept; e. g., Lat. -i, -ae, -a, -es, -us, all 
indicate that the idea of a plurality of subjects is to be associated 
with the concrete idea given by the main body of the words to 
which they are attached. Furthermore, variability of the stem or 
base itself is frequently adduced as a proof of its lack of even a 
relative degree of individuality apart from the forms from which 
by analysis it has been abstracted; e. g., German bind-, band-, bund-, 
band-, bund-. These two characteristics are very far indeed from 
constituting anything like a definition of inflection, but they are 
often referred to as peculiar to it, and hence may well serve us as 
approximate tests. 

As regards the first test, we find that just such a multiplicity of 
phonetic symbols for the same, or approximately the same, concept, 
is characteristic of Takelma. The idea of possession of an object by 
a person or thing other than the speaker or person addressed is 
expressed by -xa, -a, -da (-t a), -f, or -,all of which are best rendered 
by HIS, HER, ITS, THEIR (the ideas of gender and number do not 
here enter as requiring grammatical expression). Similarly, the idea 
of the person speaking as subject of the action or state predicated 
by the main body of the verb is expressed by the various elements 
-t e e (-de s ), -t e e (-de e ), - s n, -n, -Fa (-ga e ), all of which are best ren 
dered in English by "I." -t e is confined to the aorist of intransi 
tive verbs; -t e e is future intransitive; - n is aorist transitive; -n is 
future transitive; and -&V is used in all inferential forms, whether 
transitive or intransitive. 



As for the second test, it soon appears that the Takelma stem may 
undergo even more far-reaching changes than we are accustomed to 
in German or Greek. As examples may serve: 

do u m-, du^m-j tlomom- (t!omo u -), tlumil^- kill 
nd a g-, ne e -, naga^, nege- say to 

The first form in each of these sets is the verb-stem, properly speak 
ing, and is used in the formation of all but the aorist forms. The 
second is employed in non-aorist forms when the incorporated object 
of the verb is a first person singular, and in several derivative forma 
tions. The third is characteristic of the aorist. The fourth is used 
in the aorist under the same conditions as determine the use of the 
second form of the stem in other groups of forms. It needs but a 
moment s thought to bring home the general psychic identity of such 
stem-variability and the " ablaut" of many German verbs, or the 
Latin stem-variation in present and perfect : 

frang- :freg- break 
da- : ded- give 

If the typical verb (and, for that matter, noun) form of Takelma is 
thus found to be a firm phonetic and psychic unit, and to be charac 
terized by some of the supposed earmarks of inflection, what is left 
but to frankly call the language "inflectional" ? " Polysynthetic" and 
" incorporative " are not in the slightest degree terms that exclude 
such a designation, for they have reference rather to the detailed 
treatment of certain groups of concepts than to morphologic method. 
Everything depends on the point of view. If chief stress for purposes 
of classification is laid on the relative importance and fulness of the 
verb, Takelma is polysynthetic ; if the criterion of classification be 
taken to be whether the verb takes the pronominal object within its 
structure or not, it is incorporating; if, finally, stress be laid on the 
general method of building up the word from smaller elements, it is 
inflective. Not that Takelma is in the least thereby relegated to a 
peculiar or in any way exceptional position. A more objective, un 
hampered study of languages spoken in various parts of the world 
will undoubtedly reveal a far wider prevalence than has been gener 
ally admitted of the inflectional type. The error, however, must not 
be made of taking such comparatively trivial characteristics as sex 
gender, or the presence of cases, as criteria of inflection. Inflection 
has reference to method, not to subject-matter. 



Grammatical Processes ( 26-32) 
26. General Remarks 

There are four processes employed in Takelma for purposes of 
grammatical modification and word-formation : affixation (pre-, in-, 
and suffixation), reduplication, vocalic change (ablaut), and censor- 
nant change (consonant ablaut). Pitch-accent is of grammatical 
importance, but is most probably a product of purely phonetic 
causes. Of the processes mentioned, suffixation is by far the most 
important, while the presence of infixation will have to be allowed or 
denied according to the definition given of it. 

2V. Prefixation 

Prefixation is either of the loose polysynthetic type already referred 
to, or of the more firmly knit inflective type. Loose prefixation is 
extremely common, nominal objects, instruments, and local ideas of 
one kind or another finding admittance into the word-complex, as 
we have seen, in this manner. Examples of such loose prefixation are : 

gwen- e a f l-yo wo s he looked back (gwen- in back; al- is difficult to 
define, but can perhaps be best described as indicative of action 
away from one s self , here with clear implication of sight directed 
outward; yowo e he was, can be used as independent word) 

s in-l-lats!agi n I touched his nose (s m in- nose; I- with hand; 
lats!agi f n I touched him, as independent word) 

gwent ge^m black necked (gwen- nape, neck; t ge^m black) 

The first example shows best the general character of loose prefixa- 
tion. The prefixed elements gwen-, al-, s in-, and I- have no separate 
existence as such, yet in themselves directly convey, except perhaps 
al-, a larger, more definitely apperceived, share of meaning than falls 
to the lot of most purely grammatical elements. In dealing with 
such elements as these, we are indeed on the borderland between 
independent word and affix. The contrast between them and gram 
matical suffixes comes out strongest in the fact that they may be 
entirely omitted without destroying the reality of the rest of the 
word, while the attempt to extract any of the other elements leaves 
an unmeaning remainder. At the same time, the first example well 
illustrates the point that they are not so loosely attached but that 
they may entirely alter the concrete meaning of the word. Pre 
fixation of the inflective type is very rare. There is only one 



such prefix that occurs with considerable frequency, wi-, first person 
singular possessive of nouns of relationship : 

wHicfm my father 
7iami t* your father 

28. Suffixation 

Suffixation is the normal method employed in building up actual 
forms of nouns and verbs from stems. The suffixes in themselves 
have for the most part very little individuality, some of them being 
hardly evident at all except to the minute linguistic analyst. The 
notions they convey are partly derivational of one kind or other. 
In the verb they express such ideas as those of position, reciprocal 
action, causation, frequentative action, reflexive action, spontaneous 
activity, action directed to some one, action done in behalf of some 
one. From the verb-stem such adjectival and nominal derivations 
as participles, infinitives, or abstract nouns of action, and nouns of 
agent are formed by suffixation. In the noun itself various suffixed 
elements appear whose concrete meaning is practically nil. Other 
suffixes are formal in the narrower sense of the word. They express 
pronominal elements for subject and object in the verb, for the pos 
sessor in the noun, modal elements in the verb. Thus a word like 
tlomoxinik* WE KILL ONE ANOTHER contains, besides the aorist stem 
Homo- (formed from do u m-), the suffixed elements -x- (expressing 
general idea of relation between subject and object), -in- umlaut ed 
from -an- (element denoting reciprocal action [ -x-in- = EACH OTHER, 
ONE ANOTHER]), and -iY (first personal plural subject intransitive 
aorist). As an example of suffixation in the noun may be given 
t!ibagwa^n-tW MY PANCREAS. This form contains, besides the stem 
Hiba-, the suffixed elements -gw- (of no ascertainable concrete signifi 
cance, but employed to form several body-part nouns; e. g., t!ibcfk w 
PANCREAS 47.17), -an- (apparently meaningless in itself and appear 
ing suffixed to many nouns when they are provided with possessive 
endings), and -Z F (first personal singular possessive). 

29. Infixation 

Infixation, or what superficially appears to be such, is found only 
in the formation of certain aorist stems and frequentatives. Thus 
the aorist stem mats lag- (from masg- PUT) shows an intrusive or 



infixed -a- between the s (strengthened to ts!) and g of the stem. 
Similarly the aorist stem wits !im- (from wism- MOVE) shows an 
infixed i. Infixation in frequentative forms is illustrated by: 
yonoina n I always sing (aorist stem yonon-) 
tslayalY he used to shoot them (cf. tslayaW he shot them) 
On examination it is found that the infixed element is invariably 
a repetition of part of the phonetic material given by the stem. 
Thus the infixed -a- and -i- of mats lag- and wits !im- are repetitions 
of the -a- and -i- of the stems masg- and wism-; the infixed -i- of 
yonoin- and tslayaig- are similarly repetitions of the y- of yonon 
and -y- of tslayag-. It seems advisable, therefore, to consider all 
cases of infixation rather as stem-amplifications related to reduplica 
tion. An infixed element may itself be augmented by a second 
infixation. Thus we have: 

Verb stem Aorist stem Frequentative 

Tiemg- take out Jiemeg- 7ieme e mg- 

ts!a-im- hide tslayam- ts!aya-im- 

masg- put mats tag- mats!a a sg- 

yawl- talk yawa-i- ydwa-iy- 

laxm- come laxam- baxa a xm- 

30. Reduplication 

Reduplication is used in Takelma as a grammatical process with 
surprising frequency, probably as frequently as in the Salish languages. 
The most interesting point in connection with it is probably the fact 
that the reduplicating increment follows the base, never, as in most 
languages (Salish, Kwakiutl, Indo-Germanic) ; precedes it. It is, 
like the infixation spoken of above, employed partly in the formation 
of the aorist, partly to express frequentative or usitative action. 
Some nouns show reduplicated stems, though, as a process, redupli 
cation is not nearly as important in the noun as in the verb. Some 
verbs, including a number that do not seem to imply a necessary 
repetitive action, are apparently never found in unreduplicated form. 
Four main types of reduplication, with various subtypes, occur: 

1. A partial reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the vowel 
and final consonant of the stem : 

aorist Jielel- (from he e l- sing) 

aorist tfomom- (from do u m- kill) 

The reduplicated vowel is lengthened in certain forms, e. g., 7iele e l-, 
t!omo u m-. 



1 a. A subtype of 1 is illustrated by such forms as exhibit an 
unreduplicated consonant after the reduplicated portion of the word, 
the second vowel in such cases being generally long 

aorist te tumtiPmfor (from s ifimfa- boil) 

usitative aorist tluluHg- (from verb stem t!u ti lg-, aorist ttulug- 

follow trail) 
usitative aorist gintfng- (from verb stem ging-, aorist ginig- go to ; 

ging-, ginig- itself is probably reduplicated from gin-) 

2. A complete reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the 
entire base with a change of the stem-vowel to a: 

aorist tleutlau- (from t!eu- play shinny) 
aorist bofbad- (from bo u d- pull out one s hair) 
aorist >a- sal- xo(x)xag come to a stand (pi.) ; aorist sal-xog-V- 
stand (pi.) 

3. A complete reduplication, as in 2, with the addition of a con 
necting vowel repeated from the vowel of the stem: 

aorist yuluyal- (cf . verb stem yulyal- rub) 

aorist frequentative Jiogohag- keep running (from ho u g- run) 

aorist frequentative s wilis wal- tear to pieces; verb stem s wil- 

s wal- (from aorist s wVls wal- tear; verb stem s wtfl-) 
If the stem ends in a fortis consonant, the reduplicating syllable 
regularly shows the corresponding media (or aspirated tenuis) : 

sgotlosgad- cut to pieces (from verb stem sgoH!-, aorist sgo u d- cut) 
3 a. A subgroup of 3 is formed by some verbs that leave out the -a- 
of the reduplicating syllable: 

gwidik* w d- throw (base gwid-} 

4. An irregular reduplication, consisting of a repetition of the 
vowel of the stem followed by -( )a- + the last and first (or third) 
consonants of the stem in that order : 

frequentative aorist tfomoamd-, as though instead of *t!omo- 
t!am-; cf. non-aorist do u mdam- (from aorist t!omom- kill) 

frequentative aorist 7c!eme amg- (from lc!eme-n- make; verb stem 

frequentative aorist p!uwu aug-, as though instead of *p!uwup!aug- 
(from aorist pfuwuk!- name) 

It will be noticed that verbs of this type of reduplication all begin 
with fortis consonants. The glottal catch is best considered a partial 
representative of the initial fortis; in cases like Jc!eme s amg- an original 


-klam (i. e., - s gam) may be conceived of as undergoing partial meta 
thesis to - amg. 

Other rarer reduplications or stem-amplifications occur, and will be 
treated in speaking of aorist formations and frequent at ives. 

31. Vowel-Ablaut 

Vowel-ablaut consists of the palatalization of non-palatal stem- 
vowels in certain forms. Only o and a (with corresponding long 
vowels and diphthongs) are affected; they become respectively 
u (u) and e. In sharp contradistinction to the i- umlaut of an 
original a to i, this ablaut affects only the radical portion of the 
word ; and thus serves as a further criterion to identify the stem. 
Thus we have we e gafsl HE BROUGHT IT TO ME (from stem wa a g-, 
as shown also by wa a g-iwi s n i BROUGHT IT TO HIM), but wege sinY 
HE WILL BRING IT TO ME (from stem waga-, as shown also by waga- 
wi n I LL BRING IT TO HIM), both i- umlaut and stem-ablaut serving 
in these cases to help analyze out the stems. Vowel-ablaut occurs 
in the following cases: 

1. Whenever the object of the transitive verb or subject of the 
passive is the first person singular : 

mele xi he told it to me 172.17, but mala xbi n I told it to you 


nege s i he said to me 186.22, but naga sam he said to us (178.12) 
dftmxina* I shall be slain (192.11), but domxbina* you will be slain 

gel-luhuigwa si he avenges me, but -Io7ioigwa n I avenge him (1 48.3) 

Not infrequently vowel-ablaut in such cases is directly responsible for 
the existence of homonyms, as in yeweyagwa si HE TALKS ABOUT ME 
(from yaway-talk) , and yeweyagwa si HE RETURNS WITH ME (from 
yewei-retum) . 

2. With the passive participial endings -ak w , -iF w : 

wase e giW w wherewith it is shot (from sd a g- shoot) 
me xdk* w having father (from ma xa his father) 
wa -l-duxi w dek my gathered ones (= I have been gathering 

them) (from do u x- gather) 
dal -wa-p u t!iV w mixed with (from p*otl- mix) 178.5 

3. In some verbs that have the peculiar intransitive-forming suffix 
-x-, by no means in all: 

geyewa lxde* I eat (136.15) (cf. gayawa f n I eat it 30.11) 
le e lcnx he carries 178.6 (stem la a l~) 



be e k fbag-ams (= -amtx) they had their hair tied on sides 
of head (from base t*bd a g-) 142.17; cf. -t*la fa gamda n I tie his 
hair (27.1) 

No satisfactory reason can be given why most verbs in -x- do not show 
this stem-palatalization. It is quite possible that its occurrence is 
confined to a restricted number of such verbs; at any rate, there is 
some limitation in its employment, which the material at hand has 
not been found extensive enough to define. 

4. In nouns ending in -x-ap" (-s-ap* = -t-x-ap"), probably derived 
from such verbs in -x- as were referred to under 3 : 

xd a le e sap* belt (cf. xa a la a da n I put it about my waist) 
Jialu u x6p" (= -x w ap } shirt (cf. liald u Y she put on [her dress]) 

5. In verbs provided with the suffix -xa- } which serves to relieve 
transitive verbs of the necessity of expressing the object: 

lu e xwagwadinin ( = luk!-xa~) I ll trap for him (stem lok! w -) 
llu pxagwarik* she shall pound with (stone pestle) (cf. lob(fp* she 

pounds them) 
~k ! edelxade 5 1 was out picking (cf. Iclada n I pick them, Jcladdl he 

picks them) 
ts!eye f mxade I hide things (cf. ts!ayama n I hide it) 

6. In reflexive verbs ending in -gwi- or -Ywa- (-gwa-) : 

TclZtfgwtfp* pick them for yourself! (stem 7c!d a d-} 

alts leyefc wit* he washed himself with it (cf. alts lay ap* he washed 

his own face) 

llets!ek wide I touch myself (cf. llats!agi fe n I touch him) 
h!edeiYwa n I pick them for myself (aorist stem Icladai-] 
alnu u Ywa he painted his own face (stem no u gw-) 

Yet many, perhaps most, reflexive verbs fail to show the palatal 
ablaut : 

plaganYwit* he bathed himself 

t"gwa a xa nt*gwide e I shall tattoo myself (but lu u gwant*gwide e I 
trap deer for myself) 

xd a -sgo u t gwide I cut myself 

igaxaga xgwa n I scratch myself 

We have here the same difficulty as in 3. Evidently some factor or 
factors enter into the use of the ablaut that it has not been founp 
possible to determine. 

7. Other cases undoubtedly occur, but there are not enough of 
them in the material gathered to allow of the setting up of further 
groups. All that can be done with those cases that do not fall 



within the first six groups is to list them as miscellaneous cases. 
Such are: 

gwel-lelsde e I shall be lame (cf. gwel-lafis Tdemna n I shall make 

him lame 

le e psV wing (if derived, as seems probable, from stem la a l- carry) 

t!emeya nwia u people go along to see her married 178.1 (cf. 

t!amayana n I take her somewheres to get her married [148.5]) 

Palatal ablaut, it should be noted, does not affect the -a- of the 

second member of reduplicated verbs : 

t*ga a lt*gcfl it bounced from her 140.8 

ge e ltg*a lsi it bounced from me 

The connecting vowel, however, of verbs reduplicated according to 
the third type always follows the stem-vowel : 

daVda-Tiele Twlxade* I am accustomed to answer (stem -7ia a l-) 
It is difficult to find a very tangible psychic connection between the 
various cases that require the use of the palatal ablaut, nor is there 
the slightest indication that a phonetic cause lies at the bottom of 
the phenomenon. If we disregard the first group of cases, we shall 
find that they have this in common, they are all or nearly all intransi- 
tives derived from transitives by means of certain voice-forming ele 
ments (-X-, -xa-, -gwi-, -Jc wa-), or else nominal passives or derivatives 
of such intransitives (-a w , -x-ap ) ; -Ywa-, it is true, takes transi 
tive pronominal forms; but it is logically intransitive in character 
in that it indicates action in reference to something belonging to the 
subject. The only trait that can be found in common to the first 
group and the remaining is that the action may be looked upon as 
self-centered; just as, e. g., a form in -xa- denotes that the (logically) 
.transitive action is not conceived of as directed toward some definite 
outside object, but is held within the sphere of the person of central 
interest (the subject), so, also, in a form with incorporated first per 
son singular object, the action may be readily conceived of as taking 
place within the sphere of the person of central interest from the 
point of view of the speaker. No difficulty will be found in making 
this interpretation fit the other cases, though it is not conversely true 
that all forms implying self-centered action undergo palatalization. 
The explanation offered may be considered too vague to be con 
vincing; but no better can be offered. In any event, the palatal 
ablaut will be explained as the symbolic expression of some general 
mental attitude rather than of a clear-cut grammatical concept. 

, 31 


Besides these regular interchanges of non-palatal and palatalized 
vowels, there are a number of cases of words showing differing vowels, 
but whose genetic relationship seems evident. These vocalic varia 
tions have not been brought into the form of a rule; the number of 
examples is small and the process apparently touches rather the 
lexical material than the morphology. Variations of this character 
between a and e are : 

g dl&-b-a n I twist it; ptV-wa-gele-g-i^n I drill for fire with it 
(88.12), dl i al-gelegal-a f mda n I tie his hair up into top-knot 

da a -dsil&-g-a mda n I pierce his ear (22.1); dd a -dele-b-i n I stick 
it through his ear 

Za v excrement 122.2; le -k w-an-t lc my anus 

Variations between o (u) and u are : 

s omoda n I boil it (58.10); ts !umumt a n I boil it (170.17) 
zuraa food 54.4; xumu Jc*de e I am sated (130.18) 

An a u variation is seen in : 

7iau-JiSLn& s it stopped (raining) 196.8; p!ai-hunu ue s he shrank 

Variations between a and i are: 

ya,w&lt*e I talk (132.3); yiwiya ufe* I keep talking, I converse 
(194.5) ; yiwin talking, (power of) speech 138.4 

Zafta % I shall carry it (124.5); libin news (what is carried about 
from mouth to mouth[?]) 194.9 

Of o (u) e variations there have been found: 

loTiolt e* I die 184.18; lehelt e I drift dead ashore (75.5) 
xa a -huk!u Jiak na n I breathe; xa a -hege hak*na e n I breathe (79.2) 
t!os o u little 180.20; al-t!e e s iY little-eyed 94.3 

An e i variation is found in the probably related : 

p!eyent e I lie 71.5 (future p!e t*e e [146.9]); gwen-p!iy\ f nk wa t n 

I lie on pillow (future gwen-p!lk*wari) 
t ge^a^lx it rolls; a lr-t" g\ l yc?lx tears rolled from (his) eyes 138.25 

32. Consonant- Ablaut 

Consonant-ablaut, ordinarily a rare method of word-formation, 
plays a rather important part in the tense-formation (aorist and non- 
aorist) of many verbs. The variation is in every case one between 
fortis and non-fortis; i. e., between p!, t!, ~k!, ts!, and I, d, g, s, respec 
tively. Three main types of grammatical consonant change are to 
be recognized: 



1. An initial fortis in the aorist as opposed to an initial media in 
non-aorist forms: 

aorist Jclolol- (stem go u l- dig) 
aorist tlebe- (stem de e b- arise) 
aorist t!ayag- (stem dd a g- find) 

2. A medial fortis followed by a vowel in the aorist as opposed to 
a medial tenuis followed by a consonant in non-aorist forms : 

aorist loplod- (stem lop d- rain, snow, or hail) 
aorist latslag- (stem lasg- touch) 

3. A medial media in the aorist as opposed to a medial fortis in 
the remaining forms: 

aorist nu u d- (stem nu u t!- drown) 
aorist wl { g- (stem wlk!- spread) 

Needless to say, this consonant-ablaut has absolutely nothing to do 
with the various mechanical consonant-changes dealt with in the 

A few examples of consonant-ablaut not connected with regular 
grammatical changes have also been found: 

s omod- boil; ts /umu^mt a- boil 

hau-gwen-yut \uyad-i- swallow down greedily (like duck or hog) 
126.10; Jiau-gwen-yunu yan-i- dit. 

The second example illustrates an interchange not of fortis and non- 
fortis (for n is related to n as is t! to d), but of non-nasal stop and 

I. The Verb ( 33-83) 

33. Introductory 

The verb is by far the most important part of the Takelma sen 
tence, and as such it will be treated before the independent pronoun, 
noun, or adjective. A general idea of the make-up of the typical 
verb-form will have been gained from the general remarks on mor 
phology; nevertheless the following formula will be found useful by 
way of restatement : 

Loosely attached prefixes + verb-stem (or aorist stem derived 
from verb-stem) -f derivational suffixes + formal elements (chiefly 
pronominal) + syntactic element. 

This skeleton will at the same time serve to suggest an order of 
treatment of the various factors entering into verb morphology. 



Before taking up the purely formal or relational elements, it seems 
best to get an idea of the main body or core of the word to which 
these relational elements are attached. The prefixes, though not 
entering into the vital grammatical structure of the verb, are impor 
tant for the part they play in giving the whole verb-form its exact 
material content. They may, therefore, with advantage be taken up 

1. Verbal Prefixes ( 34-38) 


Verbal prefixes may be classified into four groups when regard is 
mainly had to their function as determined largely by position with 
respect to other prefixes: incorporated objects, adverbial (including 
local) elements, incorporated instrumentals, and connective and 
modal particles. These various prefixes are simply strung along as 
particles in the same order in which they have been listed. Inasmuch 
as the exact function of a prefix is to a considerable extent determined 
by its position, it follows that the same prefix, phonetically speaking, 
may appear with slightly variant meanings according as it is to be 
interpreted as an object, local element, or instrument. Thus the 
prefix I- always has reference to the hand or to both hands; but the 
exact nature of the reference depends partly on the form of the verb 
and partly on the position of the prefix itself, so that I- may be trans 
lated, according to the circumstances of the case, as 

l-^ll i -no u lt w<i?n I warm my hands 

l- o u dini f n I hunt for it with the hand ( = I am feeling around 
for it) 


p im-l-Jio u gwagwa e n I run with salmon in my hand 

In the first of these three examples the I- as object precedes the 
incorporated instrumental pll* FIRE, so that the form means literally 
i WARM MY HANDS WITH FIRE. In the third form the I as local ele 
ment follows the incorporated object p*im SALMON. Such a triplicate 
use is found only in the case of incorporated nouns, particularly such 
as refer to parts of the body. These incorporated elements are to 
be kept distinct from certain other elements that are used in an 





adverbial sense only, and regularly occupy the second position. 
The line between these two sets of prefixes is, however, difficult to 
draw when it comes to considering the place to be assigned to some 
of the prefixed elements. It is doubtful whether we are fully justified 
in making absolutely strict distinctions between the various uses of 
the body-part prefixes; at any rate, it is certainly preferable, from a 
native point of view, to translate the three examples of I- incorpora 
tion given above as : 




leaving in each case the exact delimitation in meaning of the element 
HAND to be gathered from the general nature of the form. The fol 
lowing examples will render the matter of position and function of the 
various prefixes somewhat clearer: 





Verb proper. 

bem- sticks 

wa- together 

e i- hand 

t!oxo xi s n I gather (them) (=1 
gather sticks together) 

he s - away 

wa- with it 

waagiwi n she is bought (=she 
is brought with it) 176.17 

gwan- road 

ha- in 

yaxa- continuously 

t!uluiilga s n I follow (it) (=1 
keep following the trail) 

dan- rocks 

600- up 

e l- hand 

sget!e sgM f -n I lifted (them) (=1 
lifted up the rocks) 

han- across 

waya- knife 

swilswa lhi he tore him (=he 
tore himopen with a knife)73.3 

dak - above 

da- mouth 

wala e sina- truly 

hdali nda* I answering him (= I 
did answer him) 

xa- between, 
in two 

I- hand 

ml i e wa- probably 

agt ibi n I cut him (=I ll prob 
ably cut him through) 31.13 

If two adverbial (local) elements are used, the body-part prefix 
follows that which is primarily adverbial in character ; thus : 

baride /s didi f nik!at* did you stretch it out? ( = ba-i-out + de-\ip, 
in front + di interrogative particle + di nikfat* you stretched it) 

In general it may be said that instances of a body-part prefix pre 
ceding a primarily adverbial element (like &o-i-, ba a -, he es - } and others) 
are rare or entirely lacking. 

From what has been said it might seem that the connective and 
modal elements (like yaxa, mi i wa, and di) are more closely associated 
with the verb form than are the other elements, yet this is only 
apparently the case. Properly speaking all these modal elements are 
post-positives that normally attach themselves to the first word of 
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 5 34 


the sentence, no matter what part the word plays in the sentence. 
Thus in a form like me -di-ginigaY DID YOU COME ? ( = me s - HITHER + 
di- interrogative particle + ginigaY YOU WENT TO), the modal (inter 
rogative) element di regularly stands nearest the verb ; but as soon as 
another word is introduced before the verb, the interrogative particle 
shoves back a step, and we have a form of sentence like, e. g., 7ioida f s 
di me f ginigaY DID YOU COME AS SINGER, i. e., TO SING? From this 
it becomes fairly evident that the di in the first example is not prop 
erly a verbal prefix at all, but merely a post-positive particle depend 
ing upon the preceding me f , in the same way that, in the second 
example, it depends upon the noun Jioidaf s SINGER. This inference 
is clinched by a form like giniga Mdi DID YOU GO (SOMEWHERE) ? 
for here the di is evidently an enclitic element, not a prefix. 

In sharp contradistinction to such movability, the body-part and 
adverbial prefixes occupy rigidly fixed positions before the verb; 
they therefore belong to a class quite distinct from the modal parti 
cles. These latter are verbal prefixes only in so far as their post 
positive tendency may force them to become embedded in the 
verb-complex, in which case they seem to cut loose the incorporated 
object, adverbial prefix, and instrumental element from the verb. 
Diagrammatically the last form tabulated may be represented by 
xa-l- [mi i wa] -sgl fi bi n. We may then dismiss the modal elements 
from our consideration of verbal prefixes, to return to them when 
speaking of connective and adverbial particles. 


It may seem strange at first sight to interpret in the examples 
given above such elements as hem STICKS, gwan ROAD, and da^n ROCKS 
as incorporated objects, when they occur as absolute nouns in that 
form as well, though a faint suggestion of incorporation is given 
by gwan-Tia-yaxa-t!uluHga fe n i KEEP FOLLOWING THE TRAIL, in that 
the modal post-positive yaxa follows not gwan, but rather ha-, as 
though the direct object were not quite felt to be an element inde 
pendent of the verb. Without laying particular stress on this latter 
point, there are, it would seem, good reasons for considering the 
nouns referred to as incorporated, though in any event the incor 
poration must be called a loose one, and not at all comparable with 
the Iroquois usage. 



1. In the first place it is evident from such examples as l-plV- 
no u Vwa n i WARM MY HANDS and Jian-waya-swilswa lhi HE TORE HIM 
OPEN WITH A KNIFE, that nouns (in these cases p!l* FIRE and way a 
KNIFE) occur as incorporated instrumental, for such elements as l- 
and Tian- can not possibly be isolated from the verb Qian- does not 
occur as independent adverb, but only as prefix; I- is inconceivable 
as independent noun) ; furthermore, if, in the forms just quoted, pit* 
and waya be looked upon as absolutely independent nouns, they lose 
all semblance of grammatical form, there being, indeed, nothing but a 
definite position in a verb-complex that could here suggest the notion 
of instrumentality. It is also possible to isolate waya, but that 
would involve considerable readjustment of the verbal structure. 
To be stamped as an instrumental, waya must in that case be fol 
lowed by a postposition wa WITH, so that the sentence then reads, 
Jian-swilswa llii wa ya wa" (the phrase wa ya wa" may also precede) . 

If we wish to incorporate the instrumental idea into the verb, and 
yet keep the noun outside of the verb-structure, we may let the wa, 
which seems properly to denote WITH IT, occupy the place of the incor 
porated waya, which, as an appositive of wa, then either precedes or 
follows the verb-form, wa f ya lian^wa-swilswa lhi, or Jian-wa-swilswa llii 
waya " HE-ACROSS-WITH-IT-TORE-HIM (it, i. e.), THE-KNIFE. This con 
struction is identical with the well-known appositional structure of 
Nahna or Chinook (e. g., I-IT-KILLED THE-DOG), except that the incor 
porated element is here instrumental and not objective in character. 
The noun and its representative can not both be incorporated in the 
verb, such a form as Jian-waya-wa-swilswa lhi, for instance, being 
quite impossible. 

It becomes clear, therefore, that an incorporated instrumental 
noun like wa f ya is quite analogous to an instrumental body- 
part prefix like I- HAND, with the difference that wa ya may 
be isolated in that form, while I- must, when isolated, be 
provided with a possessive pronominal element. The form Jian-i- 
swilswa lhi i TORE HIM OPEN WITH MY HAND is strictly analogous to 
Tian-waya-swilswa lhi; the sentence luxde^Y lian-wa-swilswa Thi MY- 
HAND I-ACROSS-WITH-IT-TORE-HIM corresponds to wa ya 7ian-wa-swil- 
swa lhi; and, finally, Jiar^-swilswa lJii luxde Y wa " I-ACROSS-TORE-HIM 
MY-HAND WITH (-IT) is parallel to Jian-swilswa lhi wa ya wa". What 
ever is true morphologically of I- must be true of wa ya; the evident 



incorporation of I- involves the incorporation of wa ya in the analogous 

As the incorporation of the noun as an instrument seems a rather 
important trait of Takelma, a number of further examples may be 
given : 

xa a -be e -nd u Ywa n I warm my back in (really = with) the sun 

(6e e sun); cf. 188.20 

lie e -xi-le me Yi he destroyed them with water (xi water) 
Tie^-pltf-leme ^i he destroyed them with fire (p!i* fire) 98.12 
xa-dan-fgVlt ga lhi he broke it with a rock (dan rock) 24.4 
gwen-waya-sgo u t i he cut their necks off with his knife (wayd fa wa^ 

with his knife, apart from verb-structure) 144.5, 22 
xa a -~be e m-k!wo u C k!widi n I broke it with a stick (be e m stick) 
da a -he e l-yebebi n I sing for him, literally, I engage (?) his ears 

with song (7ie e l song; al-yebeb-i- show to) 
dd a -t mu u gal-lewe f liwi n I shake my ears with twisted shells 

(attached to them) (t mu u gal twisted shell) 122.1 
dtf-k al-p ili p^iltfn I squash them with my penis Qc al penis) 73.14 
de-ye V-baxamagwancfTc* we came crying, literally, we came hav 
ing (our) mouths with tears (yet tears) 
yap!a-dauya a -ts!aya ]c*i he shot people with his shaman s spirit 

(dauya a Jc* v> da his shaman-spirit, apart from verb-structure); 

cf. 164.14 

All these, except the last, begin with elements (xa a -, 7ie e -, gwen-, dd a -, 
dl { -, de) that can not be isolated from the verb. 

Instrumental, whether nouns or body-part prefixes, can occur 
only in transitive verbs. The forms noxwa" yana-wa-lobobi n i 
POUND ACORNS WITH A PESTLE and noxwcf-l-loboxagwa f n i POUND 
WITH A PESTLE, as compared with lobo xade i POUND, will serve to 
illustrate this. The first sentence reads, when literally translated, 
PESTLE (noxwa^) I-ACORNS (yana^) -WITH-IT-POUND. The logical 
instrument (noxwcf] stands outside the verb-complex and is in 
apposition with its incorporated instrumental representative (wa-), 
yancf being the direct (incorporated) object. The form lobo xade^ 
i POUND is made intransitive by the element -xa- (hence the change 
in pronominal form from transitive - n to intransitive -de ), and 
allows of no instrumental modification ; a form like l-lobo xade could 
hardly mean i POUND WITH THE HAND; at most it could signify 
i POUND IN THE HAND. If we wish, however, to express the logical 
instrument in some manner, and yet neglect to specify the object, we 
must get around the difficulty by making a secondary transitive of 


the intransitive in -xa-. This is done by the suffixed element -gw- 
HAVING, ATTENDED BY. The grammatical object of a transitive verb 
in -gw- is never the logical object of the action, but always dependent 
upon the comitative idea introduced by this suffix. Hence the sec 
ond form is not provided with a true instrumental (WITH A PESTLE), 
but takes the logical instrument (noxwa*) as a direct object, while 
the I- is best rendered by IN THE HAND; to translate literally, the 
form really means i POUND HAVING A PESTLE IN THE HAND. 

It sometimes happens that a verb form has two instrumentals, 
one, generally I- WITH THE HAND, expressing indefinite or remote 
instrumentality, the second, a noun or demonstrative, expressing the 
actual instrument by means of which the action is accomplished. In 
such cases the second instrument is expressed outside of the verb- 
complex, but may be represented in the verb by the incorporated wa 
WITH IT following the first instrumental element (1-) . Examples of 
such double instrumentals are: 

gwaW ~ba a - l-w(i-xd u t*i wind he-up-hand-with-it-caused-them-to- 

fall, i. e., he caused them to fall by means of a wind (that he 

made go up) 168.2 
go, l-wa-molo ma lhi that she-hand- with-it-stirs-it-up, i. e., she 

stirs it up with that (incidentally, of course, she uses her hand 

too) 170.16 
dan (object) k!ama (instr.) p!ai- l-wa-sga a lc*sgigi n rocks tongs 

down-hand-with-it-pick-up, i. e., I pick up the rocks with the 

tongs (and put them) down 

2. The noun as instrument has been shown to act in a manner 
entirely analogous to the instrumental body-part prefix. The latter 
can, without phonetic change, become the direct object of the verb 
by occupying the proper position: 

s in-l-lats!agi / n I touched his nose with my hand (s in- nose) 
but, theoretically at least, 

i-s in-lats!agi *n I touched his hand with my nose 
If we bear in mind that such elements as s in- and I- are really nothing 
but nouns in their stem form (with possessive pronoun: s in-i-x-da 
HIS NOSE; I -u-x-da, HIS HAND), the parallelism with such noun- 
objects as hem and gwdn (see examples on p. 65) becomes complete. 
The fact that they may occur independently, while s in- and l- 
never do, is really irrelevant to the argument, as a body-part noun 
must necessarily be associated with some definite person. Entirely 



analogous to the nominal elements -l l -x- and -u-x- of s inixda and 
I uxda is, e. g., the -am- of gwa a l-cfm-t*V MY ROAD. Just as they 
drop off when the body-part nouns are incorporated, whether as 
object or instrument, into the verb, so, also, the -am- of gwa a l-am- 
( = gwd a n-an-) drops off when the noun is used without pronominal 
or prepositional modification. That the -am- has nothing per se to 
do with the pronominal affix, but is really a noun-forming element 
added to the stem, is proven by forms like ha-gwa a la^m IN THE ROAD. 

object hem, in bem-wa -i-t!oxo xi n I gather sticks, is related to 
object s in-, in s in-l-lats!agi f n I touch his nose, as 
instrument hem, in xa a -le e m- k!wo u ~k!widi e n I broke it with a 

stick, to 
instrument s in-, in s in-t!ayagi n I find it with my nose ( = 1 

smell it) 

In view of the complete parallelism of noun and body-part element 
and the transparent incorporation of the noun as instrument, nothing 
remains but to look upon the simple noun without pronominal 
affixes, when placed immediately before the local and instrumental 
prefixes of the verb, as itself a loosely incorporated object. Exam 
ples of noun-objects in such form and position are to be found in 
great number; in fact, the regularity with which the object is put 
before the verb, as contrasted with the freely movable subject, argues 
further for the close relation of the noun-object to the verb. 

A few further examples of incorporated noun-objects are given by 
way of illustration: 

7ie e l-gel-gulugwa f n I desire to sing (literally , I-song-breast-desire ; 

Jie e l song) 

7ie e l-yununa n I sing a song (106.7) 
wili-wa-l-Ha nida* you shall keep house (literally, } T ou-house- 

together-hand- will-hold ; will house) 28.13 
abai xuma-lc!emna s cook (literally, in-the-house food-maker; 

xuma food) 54.3 
wai-s ugu f s uxgwa n I am sleepy (literally, I-sleep-am-confused ?- 

having; wai sleep) 

pltf-da-tlagal he built a fire (p!i* fire) 96.17 
p!i i -ba a -yank w he picked up the fire (literally, he-fire-up-went- 

having) 96.25 

xi- ugwa^nk* he will drink water (xi water) 162.17 
s lx-ligW w he brought home venison (s lx venison) 134.4 


In none of these would the placing of the object after the verb- 
form be at all idiomatic; in some (as in Tie e l-gel-gulugwa s n and wai- 
s ugu s uxgwa s n) it would be quite inconceivable. The incorporation 
must be considered particularly strong in those cases in which the 
object is what might be called a root-noun identical in form with a 
verb-stem of corresponding significance : 

wai 1 sleep, to sleep 

Jie e l- song, to sing 

se e l- black paint, to paint 

likewise where the object gives special color to the verb, deter 
mining the concrete significance of the form, as in xuma-k!emna s 
and wili-wa-i-t!a nida . 

3. Besides being used as instrumental and direct objects, a few 
incorporated nouns are found employed in set phrases, apparently as 
subjects. Such are: 

ba a -^e e -Jc!iyl fi Jc^da s forenoon (literally, up-sun-going, or when-it- 
goes) (6a- is never used as independent adverb, so that be e - 
sun must here, be considered part of the verb-complex) 

no u -be e -k!iyl fi Yda e afternoon (literally, down-river [i. e., west]- 

mot -woW as son-in-law he visits wife s parents (= mot - son-in- 
law + woW, probably identical with woV he arrived) 17.13, in 
which mot - must be considered an integral part of the verb, 
because unprovided with pronominal affix (cf . mo t*a a his son- 
in-law), and, further, because the whole form may be accom 
panied by a non-incorporated subject (e. g., ~bo mxi mot*W(?V 
Otter visited his wife s parents, literally, something like: Otter 

4. Several verb-forms seem to show an incorporated noun forming 
a local phrase with an immediately preceding local prefix; in such 
cases the whole phrase must be considered an incorporated unit, its 
lack of independence being evidenced either by the fact that 
it is itself preceded by a non-independent verbal prefix, or else differs 
in phonetic form from the corresponding independent local phrase. 
Examples are: 

da a -ts !elei-sgalawi f n I looked at them out of the corners of my 
eyes (literally, I-alongside-eye-looked-at-them) 2 ; cf. dd a -ts !e- 
leide alongside my eyes 

^wai- indeed could not be obtained as an independent noun, its existence as substantive being inferred 
from forms such as that cited above. 

2 It may be, however, that this form is to be interpreted as I-ASIDE- (WITH-THE-) EYE-LOOKED-AT-THEM, 
ts . elei- being in that case an incorporated instrumental noun. 



7ia-t ga a -gwidi^lc w he threw it into the open (literally, he-in-earth- 

threw-it) ; cf . Jia-t gdU in the earth 
ba-i-daTc*-wili-t!a a di n I ran out of the house (ba-i- out, adverbial 

prefix + daY- on top of + will house) 24.13; cf. dak* -will on 

top of the house 
ha-yau-t*ge nets!a s n I put it about my waist (literally, I-in 

[ under ?]-rib-put-it-about) ; cf. ha-yawade inside my ribs 

Such verbs with incorporated local phrases are naturally not to be con 
fused with cases in which a local prefix is followed by an incorporated 
(instrumental) noun with which it is not, however, directly connected. 
Thus the Tia- of 7ia-tga a -gwidi^ w is not directly comparable to the 
ha- of a form like : 

ha-pIV-ts Iu lukttfn I set it on fire (p!l* with fire) 73.9 
Here Jia-pH*- cannot be rendered IN THE FIRE. 

Some verb-forms show an evidently incorporated noun that has so 
thoroughly amalgamated with the stem that it is difficult to make 
out its exact share in the building up of the material content of the 
verb. For example: 

s omloJioya lda n I doctor him as s omloJio lxa s 

doubtless contains the incorporated noun s om MOUNTAIN; but the 
implied allusion is not at all evident, except in so far as the protecting 
spirits of the s omloho lxa s are largely mountain-spirits. The verb 
itself is probably a derivative of the verb-stem loho- DIE (aorist 
loJioi-) . 


Having disposed of the modal prefixes, which on analysis turned 
out to be verbal prefixes only in appearance, and of incorporated 
nouns, which one would hardly be inclined to term prefixes in the 
narrower sense of the term, there remain for our consideration two 
important sets of genuine prefixes, body-part elements and adverbial, 
chiefly local, prefixes. The former will be taken up first. By " body- 
part prefix" is not meant any body-part noun in its incorporated form 
(many of these, such as ts lelei- EYE, tliba- PANCREAS, not differing 
morphologically from ordinary incorporated nouns), but only certain 
etymologically important monosyllabic elements that are used to indi 
cate in a more general way what body-part is concerned in a particular 
action, and which may be regarded as in some degree verbal classifiers. 
With the exception of I- HAND and s in- NOSE, classed with the rest 





because of their very extended use, they differ fundamentally from 
other body-part nouns in that they have, besides their literal, also a 
more formal, local value; in this capacity they are regularly employed, 
also, as the first element of noun and pronoun local phrases, and, some 
of them, as the second element of local postpositions. In the fol 
lowing list the second column gives the literal body-part significance; 
the third, the generalized local meaning; the fourth, the correspond 
ing independent noun (in a few cases, it will be observed, there is no 
such corresponding noun); and the fifth column, an example of a 
local phrase : 






dak - 


over, above 

da g-ax- dek my head 

dak -wiH over the house- 

\da-, de- 

mouth, lips 

dex- dek 

{ de- 

in front 

del gwa in front of himself 

daa- 1 ear 


dan- n- x- de^k 

dda-gela^m along the river 

S in- 


s in-ii-x-de*k 


neck, nape 


[boT dan-x- de^k ] 

gwen-t gauon east side of the 




l-u-x- de*k 


back, waist 

between,in two xda-ha^m-t k 

xaa- gwelde between my legs 



on top of 

dli-lude over my hand 




gtl- x- dek , [bilg- an -x- de k ] 

gelde facing, in front of me 



in rear 

[delg- a^n- t k ] 

d~i s -t gau on west side of the 



woman s pri 



ha-xiya^ in the water 

vate parts 





gwd-xiya under water 



tlaa- excrement 

La-t gau Uplands (*=? front 



down, below 


of the country) 


eye, face 

to. at 

[ts- ! del- t k my eye] 

al- s~ ou ma^l to the mountain 

[li ugw- ax- dek my face 

dH E al- 

forehead ( = 

dUWl-t k 

dH s a lda at his forehead 

above eye) 


nape (=neck 

gwenha-u-x-de^k at my nape 

The last two are evidently compounded; the first of dtf- ABOVE 
and al- EYE, FACE, the second of gwen-XECK and probably adverbial 
prefix Tia-u- UNDER. The noun Jiau-x- WOMAN S PRIVATE PARTS may 
possibly be connected with this prefix lia-u-, though, in view of the 
fact that Jia- appears as the incorporated form of the noun, it seems 
more probable that the resemblance in form and meaning is acci 
dental. It is possible that other rarer body-part prefixes occur, but 
those listed are all that have been found. 

In not a few cases, where the body-part prefix evidently has neither 
objective nor instrumental meaning, it may yet be difficult to see a 
clearly local idea involved. This is apt to be the case particularly 



with many intransitive verbs, in which the share of meaning con 
tributed by the body-part prefix is apparent enough but where the 
logical (syntactic) relation of its content to that of the verb proper is 
hardly capable of precise definition. Thus, from yowo HE is are 
formed by means of body-part prefixes : 

al- yowo / he-eye-is, i. e., he looks 62.6 

da a - yowo f he-ear-is, i. e., he listens, pays attention 96.9 

ba a -gel- yowo s he-up-br east-is, i. e., he lies belly up 140.5 

In these cases it is obviously impossible, yowo- being an intransitive 
verb not implying activity, to translate al-, da a -, and gel- as instru- 
mentals (WITH THE EYE, EAR, BREAST) ; nor is there any clear idea of 
location expressed, though such translations as AT THE EYE, EAR, 
BREAST would perhaps not be too far fetched. In many verbs the 
body-part prefix has hardly any recognizable meaning, but seems 
necessary for idiomatic reasons. In a few cases prefixes seem to 
interchange without perceptible change of meaning, e. g., al- and 
daJc* in: 

aldemxigam we shall assemble (186.7) 
d&k*demxia u t people (indef.) will assemble (136.11) 

Where two body-part prefixes occur in a verb form, they may 
either both retain their original concrete significance, the first prefix 
being generally construed as object, the second as instrument (e. g., 
s al- l-lats!agi n I-FOOT-HAND-TOUCH-HIM, i. e., i TOUCH HIS FOOT WITH 
MY HAND); or the first prefix may have its secondary local signifi 
cance, while the second is instrumental in force (e. g., de- l-wl fi gi n 
I-FRONT-HAND-SPREAD-IT, i. e., i SPREAD IT OUT); or both prefixes 
may have secondary local or indefinite significance (e. g., gwel-ge l- 
yowo HE-LEG-BREAST-IS, i. e., HE FACES AWAY FROM HIM); rarely 
do we find that two body-part prefixes are concrete in significance and 
absolutely coordinated at the same time (see footnote to 12 below). 

To illustrate the various uses of the body-part prefixes it seems 
preferable to cite examples under each separate prefix rather than to 
group them under such morphologic headings as objective, instru 
mental, and local, as by the former method the range of usage taken 
up by the various prefixes is more clearly demonstrated. The 
examples are in each case divided into two groups: (a) literal signifi 
cation (objective, instrumental, or local) and (6) general adverbial 
(local) signification. 





dak*ts!ayap*de e I washed my head (literally, I washed in 

my head 

dakTZ>a a #araZ he tied together (their head hair) 27.1 
ds]zllats!agi f n I touched top of his head 
dak*7iagdlf e I felt thrill in my head (as when sudden cold 

tremor goes through one) 

aZdak samsa v m he bumped (with) his head against it 79.7 
dak.Wiwi f Tc*auk*wa s n I brandish it over my head 


dakY gu u la n I put rounded scooped-out object (like hat or 

canoe) on top (of head) (61.9) 
dak felde xade* I smoke (literally, I raise [sc., tobacco- 

smoke] over [ one s head]) (96.23) 
d&l^Umlmxgwat* it (i. e., tree) falls on you (108.12) 
dak*wd a ga n I finish it (literally, I bring it on top) (110.17) 
will dak ya a ngwa n I pass house (? literally, I go with house 

above me) (150.8) 

dak*daha a li e n I answer him (61.6; 180.18) 
dofctlem&xik* we assembled together (43.9; 136.11) 
dak*hene e da e n I wait for him 

The last three or four examples can hardly be said to show a 
transparent use of dak -. Evidently the meaning of the prefix 
has become merged in the general verbal content, becoming 
unrecognizable as such; cf. UNDER in English UNDERSTAND, 

2. da-, de- 

It seems possible that we have here two distinct prefixes to begin 
with, da- INSIDE OF MOUTH (cf. d&tslayap* HE WASHED HIS 
MOUTH) and de- LIPS (cf. dtftstayap* HE WASHED HIS LIPS and 
noun de e -x- LIPS), from the second of which developed the 
general local significance of IN FRONT; contrast also Aada f- 
gwa IN HIS OWN MOUTH with def gwa in front of himself. The 
strict delimitation of the two, however, is made difficult by 
the fact that da^, alone in this respect among non-radical 
verbal elements, undergoes palatal ablaut (thus becoming de-) 
whenever the stem shows a palatal vowel, whether primary 
or itself due to ablaut; observe also the stem-change from 
da- to de- in had& tfgwa 170.2 and Tiadede IN MY MOUTH. These 



apparently secondary de- prefixes will be listed together with 
and immediately following the da- prefixes, while the true, 
chiefly local, de-, (da)- prefixes will be put by themselves. 

(a 1 ) da-, (de-) MOUTH, IN MOUTH, WITH MOUTH, LIPS, TEETH, 

(da o#o^ihegavehimtoeat (lit., he mouth-gave him) (186.25) 
\de ugu s i he gave me to eat 186.2 

da,t!aya i he went to get something to eat 75.9 

d&da Fda a F sharpen your teeth! 126.18; 128.23 

da,ts!ala ts!tti n I chew it 

alda,t!ele t!ili n I lick it 

d&lats!agi n I taste it (literally, I mouth-touch it) 

alda,p dp*iwi n I blow at it (194.1) 

dadama x he was out of wind 26.5 

d&smayama n I smile 

7iadsi yowo u da (creek) going into (river) (literally, in- mouth- 

iddo u l he lied (literally, he mouth-played) 110.23; 156.14 
[dMnJiixi he lied to me 

da,yuwo e s he suddenly stopped (singing, talking) (literally, 

he mouth-started, as in fright) 138.23 
ldak*d&ha a U e n I answer him (180.18) 
\dak dehelsi he answers me 

(a 2 ): 

Jie e dele lek!i n I finished (story, talking) 50.4 

delumu sgade* I tell truth (184.3) 

dexelenaY you said it (literally, you mouth-did it) 14.10; 15.6 

dldets !u luk!i n I suck it 

dedets !u lulc!i n I kiss her (first de- as object, her lips; sec 
ond de- as instrument, with my lips) 

de7iememi / n I taste it (cf . l-Tiemem- wrestle) 

ba-idehenenaY you are through eating (literally, you are 
out-mouth-done) (136.16) 

deligia lda n I fetch it for him to eat (130.9) 

de7ie yelc!i n I left food over 

da- can not stand before I- HAND, because of the palatal timbre 
of the latter. Examples of de l-: 

de lda mk!ink* it will get choked 

de ilats!agi n I touched his mouth (de- =da- as object; I- as 
instrument. Contrast above da-lats!agi n I tasted it, with 
da- as instrument) 
Similarly other palatal non-radical elements cause a change of 

da- to de-: 


de-7iis-gulu-gwa n I want it in my mouth ( = I desire to eat 

[Us = trying]) 
(&) de-, (da-) IN FRONT, AHEAD, AT DOOR OF HOUSE : 

dQ lJc!ala Jc!ilin (house) was scratched on door 154.1, 2, 3 

d& lse e Y he opened door of house (cf. alse e Y he bowed to 
him) 63.12 

de lp*owo e Jc* he bent it 

ba a dQ s yeweyaW w he started traveling again (literally, he 
up-ahead- went-again- with it) 22.4; 24.9; 25.6 

dewiliwa lsi she is fighting me 27.3 

idW w he stuck (threw) it into (fire) 27.8 

n I brandish it before my face (172.12) 

gasa Thi de hits!a a ga s fast stepper (literally, quickly ahead- 

ba-ide di nixia; u they marched by in regular order (literally, 
they out-ahead-stretched) 144.14 

delvft tgi n I spread it out (120.1) 

t gd a de hi k!iya Jc i if the world goes on (literally, world 
ahead-goes-if) 146.4 

da,mats!cfJc* he put it point foremost (into their eyes) 27.8 

As in the case of daY-, so also here, not a few forms occur in which 
the meaning of the prefix da-, de- is far from being clearly in 
evidence : 

d&t!aga n I build a fire (96.17) 

he caught fire 98.3 

i I caught fire 
degvlu Jclalx it glows (142.1) ; 188.15 
aldeit*guyu i si (fire) blisters my face (25.11) 
de it a malc!i n I put out the fire 
dsit*ama x the fire goes out 
da,tldbaga *n I finish it (176.6) 
d&sgayana n I lie down 

As the first seven of these examples show, da-, de- sometimes 
imply a (probably secondary) reference to fire. 

3. da n - 

(a) EAR, WITH EAR (referring to hearing), IN EAR, CHEEK, SIDES 

doMslayap* he washed his ear 
d&*tt8 lamcfk* he squeezed his ears 
d& s lla,ts!agi e n I touched his ear, cheek 
dsL* e agani n I heard it (55.3; 108.16) 

da, a da a gi n I am able to hear it (literally, I can ear-find it) 



d& a le lagwa f n I listen to him (55.1; 96.2; 146.5) 

d& a ts !emxde I hear big noise 90.21 

anl ge da, yowo he did not listen to it (literally, he not there 

ear-was) 96.9 

d& a sgek!eiha n I kept listening (102.3) 
dof-yehel he went where he heard (noise of people singing or 

gambling) 106.10. 

d&^dele p i he stuck it across his ear 
dsL a dalag(i mt* he made holes in his ears 
dl i d&H" be fe k t* bagams they had their hair tied on sides of head 

(dVda - probably as incorporated phrase, over ears) 142.17 
da, ibo t*bidi n I pull out his hair (from side of head) (194.7) 

wi lau d&^wat ba agamdina 5 arrows shall be tied along (their 

length) with it (i. e., sinew) 28.1 


s u\. ; lgile f sgwa he scratched his own nose 14.11 ; 15.7 
s-mt!ayagi n I smell it (literally, I nose-find it) (160.20) 
s mdalaga mt* he made holes in septum (cf. under da a -} 22.1 
S ijild fu Jc*i he stuck it into nose 
s mde le p*gwa he stuck it up into his own nose 
s ingeycfn he turned away his nose 

s in.yuwo s he dodged with his nose (as when fly lights; cf. 
under da-) 

I feel warm in my nose 
de 5 1 sniff 
e 5 1 blow my nose 
als iuld fu xa n they meet each other (24.12) 

5. gwen- 

(a) NECK: 

gwevsgo u da n I cut his neck (144,2, 3, 5, 22) 
gweuts!ayaga n I washed his neck 
7ia-ugwenyunu yini n I swallow it greedily (cf. 126.10) 
gwenZo /M Fi he stuck it in his throat (cf. under s-in-) 25.4 
gwen ilats!agi n I touched back of his neck 
gwenwayanaganhi he swung his knife over their necks 144.2 


gwe f i\. alyowo he looked back 
gweuyewelt e* I went back (152.13; 188.19) 
gwe Ydiwila u he looks back (on his tracks) 59.14; 94.9 
gwenfiegwd /a gwan7ii he related it to him 17.11 

In gwena-ia s GOOD SINGER, the part played by the prefix is not 




No body-part prefix, except perhaps al- } is used with such fre 
quency as l- y the scrupulousness with which verbs implying 
action with the hand incorporate it seeming at times almost 
pedantic. Only a small selection out of the great number of 
occurrences need here be given: 

Its! ay dp he washed his hand 

Ipl&no Wwafn I warm my hands 

wila^u e lhoyodagwa n I dance with arrow in hand 

ndx ihele e lagwa f n I sing with pipe in hand 

igl tna he took it 15.1; 31.8; 44.8; 47.9 

ik*W8if a gwi s n I woke him up 16.4 

lgaxagixi f n I scratch him 

lgis igis i s n I tickle him 

ihegwe Jiak* w na n I am working 

xa e lts liwiy he split it open 26.6 

iheme^m he wrestled with him 26.11; 27.10,11 

iyono fue lc* he pulled it 

lguyu V she pushed her 55.14 

s m eleY w Uu pxagwanY she shall pound with acorn pestle 55.9 

7ie ee ileme V he killed them off 55.1; 144.6. 

lt!afut!iwi s n I caught hold of her (29.12; 140.15) 

it wPyili^n I make it whirl up 

al lyulu yili n I rub it 

lt gwanye fe git you enslaved her 16.14 

In some cases one does not easily see the necessity for its use: 
wl lt ge f ye s xi they are round about me (48.5) 
allwulu ue xbi he ran away from you 

7. xa a - 9 (oca-) 


"x&Hslayajf he washed his back 
pll* x.SL a dat guyu i sgwa his back got blistered 25.11 
x.a, e llats!agi n I touched his back 
xePpttfno Wwa he warmed his back 188.20 
xsi a la a da n I put (belt) about my waist 

(&) BETWEEN, IN TWO (in reference to breaking or cutting) : 

xaPp la-its* liudi n I shall split it by throwing (stone) down 

on it (140.7) 

xA a wlsd a go-between (in settling feuds) 178.11, 13, 18 
x.& a sgo u da, n I cut, saw it (21.2, 4) 

w (bodies) cut through 21.2 



XA a d(Lnfgl f Wga r lJii he broke it with rock 24.4 
x& a t le e ~k*t bagams it is all tied together 27.13 
Xi a salt t gwe f lt*gwili he broke it by stepping on it 31.4, 5 
x& a be e mlc!d u t*lc!idi n I broke it with stick 

In JL&hege JiaYntfn I BREATHE (79.2) and 

BREATHE, the xd- may refer to the heaving motion up from the 
8. dV- 

(a) BACK: 

The local uses of xd a - and dl { - (IN MIDDLE, BETWEEN, and ABOVE, 
respectively) would indicate that, in their more literal signifi 
cation, they refer respectively to the LOWER BACK about the 
waist and the UPPER BACK, though no direct information 
was obtained of the distinction. 

d&tslayap* he washed himself in back of body 
dVhax his back is burning 

d\ l t lo u k!a f lxde I have warts on my back 102.20 
dl i du u gwa nY she will wear it (i. e., skirt) 55.9 

dVlie liya sleeping on board platform 13.2 
dldd a t l)d /a gamt gwide I tie my hair on sides of my head (see 

under da -) (140.11; 142.17) 

dl i algelegala mda s n I tie his hair up into top-knot (172.2) 
di uyu ts!amda n I fool him (aorist uyuts!- laugh) 
dPJiinxd ugtfn I scare him 
dPmas (earth) is lit up (78.1) 
dVJiiWgwa ^n I am glad 22.2 

dl*- is used in quite a number of verbs of mashing or squeezing, 
the primary idea being probably that of pressing down on top 
of something: 

d\ l p*ili pili n I squash (yellow-jackets) (74.3); contrast 
gel-lem-p*ili p*ili n I whip him on his breast (literally, 
I-breast-stick-whip-him) (cf. 76.1, 2, 3) 
d^tHy^si^n I mash them 
ba-idlgunbl Wwap* it popped all around 27.14 
d&fgumu fgimfrn I squeezed and cracked many insects (such 

as fleas) 

In many cases, as in some of the forms given above, the primary 
signification of dl*- is greatly obscured. It is not at all certain 
but that we are at times (as in di uyu ts!amda n) dealing really 
with the phonetically similar prefix dl e - REAR. 


9. gel- 

(a) BREAST, WITH BREAST (mental activities) : 
ge\ts!ayap* he washed his breast 
go[ e ilats!agi / n I touched his breast 

ba a ge l yo lie down with belly up! (lit., up-belly-be!) 140.4 
gelgulugwa s n I desire, want it 32.5, 6, 7 
geihewe hau he thought 44.11; 124.3; 142.20 
gQ\loJioigwa n I avenge him (apparently = I breast-die- with 

him) (146.8; 148.3) 

geltla/i/cfk* they thought of it (see under s in- and dd a } 152.10 
ge\yalaxaldi n I forgot him (lit., I breast-lost him) (77.10) 
gelts laya mxamk* she hid (certain facts) from us 158.7 
ge>ldulu Jc*de e I am getting lazy 

ge\heye f x he is stingy (literally, he breast-leaves-remaining = 
keeps surplus to himself) 196.8 

(&) FACING: 

gelt! ana M she pushed him (? liter ally, she held him [away] 

facing her) 1 (25.10) 
gelwayan he slept with her (literally, he caused her to sleep 

facing him) 26.4; (108.3; 190.2) 
wa t gwan gel yowo s they faced each other (literally, to 

each other they breast-were) 26.15 
ge\Jc!iyi e Jc* he turned around so as to face him 170.2 

10. dl - 

(a) ANUS: 

dl s ts!ayap* he washed his anus 

ba-idi t*gats!a fgisi e n I stick out my anus (164.19; 166.1) 

di hax his anus is burning 94.13 

dl hagait*e I feel ticklish in my anus (as though expecting 

to be kicked) (cf. under daY-) 166.1 

di xd u s (food) is spilling out from his anus, (acorns) spill out 
from hopper 94.2, 4, 5 


dl salyomo f Jiin I shall catch up with him in running 
~be e dl e ]c!iyi 1c* afternoon came (lit., sun went in rear) (124.15) 
dafo l dl ~liiwiliut e I ran close behind 
As happens more or less frequently with all body-part prefixes, 

the primary meaning, at least in English translation, of dl - 

seems lost sight of at times: 

CLbaidl e yowd u da e coming into house to fight (dbai-into house; 
yowo /lk da being) 24.14 

1 Though perhaps better SHE HELD HIM WITH HER BREAST, taking gel- as instrument. 
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 -12 6 36 


p!a-idi Jiana s it stopped (wind, rain, snow, hail) 152.16 
In a number of verbs dl - expresses: felling, digging under, or 
erecting a tree or stick, the fundamental notion being probably 
that of activity at the butt end of a long object: 

di sgot!ollia hem he was always cutting down trees 108.8 

dl Jc!olola n (tree) was dug under 48.5 

dl e isguyu u k!in (tree) was made to fall by being dug under 

48.7, 8, 12 
p!a-idl ld u gwa n I make (stick, pestle) stand up (by placing 

it on its butt end) (116.18; 176.1, 2) 
p!a-idl sgimi sgam they set (house posts) down into ground 

11. ha- 


h&tslayap* she washed her private parts 
h& llats!agi n he touched her private parts 
\\& lwesga liak* w she spread apart her legs 26.4 

(ft) IN: 

(danxdagwa) h&ts!ayak* he washed inside (of his ear) 
(dexda) haZo /w Fi he stuck it into (his mouth) 
(s inlxda) h&dele p^i he stuck it up into (his nose) 
h&lohdn he caught them in trap (literally, he caused them 

to die in) (100.8) 

(gwdn) h&t!ulugwa f n I follow in (trail) (96.8,9) 
haZo /tt fc she put on (her dress), they put on (their skins, 

garments) 160.6 

}\^ lhu f lu u lial they skinned them 160.5 
h&ya-uge nets!a, e n I put on (my vest) 

As the last examples show Jia- sometimes conveys the special 
notion of putting on or taking off a skin or garment. 

12. gwel- 


gweltslayap* he washed his legs 

gwe\le ye e sde I am lame 

gwelZo /tte fc* w put on (your leggings)! 

gweH f i0i /e n I beat him in running (lit., I-leg-left-him) (184.14) 

gwe\salt!eyesna n 1 1 have no fat in my legs and feet 102.22 


gwe\mats!aW they put (food) away (sc., under platforms) 

124.22; (132.8) 
gwe\ge l yowd u da he having his back to him (literally, facing 

him away from view) 122.7 

i This form is an excellent example of the rather uncommon coordinate use of two body-part prefixes 
(gwel- LEG and sal- FOOT). 



13. la- 

(a) FRONT OF BODY (probably BELLY as contrasted with gel- 


l&ts!ayap* he washed himself in front of body 

burst 24.17 

* you (pi.) shall rip them open (like game 
after roasting) 118.5 

\&salt la ra gi e n I burst it with my feet (140.22) 
\& wayat*ba fa gi n I rip it open with knife (waya knife, as 
incorporated instrument) 

14. sal- 


s&\lats!agi n I stepped on it (instrument sal-: I foot-touched 

it) (196.18) 

s&l ilats!agi f n I touched his foot (object sal-; instrument %-) 
s&lts!ayap* he washed his feet 
s&lxugi they are standing 63.2 
he e s&Wgtin kick him off! (24.17) 
oZsaU &a F he kicked him 86.16,17,18 
gelbam 8&lgwi t*gwat* kick it way up! 
s&\yuwo e s he suddenly lifted up his foot (as when frightened) 

(cf. under da- and s in-) 
SB\.p!l i nd fu Jc*wa t n I warmed my feet 

15. a I- FACE, WITH EYE, TO, AT 

This is in all respects the most difficult prefix in regard to the 
satisfactory determination of its exact meaning. In a large 
number of cases it seems to involve the idea of sight, not infre 
quently adding that concept to a form which does not in 
itself convey any such implication. In most of the verb- 
forms, however, many of which have already been given 
under other prefixes, the al- seems to have no definitely ascer- 
tainable signification at all. In some cases it may be consid 
ered merely as an empty element serving as a support for a 
post-positive modal particle. For example: 

&\-his-gulugwa f n I am desirous of something 

where his TRYING can not occupy an initial position 

&l-di-yo%joyay did you know him ? 

Here &lyok!oyaY in itself hardly differs in content from 
yokloyaY YOU KNEW HIM. The most satisfactory definition 



that can be given of al- in its more general and indefinite 
use is that it conveys the idea of motion out from the sphere 
of the person concerned, whether the motion be directed 
toward some definite goal (object) or not; an approximate 
translation in such cases would be TO, AT. The correctness 
of this interpretation is borne out by the fact that al- at 
times replaces a more definite local phrase, as though it were 
a substitute for it, of the same general formal but weaker 
material content. 

wd a da lo u gwa n to-him I-thrust-it, where wa a da definitely ex 
presses a local pronominal idea TO, AT HIM. 

Compare : 

&lld u gwi n I stretched it out to him 

where the exact local definition of the action is not so clearly 
expressed; the direct object of the verb being here not the 
object thrust, but the person aimed at, while the indirectness 
of the action is interpreted by means of al- as an adverbial or 
local modification of the verbal content. The change of vowel 
in the ending, a i, is closely connected, as we shall later see, 
with this change of "face" in the verb. The first form may 
be literally translated as TO-HIM I-IT-THRUST; the second, as 
I-HIM-TO-THRUST (IT). Similarly, in &\ ilats!agi e n i TOUCHED 
HIS BODY, the al- is probably best considered as a general 
directive prefix replacing the more special prefixes (such as 
sal-, s in-j and so on) that indicate the particular part of the 
body affected, or, as one might put it, the exact limit of 
motion. The use of al- in local phrases shows clearly its 
general local significance: &ls d u ma^l AT, TO THE MOUNTAIN; 
ya e cfl TO THAT, as postposition equivalent to TO, FOR, FROM. 

(a) FACE, EYE: 

&\ d u dini n I look around for him (cf . o u da n I hunt for him) 

&\xi fi gi n I see, look at him (-xl*g- never occurs alone) 186.7; 


a\gaycfn he turned his face 
&\yebebi n I showed it to him (77.8) 
SL\yowot e I looked (cf. yowofe* I was) (64.3) 
o\ts!ayaga f n I washed his face (64.5) 
manx &\nu u Vwa he painted his (own) face 


W he found, discovered it (literally, he eye-found it; 

cf. under s in-, da a -, and gel-) 47.10; 92.27; 194.13 
&lsgald a liwi n I looked at them (moving head slightly to 


&\t*bd u lc!a lxde I have pimples on my face (cf. 102.20) 
&\t wap!a t wap*na n I blink with my eyes 102.20 
&\we 1c!ala n I shine 
xd & lt!anahi they watched it (literally, they-between-eye- 

held it; xd- al as incorporated local phrase[?]) 136.8 

(5) TO, AT: 

It is at least possible, if not very probable, that al- TO, AT, and 
al- EYE, FACE, are two entirely distinct prefixes. As many 
preceding examples have incidentally illustrated the local use 
of al-, only a few more need be given: 

Silp oup auM he blew on it 15.1 

&lhuyuxde I go hunting (42.1; 58.14; 70.2; 126.21) 

&lgesegasa f lt e I was washing 

alhemeW they met him 24.11 

&\ lxlep!e f xlap* he mashed it up into dough-like mass 94.11 

&l s lts ! o u di e n I touch, reach it 

&\se e gi n I bowed to him (172.10) 

16. dl i al- FOREHEAD: 

(\l i olts!ayap* he washed his forehead 

dl i &\gelegala f ms he tied his hair up into top-knot 172.2 

dl &[k d a p*gwa he put (dust) on his forehead 136.28 

17. gwen7ta-ii- NAPE: 

I shoot off nape of neck 
he has his hair tied in back of his head 

It will have been noticed that several of the body-part prefixes 
have developed special uses that almost entitle them, at times, to 
being considered verbal in function. Thus xd a - BACK, BETWEEN has 
been seen to develop, from its latter local use, the more strictly verbal 
one of cutting, splitting, breaking, or rending in two; the ideas of 
BETWEEN and of DIVISION IN TWO are naturally closely associated. 
The specialized semiverbal uses of some of the prefixes may be thus 
listed : 

da-, de- activity in reference to fire (burn, set on fire, glow) 

xd a - rend in two (cut, split, break) 

dl*- crushing activity (mash, squeeze) 

dl - fell, erect (long object) 

Jia- dress, undress 




[BULL. 40 

la- burst, rip open 
al- look, see 

The resemblance between this use of the Takelma body-part prefixes 
and the Siouan use of verb prefixes denoting instrumental activities 
(e. g., Ponka ~ba- BY PRESSING WITH THE HAND, ma- BY CUTTING, fa- 
WITH THE MOUTH, BY BLOWING) is not far to seek, although in Takelma 
the development seems most plausibly explained from the local, rather 
than the instrumental, force of the prefixes. Neither the employment 
of Takelma body-part nor of Siouan instrumental prefixes with verb 
stems is in any morphologic respect comparable to the peculiar com 
position of initial and second-position verb stems characteristic of 
Algonkin and Yana. The same general psychic tendency toward 
the logical analysis of an apparently simple activity into its com 
ponent elements, however, seems evident in the former as well as in 
the latter languages. 


The purely local prefixes, those that are not in any way associated 
with parts of the body, are to be divided into two groups: 

(1) Such as are used also in the formation of noun and pronoun 
local phrases or of postpositions, these being in that regard closely 
allied to the body-part prefixes in their more general local use; and 

(2) Such as are employed strictly as verbal prefixes, and are inca 
pable of entering into combination with denominating elements. The 
following table gives all the common prefixes of both groups, examples 
of noun or pronoun local phrases being added in the last column : 



Local phrase. 


across, through 

hanwaxga^n across the creek 


under, down 

hawande under me 


away, off 

he^s-ouma^l beyond the mountain 


away into brush, among, between 

dan gada^l among rocks 


on both sides 

ha s yade on both sides of, around mo 


yonder, far off 






in front, still 






out, out of housa 

p. a-i- 



in house, into house 


up into air 


in river 



Of these, the first five belong to the first group, the last nine to the 
second. The position of Jia a - and me - is somewhat doubtful; but 
the fairly evident etymological connection of the former with 7ia ae ya 
and the correlative relation in form and meaning between me - and 
he e -, make it probable that they are to be classed with the first 
group. While some of these prefixes (such as dal- and Tian-) are 
inconceivable as separate adverbial elements, others (particularly 
aba-i, which is apparently composed of demonstrative element a- 
THIS 4- Ita-i) are on the border-land between true prefix and inde 
pendent adverb. me s - and 7ie es -, though they are never used alone, 
stand in close etymological relation to a number of local adverbs 
(such as eme HERE and ge THERE), which also, though not so rigidly 
as to justify their being termed prefixes, tend to stand before the 
verb. The difference between local prefix and adverb is one of 
degree rather than of fundamental morphologic traits; in any case, 
it is rather artificial to draw the line between me - in such forms as 
me yeu COME BACK! and ge in, e. g., ge yowo THERE IT is. Sometimes, 
though not frequently, two local prefixes, neither of them a body-part 
element, occur in a single verb form! See, e. g., p!ai-hau- under 2 
below, also ab(ii-ba a - 62.1. 


I swim across 
iW" he threw it across 120.22 

he looked through it 
h&nyewe ** he went back across 178.16 

gwan-h&nsgd u sde I lie stretched across the trail (literally, I- 
road-across-cut) (148.8) 

2. ha- it- UNDER, DOWN: 

harugwenyut!u yidi e n I swallow it down greedily, making grunting 

noise (126.10) 

ha-usafc he paddled him down river (ba a - up river) 
ha-uj/owo f e I sweat (literally, I-under-am) 
ei p!a-ihsi -ut*gu u px canoe upset 60.8 
har-uhana s it stopped (raining) 196.8 

3. he e - OFF, AWAY: 

he ileme F he killed them off 14.13; 110.21; 144.6 
he e sgo u da n I cut it off (44.4); 72.10; (92.14,16) 
he e gwidiW w he threw it away 
he e iuwa he went away from him (23.12; 146.18) 
he Q salt*gunt*gini n I kick him off (24.17) 



hQ e ihu lup !i n I beat off bark (with stick) 
hQ e lFap!a k ibi n I chipped them off (92.3) 
he e wa a ga n I buy it (literally, I carry it off) (176.17) 
he e t*guyu i s it is blistered 


dsilyewe /i he ran off into brush 14.6; 110.10 
d&\gwidiW w he threw it into brush 
d&lp*o u di n I mix it with it (178.5) 
dsL\xabili fu he jumped between them 106.20 

5. ha ya- ON BOTH SIDES: 

hsL yagini f fc they passed each other 

hsi ysiwat!emexia u they assemble coming from both sides 144.23 

6. ha as FAR OFF: 

h& f!i yewe i they returned going far off 146.22; (47.4; 188.1) 
ha, e xda /a xdagwa e n I threw something slippery way off 
This prefix is evidently identical with the demonstrative stem Jia a 
seen, e. g., in ha ga THAT ONE YONDER. 

7. me - HITHER: 

me-</im F he came here 146.24 (gegini Y he went there 77. 7) 
7ia nme gini ~k* they come from across (note two local prefixes; 

Jiangini lc they go across) 

me yeu come back! (yen return!) (23.11,12,13,14; 96.5); 59.5 
me hiwili u he came running this way 

Not infrequently me - conveys the fuller idea of COME TO , 

as in: 
me bep*xip* come (pi.) and chop for me! 90.16 

8. wl- AROUND: 

wl lt*ge f ye xi they are surrounding me (48.13; 190.14) 
wlt*ge ye e Jc i they put it round about 176.14 

9. liawi- IN FRONT, STILL: 

fhawij/ar^V I go in front 

1 h&wiyana s front dancer 

ha,wibaxa m still they come, they keep coming 146.1 

bo u h&widegu ttclalxda? after a while it will blaze up (bo u = now) 

10. iva- TOGETHER: 
wsJcloyoxinik* we go together 

wa*$te*/</m fc squeeze (your legs) together! (26.5) 

la a w&willk* w he traveled up along (river) .(literally, he went up 

having it together with him) 21.14 
w&yanh w he followed him (literally, he went having him together 

with him) 23.11 


w&t!emexia u they are assembling together (110.3); 144.23 

wsi lt!oxo f xi he gathered them together 112.6 

w&t!illk*ni she gave them one each 130.4 

w&himW he talked to him 59.16; 63.10 

da gaxdeV w& alt*geye t*giyi n I tied it about my head (literally, 

my-head I-together-to-surround-it) 
p!d a s wsJc!e e wa lxgwa snow is whirling around 

Sometimes wa- seems to indicate simultaneity of activity, as in : 
wedd a la uJii she kept twining basket (while talking) 61.5 

In many cases the adverbial meaning of wa- is hardly apparent, and 
one is sometimes in doubt whether to look upon it as the prefix 
here discussed or to identify it with the instrumental element 
wa- WITH, WITH IT; the two may indeed be at bottom identical. 

11. ba a - UP (55.16; 59.10; 60.11; 63.6,12): 

bsi a dini f x (clouds) were spread out in long strips (literally, they 

stretched up) 13.3 
b&H!ebe t e I get up 186.14; (196.1) 
b& a wadawayaW w he flies up with it 
b&*yank* w he picked it up 15.9; 24.3; 59.15 
JcIiyVx bsL*wd1c* smoke comes out (literally, up-arrives) 29.3 
(ddnxda) b& algwili^s he turned up (his ear) 
(dak* will) ba a #im / F he went up (on top of house) 30.6 
b& a s d f s stand up! 

bsPyewe ** he got better (literally, he-up-returned) (15.2) 
ba a Aawa e F she dipped up (water) 


bsi-iyewe fi they went out again 
b&-ixodo f xat* she took off (her garment) 13.4 
b&-mli xgwa he lands with (boat) 13.5 
ba-isafc w he came to land 
b&-i a lyowo he looked outside 
b&-iliimima n I drive him out 
ba-i gwidiW" he threw it out 92.15,16 ; (haxiya daf) b&-igwidW w 

he threw it (from in the water) on to land (31.2) 
bsL-ibiliwaY you jumped out of house 24.15; (46.6) 
(hadede) b&-iyeweyini n I took it out (of my mouth) (literally, 

b&-idehenenaY you are through eating (literally, you-out-mouth- 

are-finished) (132.14) 
ba,-it!ixi xi he pulled (guts) out 92.17 

(dok s d u ma l) ba-iwoF he got up (on the mountain) 124.4; (60.9) 

$ 37 


In certain idiomatic turns the primary signification of la-i- is as 

good as lost: 

(he e l-)\)&-imats!aW he began to sing (lit., he-song-out-put) 102.17 
bar-ikHyi W he comes 92.1, 2; 156.24; 168.13 

13. p!a-i- DOWN: 

pl&i lt!ana ]ii n I held him down 

p\BrigwidiW v he threw it down 

p\Bf-iwaya e he went to lie down, to sleep (lit., he down-slept) 25.9 

p la-iloJiolfe* I fell down (literally, I down-died) 

pl&-iyewe i (arrow) fell down back 22.5; 48.14 

p l&-i a lyowo he looked down 26.14 

p\&iyowo they sat down (literally, they down-were) 56.2 

p \&-isgaya pxde I lay down 

14. aba-i- IN HOUSE, INTO HOUSE 

It would perhaps be best to consider this an independent adverb 
(demonstrative pronoun a- THIS + ba-i-, formed analogously 
to eme HERE [ = demonstrative adverb e- HERE + me ]} ; its 
correlative relation to ba-i- makes it seem advisable to give 
examples of its occurrence here: 
&b&igini e Jc* he went inside 25.8; 27.7,13; 64.3 
8Lba,iMwili u he ran inside 16.12 
aba-iwoF they went into house 29.6; (44.7); 160.19 

* e I stay at home 
!a a Yts! a Y he stepped into house 31.3 

15. bam- UP INTO AIR 

This prefix occurs often with preposed elements gel- or dl*- as 
gelbam- or difya/m-, which would seem to mean respectively 


and DIRECTLY OVER one : 
he threw it up 
F" he threw it up 
v he threw it up 
he shot it up 22.5 

he looked up 
ge\bofjns i e ull he was sitting up (in tree) 48.7 

x&malts!ayap* he washed himself in river 
x&mgwidiW" he threw it into river (33.6) ; 108.5 
xa,mhiwili u he ran to river 29.13; 94.16 

xa mAiZaj/iawF they became in river ( = were drowned) 166.16 
x&m a lyowo he looked down from top of mountain 124.4 (con 
trast pl&i e a lyowo e he looked down from ground 26.14) 


it is somewhat difficult to classify this prefix, as it does not belong 
either to the bocty-part or the purely local group. Strictly speaking 
it should be considered the incorporated form of the demonstrative 
pronoun in its instrumental function. As was seen above, it may 
represent an instrumental noun, but, while the noun may itself be 
incorporated to denote the instrument, this is not the case with the 
demonstrative pronoun. For example: 

ga wede yapta-wa-domJiiga 5 that not I-people-with-shall-kill ( = 1 
shall not kill people therewith) 

In other words, it would seem likely that such a form as ga al wa- 
ts!ayagi s n i WASH HIM WITH THAT is related to an al e wats!ayagi s n 
i WASH HIM WITH IT as, e. g., xl al wats!ayagi n i WASH HIM WITH 
WATER, to the form alxits!ayagi f n i WATER-WASH HIM, i. e., the wa 
in al wats!ayagi n is to be regarded as an incorporated ga THAT, IT 
(such forms as *algats!ayagi n have never been found to occur). It 
will be noticed that the verb-forms with incorporated wa- are nor 
mally characterized by a suffixed -i- or -Jii- ; as soon, however, as the 
verb loses its instrumental "face," this -i- is replaced by the normal 
-a-. Thus: 

wilau wats!ayagi f n arrow I-shoot 1 -him- with-it (with incorpo 
rated wa-, wila^u ARROW being outside the verb-structure and 
in apposition with wa-) 

ts!ayaga f n wi lau wa^ I-shoot-him arrow with (in which also wa- 
stands outside the verb-complex, acting as an instrumental 
postposition to wila^u) 
Examples of instrumental wa- are: 

(salxde)sal waJ,ats!agi n I touched him with my foot (literally, 
my-foot I-foot-with-it-touched-him) 

(w^wtfuvgwa rihi I drink (water) with it 

(yap!a)wsit!omomi n I kill (people) with it (but yap! a t!omomaf n 
I kill people) 

alw&ts!ey8k*wide s I washed myself with it 

ga Ids do u mia gehv&gulugwi n I try to kill him with that (literally, 
that trying killing-him I-with-desire-it) 

se e l-w&ts!elelamda n I write with it 

(iuxdeW)w8igaya-iwi s n I used to eat with (my hands) 

1 Aorist ts. ayag- SHOOT and aorist ts. ayag- WASH are only apparently identical, being respectively formed 
from steins saag- and ts/aig-. 




[BULL. 40 

(p*im)wsLSana 7iink* they will spear (salmon) with it 28.15 (cf. 

sancfnk* they will spear it) 

Although, as was suggested before, the prefix wa- as instrument 
may be ultimately identical with the adverbial wa- TOGETHER (the 
SOMETHING TOGETHER WITH IT are not very far removed), the two 
can not be regarded as convertible elements. This is clearly brought 
out in such forms as Item wa, e lwa,t!oxo xi e n i PICKED THEM TOGETHER 
WITH STICK. Literally translated, this sentence reads, STICK i- 
TOGETHER-HAND-WITH-IT-PICKED-THEM; the first wa- is the adver 
bial prefix; v, the general instrumental idea conveyed by the 
character of the verb (GATHER WITH OXE S HANDS) ; and the second 
wa-, the incorporated representative of the more specific instrument 
bem STICK. If preferred, I- may be interpreted, though less prob 
ably, as a local element (-iwa- = with it in hand) . 

2. Formation of Verb- Stems ( 39, 40) 


By a verb-stem will be here understood not so much the simplest 
possible form in which a verb appears after being stripped of all its 
prefixes, personal elements, tense-forming elements, and derivative 
suffixes, but rather the constant portion of the verb in all tense and 
mode forms except the aorist. The verb-stem thus defined will in 
the majority of cases coincide with the base or root, i. e., the simplest 
form at which it is possible to arrive, but not always. Generally 
speaking, the aorist is characterized by an enlargement of the base 
that we shall term "aorist stem," the other tense-modes showing 
this base in clearer form; in a minority of cases, however, it is the 
aorist stem that seems to coincide with the base, while the verb-stem 
is an amplification of it. Examples will serve to render these remarks 
somewhat clearer: 

Aorist stem 


Probable base 

t. omom- 


doum- kill 



naag-(nag-) say to 
haal- answer 



dud- hunt for 



loh- die 



yul- rub 





By far the larger number of verbal bases are monosyllabic. Where 
the simplest radical element that can be analyzed out remains dis 
syllabic (as in da-wi- FLY, agan- PERCEIVE, yimi- LEND), the proba 
bility is always very great that we have to reckon either with ampli 
fications of the base, or with suffixes that have become so thoroughly 
amalgamated with the base as to be incapable of separation from it 
even in formal analysis; in some cases the dissyllabic character of 
the verb-stem is due to a secondary phonetic reason (thus dawi- is 
for dawy-, cf. dauy-; while in agan- the second a is inorganic, the 
real stem thus being *agn-) . Most bases end either in a vowel or, more 
frequently, in a single consonant; such as end in two consonants (as 
yalg- DIVE, s omd- BOIL, lilw- JUMP) may often be plausibly suspected 
of containing a petrified suffixed element. 

The few examples of verb and aorist stems already given suffice to 
indicate the lack of simple, thorough-going regularity in the forma 
tion of the aorist stem from the base. Given the verb-stem, it is 
possible only in the minority of cases to foretell the exact form of the 
aorist stem. Thus, if do u m- had followed the analogy of the pho 
netically parallel na a g-, we should have in the aorist not Homom-, 
but domo-] similarly, the phonetic similarity of odo- and loho- would 
lead us to expect an aorist stem ld u h- s and not lohoi-, for the latter. 
Nor is it safe to guess the form of the verb-stein from a given aorist 
stem. Thus, while the aorist lohoi- corresponds to a verb-stem loho-, 
yewei- corresponds to yen- RETURN; nagai-, to na- SAY, DO; and 
Jdemei-, to klemn- DO, MAKE. Mere phonetic form has, indeed, com 
paratively little to do with determining the relation of the two 
stems. This is clearly evidenced by the following cases of homony- 
mous but etymologically distinct bases with corresponding aorist 

Verb base 


Aorist stem 

{1. mock 



2. wrestle 


\\1. work 



J2. relate 

hegw(h)aagw- , hegwe- 


1. be finished 



2. wait for 


1. find 

t. ayag- 


2. build fire 

t. agai- 




[BULL. 40 

The signification of the verb-stem gives almost no information 
as to the form of the aorist stem, the various types of aorist forma 
tion being each exemplified by a heterogeneous array of verbs, as far 
as any discernible similarity of meaning is concerned. It is true that, 
in a comparatively few cases, certain types of aorist formation can 
be shown to be characteristic of intransitive verbs; but in these the 
formation of the aorist stem involves the addition of a distinct pho 
netic element that has every appearance of being a worn-down suffix. 

Not the least remarkable feature of tense-formation lies in the fact 
that the most frequently used of the tense-modes, the aorist (equivalent 
to immediate future, present, and past) , generally shows the derived or 
amplified form of the base; while the far less important tense-modes, 
the future, inferential, potential, and present and future imperatives 
employ the generally more fundamental verb-stem. In its naked 
form the aorist stem appears as the third person subject third per 
son object aorist transitive. For example: 

Homom he killed him 
nagcC 1 he said to him 
-Tial he answered him 
o fu f he hunted for him 

The bare verb-stem appears as the second person singular (third per 
son object) present imperative intransitive and transitive. For ex 
ample : 

do u m kill him! 
odo^ hunt for him! 

no" say ! do ! 

and as the first element of the periphrastic future, that will later 
receive treatment. 

In striking contrast to the extensive use in Athapascan of distinct 
and unrelated stems for the singular and plural, only a very few such 
cases have been discovered in Takelma ; and even in these the singu 
lar stem may, it seems, also be used in the plural. 

Sing, verb-stem 

PI. verb-stem 

Sing, form 

PI. form 

s - ar- stand 
s u e al- sit 


s^afini lie stands 
b&a-saasa sdc (= sd,as- 
sas-) I come to a 

s-u*wint e* (- s-u s att-} 
I am seated 

sal-xogwi they stand 

M"sal-xo xi(jinak (= 
xog-xag-) we come to 
a stand 

al-xallyana^k we are 



It is interesting to observe that, while STAND and SIT are intran 
sitive in the singular, the plural stems sal-xog w - and al-xall 1 - make 
transitive forms with a third personal object (-ancfY first person 
plural aorist transitive, -i F intransitive; cf. tlomomancfV we kill 
him, but s as inlp*ik* we stand and 8 U*wifap*ik* we are seated, dwell, 

The great majority of verb-stems are either necessarily transitive 
or intransitive, or are made such by appropriate suffixes. Only a 
few cases occur of verbs that are both transitive and intransitive, 
the respective forms being kept distinct only by the varying pro 
nominal suffixes. Such are: 

moyugw-a n-t*e s I am spoiled, and moyugw-an-a n I spoil him 
ligi-n-t*e s I rest, and ligtf-n-a^n I rest him 

Jc!uwu / they ran away in flight, and Jctuwu he sowed, threw 
them about 

Certain forms are alike for both transitive and intransitive; e. g., 
second person plural subject: Jc!uwuwaYp\ 


In looking over the many examples of verb and corresponding 
aorist stems obtained, it was found possible to make out sixteen types 
of stem-relations. Of this large number of types about half are of 
frequent occurrence, while of each of the rest but few examples have 
been found. It is not claimed for a moment that all of these types 
should be regarded as being exactly on a par, but merely that they 
have the value of forming a convenient systematization of the some 
what bewildering mass of methods of radical or base changes encoun 
tered. It is very probable that some of these are ramifications of 
others, while some types show more or less petrified suffixes that for 
some reason or other became specialized in certain tenses. As com 
parative linguistic material is entirely lacking, however, we can not 
make a genetic classification of types; a purely descriptive classifi 
cation must suffice. 

In the following table of types of stem-formation, c means conso 
nant; v, vowel; d, the fortis correspondent of c; c l} c 2 , and so on, other 
consonants; v v denotes pseudo-diphthong; other letters are to be 
literally interpreted. 




[BULL. 40 

Table of Types of Stem-Formation 



Formula verb-stem 

Formula aorist stem 

Example verb-stem 

Example aorist stem 


, + c 


06- dig up 










<uits. - laugh 
[masg- put 

mats. ag- 




t aag-cry 

t agai- 




loho- die 





yana- go 





p ot!- mix 





deeb- arise 

t. ebe- 



c. +v+Ci+v+i 

diiugw- wear 

t. ugui- 




goul- dig 

k. olol- 




davg- find 

t. ayag- 


C+V( + Ci) 

C+V+C( + Ci) 

lou- play 




C+V+Ci+C( + V) 

sana- fight 










t. &u- play shinny 

t. &ut. au- 




sensan- whoop 





diiU al- stuff with 




lobolb- be accustomed 

to pound (also 





xeeb- do 




s-as-an- stand 





dink. as- lie spread out 

dink !H-) 




ktolsi be lean k. alas-) 

Not all form^ find an exact parallel in one of the sixteen types 
here listed. There is a considerable number of more or less isolated 
cases left, particularly of frequentative or usitative forms, that it is 
difficult to classify ; but on closer examination some at least of these 
are seen to be secondary developments. Verb-stem al-sgalwal(w)- 


aorist stem al-sgald a l(aw)-, looks anomalous because of its apparently 
inserted first -w-; but these two forms become explicable as frequen 
tative developments, according to Type 8, of their corresponding 
simplexes, verb-stem al-sgalw- LOOK BY TURNING HEAD TO SIDE and 
aorist stem al-sgalaw-. It will be convenient to dispose of such 
anomalous and difficult cases under such headings as allow them to 
appear as at least comparatively regular formations. It should not 
be supposed that a particular verb-stem always and necessarily 
involves a fixed aorist stem in all possible derivations of the verb, 
though in probably the larger number of cases such a fixed parallel 
ism may be traced. As examples of the occurrence of more than one 
aorist stem to match a verb-stem may be mentioned : 


verb-stem -xlkl- see; aorist Type 6 -xVg- and Type 2 -xik!i-xa- 
see (without object) 

verb-stem yen- return; aorist intransitive Type 4 yewei-, causa 
tive Type 2 yewe e -n-, and, according to Type 8, yewew-ald- 
go back for some one 

There are few if any verbs whose verb and aorist stems absolutely 
coincide. If in nothing else the two differ at least in the quantity 
of the stem vowel, the aorist stem always tending to show a long 
vowel. In some cases the two (dissyllabic) stems seem identical in 
phonetic form because of the persistence of an inorganic a in the 
second syllable of the verb-stem and the presence of a repeated 
radical a in the second syllable of the aorist stem. Sometimes only 
certain of the forms built on the verb-stem exhibit the inorganic a; 
in such cases the secondary character of the a is directly proven by 
the forms that lack it. A case in point is : 

aorist stem ts Iayam- hide; verb-stem ts ! ay[a] l m- and ts !a-im- 

Other verbs, however, are phonetically so constituted as to require 
the presence of the inorganic a in all forms derived from the verb- 
stem. Such are: 

aorist stem agan- feel, hear; verb-stem ag[a]n- 
aorist stem p/aJian- be ripe, done; verb stem p!ah[a]n- 

Under such circumstances ambiguous forms may result; e. g., 
w& agamY may be construed either as an aorist (YOU FELT IT) or as 
a potential (YOU WOULD FEEL IT) derived from the stem ag[a]n-. 
But evidence is not lacking even in these cases to prove the inor 
ganic character of the second a in the non-aorist forms. One test 
has been already referred to in another connection the incapability 
of a secondary diphthong (a diphthong involving an inorganic a) to 
have a rising accent. Thus: 

aorist <Za a agaii (-aga v n) he heard it; but imperative cZa a ag[a ]n 
hear it! 

A second test is the failure of inorganic a to become ablauted to e. 

aorist plehen- a nxi he causes me to be done; but future p!eh[a]n- 
ofnxinlc he will cause me to be done 

The various types of stem-formation will now be taken up in the 
order of their occurrence in the table. 

1 Brackets indicate an inorganic element. 
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 7 S 40 


TYPE 1. Verb-stem v + c; aorist v* + c. In this type are embraced 
partly monosyllabic and partly dissyllabic verb-stems that either 
seem to undergo no change at all in the aorist or merely lengthen 
the stem-vowel. The number of verbs that follow the type does not 
seem to be very great. Examples: 

Verb-stein Aorist stem 

woga ^ he will arrive (196.20) wo u k he arrived 47.15 

obo/n I shall dig it up o u ba *n I dug it up (48.7) 

yi x U copulating 86.5 yPla / n I copulated with her 26.3 

ugwa n I shall drink it (162.17) u u gwa e n I drank it 186.3 

hogwana n I shall make him run ho u gwana f n I made him run 

(138.2) (79.2) 

7iin x- n.iwa s coward 76.5; Jiin e x^i^wa/ e n I was afraid (17.7) 


wBV I shall travel (178.11) wife* I traveled (90.1) 

t Wla mxade e I shall go fishing t Wla mxade 6 I went fishing 

yimi /mt I shall lend it to him yVmiya^n I lend it to him 

(98.14) (98.15) 

huli nZV I shall be tired out hu u li n$V I was tired out (102.1) 

hagaWV I shall have a cold thrill hagaftVI had a cold thrill 166.1 

lohona n I shall cause him to die \oho u na f n I caused him to die 


al-ge f y&Tide e I shall turn my face al- geyano/ ?i I turned my face 

As regards the accent of the stem syllable, the examples show that, 
whenever accented, it takes the rising pitch when long, the raised 
pitch when short (and final). Compare further: 

o u p* he dug it up 124.5, 12 Jiin x-nlu he was afraid 

UY W he drank it 162.20 al-geya^n he turned his face 

TYPE 2. Verb-stem v + c; aorist v + c + v. If, as seems probable, 
the second consonant of verbal bases ending in two consonants is in 
many cases really a petrified suffix, a very large proportion of those 
verbs that might be listed under Type 3 really belong here, thus 
making Type 2 probably the most numerously represented of all types. 
In some forms it is possible to detect the derivative character of the 
second consonant by a comparison of etymologically related forms 
that lack it; e. g., in ts ldm- RATTLE (aorist ts !elem-) r the -m- is 
shown to be a suffix, though of no determinable signification, because 
of its absence in the corresponding frequentative ts lelets lal-. A 
corroborative phonetic test lies in the treatment of the first con 
sonant of the cluster, in so far as verbs following Type 3 show a fortis 
in the aorist as against a media or tenuis in the verb-stem, while those 





of Type 2 suffer no change in this respect; e. g., verb-stem wism- 
MOVE has aorist according to Type 3, wits Urn-, as contrasted with 
verb-stem t gism- GET GREEN with aorist of Type 2 fgisim- (t gism- 
should therefore be analyzed as base t gis- + suffix -m-). This 
criterion enables us to pick out an otherwise unsuspected suffix in 
verbs like tlo/p g- FINISH, aorist tlabag- (not Type 3, *t lap fag-), but 
can be applied only where the first consonant of the verb-stem is s, 
I, d, or g. A more general phonetic test would seem to be the 
position occupied by the inorganic vowel -a-. In those cases in 
which we have most reason to consider the second consonant as 
part of the base, this -a- follows the cluster as " constant" a; while 
otherwise, and indeed in the majority of cases, it is inserted between 
the two consonants: wisma t*e e i SHALL MOVE (base wism-), but 
t*gisa mt l e e i (AS PLANT) SHALL GET GREEN. An application of these 
various criteria, were sufficient material at hand, would probably 
show that but a comparatively small number of verbs follow Type 3. 
Examples of verbs of Type 2 are : 


f-t!am n I shall hold him (28.11) 
wa-k \oPyafn I shall go with him 

o sbin ( = ? ok-s-) I shall give ic 

to you (178.15) 
oina n I shall give it 
y&lxaldan I shall lose it (188.18) 
yo JV I shall be (33.10) 
nak inF he will say to him 


da-sg&lpxde e I shall lie down 
. t*u u ga it will get hot 
s omda n I shall cook it 

Examples illustrating the intrusive 


bila ut e* I shall jump (160.17) 
tmlada n I shall love her 
kliya Vde* I shall come 196.1 
gma Jc*de e I shall go somewhere 

duwaWde* I shall be good 

Aorist stem 

hi*n I held him 73.16 
wa-k\oyo n I went with him 

ogu sbi n I gave it to you 23.3 

oyona n I gave it (180.20) 
y&l&xaldafn I lost it (77.10) 
yowotfV I was (42.1) 
naga N he said to him 180.7 

da-sg&ysi 2)xde I am lying down 
t uwu F it got hot 94.15 
s omoda / ?i I cooked it (58.10) 

-a- are: 

Aorist stem 

bilifi&V I jumped 1 (45.14) 
ml\$da e n I love her 
-kliyi de I came (156.24) 
gim Jc de 5 I went somewhere 

duwuk*de I was good (146.7) 

Perhaps best considered as belonging to Type 3 (verb-stem bilw-). 



Verb-stem Aorist stem 

xm&afV de e I shall be satiated xumu Fd<? I was satiated 


wiya k de* I shall groan wiyi Fde I groaned (192.11) 

xuda mZV I shall whistle xudimZV I whistled (33.16) 

ts !ela ra/V I shall rattle ts !elem^e I rattled (102.13) 

ts lus.a mt e* I shall make whis- ts lus umt e I made whistling 
tling noise by drawing in noise (78.9,10,12) 
breath between teeth and 
lower lip 

\i l ga nt*e e I shall rest liglnZV I rested (79.2,4) 

y&la nfe 6 1 shall be lost (cf. 14.3) yalafitfV I am lost (note differ 
ence in accent between aorist 
and future) 

It is to be understood, of course, that this -a- is in no sense a 
characterizing future or non-aorist element, as, when the phonetic 
conditions allow, it drops out altogether. This takes place when the 
consonant following the intrusive -a- is itself followed by a vowel. 
Thus the second person singular future (-ada ] of some of the verbs 
listed has no -a-: bilwada f , gingada , du u gada , wl { gada / , yalnada 5 . 
Similarly the simple stem xud- WHISTLE appears in xut*ma / s WHISTLER. 

In regard to vocalic quantity it will be observed that the verbs of 
this type divide themselves into two classes those with short verb- 
stem vowel (such as t!an-, og-, s om-d-, gin-g- } yal-n-} and those with 
long verb-stem vowel (k!o u y- } yal-x-ald-, ll i g-[a]n- } t*u u -g-, wiil-[a]d-}. 
The first and second stem vowels of the aorist of verbs of the first 
class are regularly both short (t!ana-, ogo-, s omo-d-, gini-g-, yala-n-) ; 
the aorists of the second class seem generally to have a short first 
but long second vowel (k!oyo u -, yald a -x-ald, ligtf-n-, t*uwu u -g-, miltf-d-} . 
The verb nd a g- (aorist naga-) SAY TO and perhaps a few others (sgdi- 
p-x-, aorist sgaya-p-x-} al-ts!di-g- WASH aorist al-ts!aya-g-; but 
al-ts!di-p*- WASH ONESELF, aorist al-ts!aya a -p-*) do not follow this 
rule. Of the verb yo- (aorist yowo-) forms of both accent classes are 
found (yot e e as well as yo t*e e , yowo fe? as well as yowot*e ), and 
indeed a lengthening of the second vowel of aorists of the first class 
seems to occur with considerable frequency. The rising for long and 
the raised for final short stem vowels seem to be the normal accents 
for verbs of Type 2, whether the stress falls on the first or second 
(in aorists) vowel. If, however, the accented vowel is followed by a 



glottal catch or fortis consonant the accent, as generally in such a 
case, is a falling one. Thus: 

s o u Vopde e I shall jump (148.8)) s owo u V6p*de I jump (48.15 ; 49.1) 
Such forms as wa-Jc!oyo n are only apparently opposed oo the rule 
(see 65). 

TYPE 3. Verb-stem v + c + c t ; aorist v + c! J - 1> -t- o r Tne most 
satisfactory test of a verb of this type is the intervocalic fortis 
consonant of the aorist stem as contrasted with the correspond 
ing non-fortis consonant of the verb-stem. As only the minority of 
base-final consonant-clusters begin with a consonant that is capable 
of being changed to a fortis, there are in the material available only a 
few verbs to which the test can be applied. Those showing an 
intervocalic fortis (changed from non-fortis) in the aorist stem are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

t-lasgi n I shall touch it -lats \agi n I touched it 

masga/?i I shall put it (102.15) matslago/^ I put it 74.13 

wismada f you will move wits limaY you moved 148.16 

yo kVcMi I shall know it (162.6) yokloya n I knew it 50.5 

\op*dia u t* it will rain lop!odm /M it rained 152.11 

In other verbs of this type the only characteristic of the aorist 
stem is the repetition between the consonants of the cluster of the 
stem-vowel. The following verb-forms exemplify this group, with 
the reservation that if in any case the second consonant of the 
cluster be really a suffix, the form should be assigned to Type 2. 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

t !amyana ?i 1 shall go to get her t !amayana ?i I went to get her 

married (150.5,19) married (148.5) 

ts!a-uyo/ s fast runner 138.2 ts!awaiV I ran fast 

dl s -u f its lamt" fool him! dl uyu f ts lamda n I fooled him 

baxma^V 1 ( = baxm-} I shall come baxam^V I came (114.16) 

ga-iwr/Ti I shall eat it 128.18 gayawa / n I ate it 30.11 

moigwcmo/Ti I shall spoil it moyugwarwi / n I spoiled it 


yo u snan I shall scare him (186.10) yowo sna ^ I scared him 


malgwi n I shall tell him malagm e n I told him (30.15) 

ba-i-xilgwi n I shall snatch it &a-i-xiligwi / 7i I snatched it out 

out (33.4) 

i This verb clearly belongs to Type 3 because of constant -a- following -xm-. Had it belonged to Type 2 
it would have assumed the form *baxa mt ee. 



Verb-stem Aorist stem 

gwel-leisde e I shall be lame gwel-le ye e sde s I am lame 

Jdawlf e e I shall fly (166.18) dawaftV I flew (166.18) 
}da-uya s flyer 

ba-i-hemga n : I" shall take (food) &a-i-hemega ?i I took (food) 

ou-t (16/10) out (58.9; 118.12) 

TiaVrgPlba n f shall put (beam) 7ian-gi\[ba /s n I put (beam) across 

tfcross 7 (176.3) 

6a-i-k!a a lsi 7i I shall take it out &a-i-k!ala si e n I took it out 


p elga n I shall go to war against p elego/ n I went to war against 

them (124.19) them (110.4) 

yamda n I shall ask him (70.6) yamada/ f n I asked him (56.3) 

yi ms aldan I shall dream about jum. f s oMa n I dreamed about 

him him 186.3 
7ia^u-hafu sdd a it will stop (rain- Aa-^-hana / s it stopped (rain 
ing) (198.9) ing) 196.8 
yo u ga n I shall marry her (192.16) yowoga f n I married her (43.3) 

As long as the first consonant of the cluster is a semivowel (w, y) 
or a liquid or nasal (Z, m, n) t the question as to whether the verb 
belongs to Type 2 or Type 3 is a purely etymological or historical one. 
Descriptively it makes no difference whether a form like p*elega s n 
i WENT TO WAR AGAINST THEM is derived from peleg- by the inser 
tion of the stem-vowel -e- between Z and g (Type 3), or from p el-g- 
by the addition of the -e- to a base p*el- (Type 2). From a purely 
descriptive point of view, then, the most typical aorist formation in 
Takelma may be said to be characterized by the repetition of the stem- 
vowel immediately after the first consonant following the stem-vowel. 

From the point of view of vocalic quantity the verbs of Type 3 
fall into the same two classes as those of Type 2 such as have a 
short vowel in the stem (t!amy- } tslawy-, malg-, p elg-, Jiants!-) and 
such as have a long vowel (uits l-, gtflb-, Jc!a a ls}, these latter being 
apparently much less numerous than in Type 2. The quantity of 
both the stem vowels of the aorist is regularly short, even when the 
verb-stem vowel is long (gilib-, Jcfalas-) ; only rarely is the second 
vowel of the aorist stern long (Uye e s-, uyifits !-} . The accent of 
stressed stem vowels follows the same rules as in the case of verbs of 
Type 3 (dowaVfe*, luin-gili p with rising or raised pitch; but Tiana s s, 
Tie ie x-da a HE WILL BE LEFT OVER, uyu fii s de s i LAUGH, with falling 
accent because of the glottal catch). 



TYPE 4. Verb-stem v v + c(+v); aorist v-\-c + v + i. Verbs of this 
type are intransitive, the -i-, though confined to the aorist, being 
evidently in some way connected with the intransitive character. 
That it is really a derivative element characteristic of the aorist is 
shown by its conduct in transitive forms derived from the intransitive. 
In the causative in -n- it drops out: 

t aga a ft(7/ ?i I make him cry 
while in certain other transitive derivatives it is preserved : 

Va.g&yagwa e n I cry having it 

The contradiction in treatment is here only apparent, as the absence 
or presence of the -i- would seem to depend not so much on the 
transitive or intransitive form of the verb as on whether the action 
expressed by the verb is logically transitive or not (in a causative the 
action is necessarily directed toward an object, in a comitative the 
formal object is not concerned in the action of the verb at all). Types 
4a and 4& may properly be considered subclasses of Types 2 and 1 
respectively, though it should be noted that the -i- occurs nowhere 
except in one special tense the aorist. Examples of Type 4& are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

ye ftfV I shall return (92.24) yeweftV I returned (58.9,13) 

p!ak <Ze I shall bathe (58.5; 118.7) plagaftV I bathed 58.2 

t ak de 6 1 shall cry (29.11) t agaif e I cried (29.13; 62.2) 

naYe e (irregular)Ishallsay,do 196.5 nagaft V I said, did 126.3;180.1 

Even less numerous are the examples of 4Z> that have been found: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

lohoY dead (98.10; 170.1; 186.21) lohoIZV I died 184.18 
leheY drifting dead to land lehe i he drifted dead to land 


The aorist of verbs of Type 4 regularly have the rising accent on 
the i- dipthong formed by the repeated stem vowel and the i- suffix. 
The stressed stem-vowel of forms built on the verb-stem regularly 
has the rising (4a) or raised accent (second vowel of 4b). na-, which 
is irregular also in other respects, has a short vowel in the verb-stem 
and takes the raised accent in non-aorist forms under appropriate 
conditions (naY saying; ncf say it!). 

TYPE 5. Verb-stem v + c + v; aorist v v + c. This type of verb is 
morphologically very difficult to understand, as it is in effect the very 
opposite of Type 2. Morphologically yana- GO : t!an- HOLD = yd a n- : 




[BULL. 40 

tlana-; but phonetically the proportion would gain in symmetry by 
reversing the positions of its first and third terms. Examples are: 


w&g&wi n I shall bring it to him 

wege/smF he will bring it to me 

yanaY<? e I shall go 14.3 
haxa JV I shall burn (92.29) 
dafc-da-hal&fTiin I shall answer 


laba carry it! (70.5); 192.8 
sagwa paddle it! 112.3,9 
wede fc mF he will take it from 

him (16.10,11; 17.10,11) 
lebe n I shall pick it up and eat it 
sebe n I shall roast it (44.6) 
7ie e -iwi xink* he will go away 

from me 

7iawax-xiwi t*e e I shall rot (194.8) 
odo n I shall hunt for it (1 16.7, 1 1) 
wooVF he will go to get it (162.8) 
p uyumda n I shall smoke them 

yomo n I shall catch up with him 

(46.7; 136.12,13) 

Aorist stem 

I brought it to him 

we e ga si he brought it to me 


yanf e I went 14.7 
hax(&? I burnt (98.1,4) 
dak -da-ha a H / n I answered him 

(122.4: 146.14; 180.18) 
lap he carried it 160.9 
sa a gwo/ 7i I paddled it (14.6) 
wet ^i he took it from him 16.13; 


le e ba % I picked and ate it 94.5, 12 
se e ba ?i I roasted it (118.10) 
7ie e -lus i he went away from me 


hawax-x.iat*e I am rotting (100.1) 
o u da n I hunted for it (13.9) 
wo u lf he went to get it 160.4 
p*oyamda n I smoked them out 

yo u miya / ?i I caught up with him 

(final -I 1 - of aorist stem unex 

plained) (140.14) 

The two stem vowels of the verb-stem are always short in quantity, 
the second regularly having the raised accent (imperatives yancf, lebe?, 
odo^, woo^} . l The long stem vowel of the aorist, when stressed, takes 
the rising accent. To this latter rule there is one curious exception. 
The verb odo- HUNT FOR always has the falling accent on the O M of 
the aorist (o /w f HE HUNTED FOR IT 13.9 ; 88.8, never *o tt O, but the non- 
aorist forms follow in everything the analogy of other verbs of this 
type. This anomaly is quite unexplained. Can it be that a leveling 
out of two originally distinct paradigms has taken place (*o u d- , ocZ0 x - of 
Type 5 and o u d- , *o u tl- of Type 6)? 

TYPE 6. Verb-stem v^ + c!; aorist v v + c. Most of the verbs that 
follow this type have as second consonant in the aorist one capable of 

1 Such forms as lebe n, with falling accent on the second vowel, are only apparently opposed to this 
rule, as in these cases the falling accent regularly goes with the personal ending -n. Practically all vio 
lations of the accent rules found in the examples are of this merely apparent character and will be readily 
explained away when the subject of personal endings is considered. 



becoming a fortis; such as do not, introduce a catch before the second 
consonant in non-aorist forms. There seem to be no primarily in 
transitive verbs of this type. Examples of the type are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

-kVa a k!wmIshallwakehimup vkVa a gw 7i I woke him up 

16.4; (75.6) 

kVa ae oxZe e I shall wake up (190. 5) k wa a zde I woke up (16.3, 5) 

xa a -lsi f t\an I shall put it about xa a -\& a da n I put it about my 

my waist waist 

Za-^-t ba k!m I shall burst it la- i-Vbsi a gi s n I burst it (24.17) 


wa-sga p lin I shall make it tight wa-sga /a bi e nlmadeit tight (140.6) 

oZ-xf k!m I shall see him (146.21) ol-xl ^n I saw him 188.9 

de -l-wl f k\in I shall spread it out de -l-wl n gi s n I spread it out 


<ZaF-tV e k!m I shall give him to cZ&F-tV e gi riIgavehimtosmoke 

smoke (170.13) 

&a a -xo t Ian I shall win over him ba a -xo u da n I won over him 

(170.9) (168.5) 

al-lo k\wan I shall thrust it al-\o u gwa n I thrust it (152.19) 

dal-p o t\in I shall mix it (178.5) dal-p*o u di n I mixed it 

de -i-nu t lin I shall drown him de -l-uu u di n I drowned him 


de-bu klin I shall fill it de-bu "gi n I filled it (140.3) 

-gi na take it! (102.14) i-gf na he took it 15.1; 45.13 

Despite the change of the second consonant from fortis to non- 
fortis, it is not certain that it is always an integral part of the stem; 
in de-bu rji gi n the g (&/) seems to be a verbifying suffix (cf. de-bu e 
FULL as adjective). The accent of the base of verbs of Type 6 differs 
materially from that of verbs of types heretofore discussed. The 
normal pitch-accent of most verb-bases is the rising tone for long, 
the raised for final short, vowels, unless a catch immediately follows. 
Thus in Type 5 dak -da-Jial HE ANSWERED HIM; Type 2 nagcf HE 
SAID TO HIM; but with catch Type 4 naga i HE SAID. The verbs, 
however, of Type 6, as will have been noticed, all have the falling 
accent in both aorist and non-aorist forms. This variation from the 
accentual norm becomes intelligible if \ve remember that a fortis 
is the equivalent of a catch + a media; e. g., cHfflflc!in i SHALL SEE 
HIM; alxl Y SEE HIM! As the catch tends to bring about a falling 
accent before it, the falling accent peculiar to verbs of Type 6 may 
plausibly be ascribed to the fortis (i. e., glottal catch) quality of the 
final consonant of the stem. Compare also, in Type 3, lie iklin 



I SHALL LEAVE IT OVER. The retention of the falling accent in the 
aorist, although the presumable cause of it has been removed, is an 
example of form-parallelism, and argues, at least in verbs of this 
type, for the secondary origin of the aorist stem. The. relation 
between xo tlan and xd u da n is, then, the same as that which obtains 
between yowo 6 HE WAS and yowo u da s WHEN HE WAS 79.7. 

The organic character of the fortis consonant of verbs of this type 
is still further evidenced by many derivative forms (iteratives, con- 
tinuatives, -xa- forms used to imply lack of object) which are reg 
ularly derived from the verb-stem, not the aorist stem, even in their 
aorist forms. Thus from sgd u tl- 45.10 (aorist sgo u d- 72.10) CUT are 
derived the derivative aorists sgot!o sgade i CUT FREQUENTATIVELY 
(Q2.1),sgot!ol-7ia n i KEEP CUTTING IT (108.8), sgut!u xade e i CUT (with 
out object) (92.2). Parallel forms are derived from most other verbs 
of this type, such as xi H k!-, lo u lc!-, sgi fi pl- CUT, sge e tl- LIFT UP. A few 
verbs of Type 6, however, form the aorists of these derivatives from 
the aorist stems of the simple verbs. Such forms are the frequenta- 
tives fbaga t bag- 14.12 (from t ~ba a 1c!- 136.20) and sege sag- 172.10 
(from se e k!- NOD TO, OPEN DOOR 138.18). 

TYPE 7 . Verb-stem c + v v + c x ; aorist c ! + v + c + v ( -f i) . The second 
sub-group (7fr) of this sparsely represented type of verbs is apparently 
related to the first (7 a) as are verbs of Type 4& to those of Type 2. 
It is very improbable, however, that the characteristic -i- element 
of the aorist is morphologically the same in both Type 4 and Type 75, 
as verbs of the latter type are clearly transitive, while in Type 4 the 
-i- was found to be a clearly intransitivizing element. A further 
difference between the two types lies in the marked length of the 
repeated vowel in verbs of Type 76. This vocalic length is perhaps 
responsible for the loss of the -i- in certain forms; e. g., di-Uugul 
HE WORE IT, but dl-t!ugu n i WORE IT. (See 65.) 

Of Type 7 a only the following examples have been found : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

ba a -dep*de e I shall arise 196.3 fca-t!ebe ZV I arose 186.14 

wa-d.l\nhin I shall distribute wa-t \i\lk* ni n I have distributed 

them them (130.4) 

dwe e p dwa pxda they will fly tlweple tlwapx they flew with 

without lighting out lighting 

The last example follows also Types 6 and 13a. 





Aorist stem 

da-t!agai he built afire 96.17 
^-t!ugul she wore it 96.16 
t^gwasMk^wide 5 I tattooed my- 


k!adai he picked them 
swadai he beat him in gambling 

To Type 7b belong: 


da-dak* build a fire! 
(^-duUg^VF she will wear it 55.9 
tfgw&^a nfgwide* I shall tattoo 

k!a a daViF he will pick them 


The last three verbs happen to have stems beginning with a conso 
nant or consonant-combination that does not allow of development into 
a fortis, so that there is no initial modification in the aorist. A few 
other transitive verbs have aorist stems like those of type 7b, but 
form their non-aorist forms according to other models, as the aorists 
Jclemei- MAKE (only with third personal object; otherwise Tc!eme (e) -n-, 
corresponding verb-stem k!ein-n- of Type 2) and yeJiei- HEAR SINGING 
FAR AWAY (verb-stem yehi 1 -). In both aorist and non-aorist forms 
the stem vowel or long i-diphthong, when stressed, bears the rising or 
raised accent (Jc!af PICK THEM! l)a a -t!eleY HE AROSE). 

TYPE 8 . Verb-stem c 4- v v + c t ; aorist c!+v + c l + v + c r The aorist 
stem of this type is characterized by reduplication of Type 1 (see 
30) combined, wherever possible, with change to fortis of the ini 
tial consonant. Examples are: 


gaitV I shall grow (77.9) 
go u da/ft I shall bury him (118.3) 
go u la ?i I shall dig it 
gu u waV, I shall plant it (94.10) 
do u ma n I shall kill him (178.14) 
wa I shall gather them 

ba-i-dudn I shall pull (guts) out 

da a la n I shall crack it 
&e e gwa, ldan I shall watch for 

him (116.20; 126.20) 
wa e -l-de e mi n I shall gather 

them (for war) 
ba a ba ft, I shall chop it (90.16) 

a n I shall start (war, 
basket) (110.21; 170.10) 
I shall mash it 

Aorist stem 

k!ayalf e I grew (77.9) 
k\ododa n I buried him (96.16) 
klo\o\a n I dug it 73.10,14 
k!uwuwa /e rz, I planted it (132.10) 
t!omoma ?i I killed him 71.7 
wa -l-t !oxo xi n I gathered them 

(112.6,11; 192.4) 
ba-i-t\ixi xi n I pulled (guts) out 


t!alala / n I cracked it 
t ! egwegwa lda n I watched for 

him (118.2; 158.12) 
wa -i-t !eme r m he gathered 

them (for war) 110.3 
p!ababa % I chopped it (90.11) 
di-p !ugugwo/ ?i I started it 

ts !adada / ?i I mashed it (130. 23) 



Verb-stem Aorist stem 

s Smf an I shall boil it (170.16) ts !umumfa% I boiled it 


de -i-s il>in I shall close door de s -l-ts \ibibi f n I closed door 

(90.4) (90.5) 

ye e gwa n I shall bite him (88.2) yegwegwa n I bit him (88.3) 

\o u ba f n I shall pound them loboba f n I pounded them 

(16.6) (16.9) 

li mcW tree will fall (108.12) limi m tree fell (108.11) 

hgfoV I shall sing (106.15) helefeV I sang (104.2, 5, 6) 

In the transitive verbs of this type the repeated consonant of the 
aorist is found only when the object is of the third person; otherwise 
it is dropped, with lengthening of the preceding vowel. Thus: 

tlomom he killed him 16.15; butt!omdxli n he killed you(cf. 178.12) 
Before certain intransitivizing derivative suffixes, particularly -x- 
(see 56) and -xa- (see 53), the same loss of the repeated consonant 
of the aorist stem is to be noted. Thus: 

plabcfp* he chopped it 90.11; but plebe xa* he chopped 55.6 
wa e -l-t!emem he gathered them together; but dak -t!emex they 
are gathered together 43.9; 136.11 

With -x- the preceding vowel is lengthened, with -xa- it remains 
short. The second consonant of the stems of verbs of Type 8 never 
involves a radical glottal catch, hence the falling accent is never 
found on either the first or second stem vowel. 

TYPE 9 . Verb-stem c + v v + q ; aorist c! + v + y + v + c v This type is 
not at all a common one. It differs from Type 7 a in that the added 
vowel (in every case a, as far as the material goes) is put before the 
last consonant of the base, the y serving perhaps merely to connect 
the stem -a- and added -a-. 

Of Type 9, examples are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

da a ga^ I shall find it (110.15) t!ayaga % I found it (27.12) 

sa a go/n I shall shoot him ts! ayaga"% I shot him (45.13) 

da-dsiife e (-da a y-) I shall go to <2&-t!ayartV I went to get 

get something to eat (33.9) something to eat 1 (75.9) 

da-d^ldi n ( = d&ild-, see 11)1 da-t\aysildi f n ( = tlayai^-, see 

shall go to get it to eat (33.9) 1 1) I went to get it to eat 


i This verb might be considered as entirely parallel to gaay- (aorist klayai-) of Type 8. The deriva 
tive in -Id-, however, seems to prove it to be of Type 9; the -Id- forms, if belonging to Type 8, would 
probably appear as *da-da a ya Wm, *da-tlayaya ldi s n. 



f c ( -f c ) ] 

TYPE 10. Verb-stem c + v ( + c) ( + c l ); aorist c + i> + | 1 K+v). 

[c l + c J 

This type embraces the few verbs that form their aorist stem by 
merely repeating the initial consonant of the verb-stem. Of 10a, 
that is, those that introduce the initial consonant immediately after 
the stem-vowel, there have been found : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

lo u x to play 31.7; (31.6, 8, 9) lo u lf e s I played 

\&pde e I shall become (25.2) la a rlf e I became (also of Type 

15a) 186.19 

la a wo/7i I shall twine basket la a lwa /e ffc I twined basket (61.7) 

freM;-le (l)fc/mIshalllethimgo Jie s -i-\e \ek !i s n I let him go 

(182.20) (50.4) 

The last verb differs from the others in that it repeats in the aorist 
both the consonant and the vowel of the verb-stem; it is the only 
verb known which shows perfect duplication of the verb-stem (as 
suming the suffixed character of the -k /-) . l Perhaps -lek!- is misheard 
for -lelk!-. 

The only certain example of 10 & is: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

sancf spear it! (33.9) sans he speared it (110.20) 

The verb-stem here is of Type 5. The simple base (san-) is best 
seen in the fully reduplicated sa a nsofn-sini(i ue THEY ARE FIGHTING 
EACH OTHEK 23.14. An aorist of Type 10 6 is probably also: 

7ia-u-gwen-ynt\i f Jii ( = *yut!y-[A]i) 
he gobbled it down (cf. fre 
quentative yutfuyad-) 

See also aorist yo u ml i - under Type 5. Stems of this type are more 
frequent among nouns than verbs, e. g., help SWAN (see 86, 5). 

TYPE 11. Verb-stem c-\-v-\-c l -\-c; aorist c + v + ^ + v + c. Verbs 
belonging to this type differ in the aorist from those of the preceding 
type in that they introduce before the repeated initial consonant also 
the vowel of the stem, thus approaching in form the more fully 
reduplicating Type 13. Only a few examples of the type occur: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

loma lf e e (a is inorganic) I lomol^V I choked 

shall choke 
xalxo/mZV I shall urinate (cf. xala xara^V I urinated 3 

xa a l-am- urine) 

1 There are many apparently perfect duplications of verb-stems in -a-, but the -a- of the second member 
is never a repetition of the stem- vowel. See Type 12. 

2 This verb is better considered as belonging to Type 13a, xalxam- and xalaxam- being respectively 
dissimilated f rom * xanxan- and *xanaxan- (see 21). 

$ 40 


Verb-stem Aorist stem 

yawrY e e I shall talk (cf. base yawaif e I talked (30.4; 126.2) 
yiw- talk) (126.2) 

da-l>o k\op*na n I made bub 
bles (base Idle!-} 102.22 
bd e -al-mo \ s man I shall turn bd e -al-mo \o ma e n I turned 

things over (base mol e -) things over 

e^-ye hi 1 ?! I shall go to where da a -yehel he went where there 
singing is heard was singing (see Type 7&) 

\egwela mda n I suck it out 

of it (186.18) 
la a mala e n I quarrel with him 


It is quite possible that many verbs whose verb-stem ends in a con 
sonant identical with their initial consonant (and that one would be 
inclined to list under Type 2) really belong to Type 11. In such 
cases as: 

ging- go somewhere (aorist ginig-} 
Jc!iy[d]g- go, come (aorist Icliyig-) 
gel-gul[a]g- desire (aorist- gulug-} 

it is not easy to decide whether the final -g- is a suffixed element, as 
in many verbs of Type 2, or a repetition of the initial consonant of 
the base. As to the genesis of the form in verbs of Type 11, it seems 
clear that it is only a secondary development of the far more richly 
represented Type 13. This is indicated by the existence of second 
forms of Type 13 alongside those of Type 11 : 

da-bok!oba f fc *na n I make bubbles yiwiya ut e I talk (148.9) 
mo lo mala n I turn things over 

A form like mo f lo mat YOU TURNED THINGS OVER may go back to 
a *mo lo mlat* (Type 136), itself a reduced form of the fully redu 
plicating mo lo mala , but see 65. 

TYPE 1 2 . Verb-stem c + v v + q; aorist c + v v + c 1 + c + a + c 1 . Verbs of 
this type form their aorist by reduplicating the verb-stem according 
to Type 2 (see 30) ; the a of the second syllable of the aorist stem 
is regularly umlauted to i by an i of the following syllable (see 8, 
3a). Morphologically such aorist stems are practically identical 
with the verb-stems of Type 13a, though no further deductions can 
be drawn from this fact. Contrary to what one might expect, most 
verbs of the type show no marked iterative or frequentative signifi- 



cation. Examples of this rather frequently recurring type are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

sana Ti 1 I shall fight him (28.15) sa a nsa nV I was fighting 184.13 
Jie e -sal-t gu u ni n I shall kick it 7ie e -sal-t gunVgini n I kicked it 

off off (24.17) 

t!eufe e I shall play shinny t!eut!a uV I played shinny 


vt!a a wi ?i I shall catch him (33.8) vt!aut!iwi n I caught him 33.4 
la a -di l ga f n I shall make it stand M a -dlk* d&ga n I made it stand 

up up (59.10) 

Jie eS -s wl\xF it is torn i-s wils wili^ I tore it (73.3) 

ts!a a ga / f he will step ts!a a k ts!a k he stepped 32.9 

dd s -i-bo u di n I shall pull out his dd -i-bot \)idi n I pulled out his 

hair hair (194.7) 

ba-i-sg& a gi n I shall pick it up ~ba-i-sg&k*sgigi n I picked him 

up (32.12) 

l^wi n I shall call him by name la a liwi /e ?i I called him by name 

(foTla a - = lau- see 7) (116.3) 

There is a tendency to prevent a long u-diphthong of the first 
syllable of the aorist stem from standing immediately before a 
diphthong-forming semivowel or consonant (y, w, I, m, ri) of the 
second syllable. In such cases the u is either lost, as in the last 
example above (dissimilation is also a possible explanation) or a con 
necting -4- is introduced between the it, which now becomes w, and 
the following consonant. Examples are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

\euxink* he will call me by name le e wila usi 2 he calls me by name 


limV I shall look (142.18) liwila uf e 3 I look (59.14) 

The stem vowel of verbs of Type 12 is regularly long, and, when 
stressed, as it generally is in aorist forms, receives the rising accent. 
The a of the second syllable of the aorist stem is stressed only when 
forming a secondary diphthong with a following repeated radical 
element, in which case it receives a falling (la a la u~hi HE CALLED HIM) 
or raised accent (he es -sal-t gu u nt ga^n). 

1 The various forms of this verb seem to be made up of three distinct stems. The non-aorist forms of both 
transitive and intransitive (sana p de I SHALL FIGHT) employ a stem (sane-) of Type 5. Most aorist forms, 
including the reciprocal aorist, use the stem saAnsan- of Type 12 (seensa nsi HE FIGHTS ME; saansa nsinik 
WE FIGHT EACH OTHER). The stem sdans- of Type 106 is probably limited to such transitive forms of the 
aorist as have a third person object (sdAnsa s n I FIGHT HIM; sans HE FOUGHT HIM). 

2 Parallel form, perhaps with iterative significance, to leela usi, 7. 

3 This verb has a short i in the first syllable of the aorist, so that, as far as the aorist stem is concerned, 
it seems to belong to Type 13a. Perhaps it is best considered a verb of mixed type (13a in aorist, 12 in 




^. 40 

Aorist stem 

i I scratched him 
da-ts Jala ts \ili n I chewed it 
/t6 e -i-k ap!a k ibi ?i I chipped 
them off (118.11; 120.16) 

TYPE 13. Verb-stem c + v + ^ + c + a + Cj/ aorist 
+ c r For i- umlaut of the a see 8, 3a. This type embraces a very 
large number of verbs, chiefly of iterative, usitative, or intensive sig 
nification. Of these, some are the iterative or usitative derivatives 
of simpler verbs ; others, again, are hardly found . in simpler form, 
the action they express being of a necessarily repetitive character 
(e. g., RUB, RATTLE, CHEW) ; in still others the repetitive idea is not 
strongly marked or is even absent. Of Type 13a, which covers prac 
tically the whole number of type-cases, examples will be given under 
the characteristic stem-vowels. 


(1) a: 

i-gaxgixi n I shall scratch him 
da-ts\a, \ts\i\in I shall chew it 
7i,6 e -i-k a / p k ibm I shall chip 
them off 

(2) e: 

-ts*!e lts-!ilm I shall rattle it 

i-he e gwa k w rwm (see 19) I 
shall work 

aZ-gesgasa Zf e e I shall be wash 

se nsanf e e I shall whoop 

hemhamaVF he will imitate 

(3) o (u): 
di*-t gumt ga x m squeeze and 

crack (insects)! 
i-yulyal rub it! 
al-p !l*-ts- Ju lts \o\Jiip" do ye 

put it on fire ! 

(4) i: 

t-smllsmilm I shall swing it 
l-s-wi ls-wilm I shall tear it to 

le ts*!iH% I rattled it 
l-hegwe f h&]z w na n I worked 

aZ-gesegaso/Zf e I was washing 

sene saitf e I whooped (180.15) 
heme ham he imitated him 
24.4, 8 

^-t guinu tg imi ?i I squeezed 

and cracked (insects) 
i-yu\u f yi\i n I rubbed it 
aZ-^/^ -ts-Iulu ts IiK^ I put it 
on fire (152.20) 

I swung it (72. 1 0) 
vs-wili s-wiH 7i I tore it to pieces 


ts-!i nts-!anzde 6 1 shall be an 

i-s i \s-&\Jii distribute it! 

de-l^iu^SLufc^wan I shall 
brandish it before my face 

yiwiyawa / s one who talks 


I was angry 

(24.16; 148.15) 

l-s -ili s Mi he distributed it 3 1 . 1 
de-k iwi / k auFwa ?i I bran 

dished it before my face 

yiwiya /u he talks, makes a 

sound 148.9 


The verb-stem of the last example seems at first sight identical with 
the aorist stem, but the second i is to be explained as a connective 
element similar to the i of le e wilau- above (see under Type 12) ; 
yiwiyawa f s is thus developed from a theoretical *yiwyawa s. 

The verb Jc*a e pWab- above illustrates a slightly divergent subtype 
of Type 13a. If the final consonant of the stem is a fortis, it appears 
as a non-fortis (voiceless media or aspirated surd according to the 
phonetic circumstances) when repeated. This phenomenon is best 
explained as an example of catch dissimilation; *Jc"ap!aJc*ap!-, i. e., 
Jc*a e 1) e ak*a e l> e - is dissimilated to Jc*a, b aTc*ab-, YaplaYab- (see 22). 
In non-aorist forms, where the fortis becomes a syllabic final, it 
naturally gives way to the equivalent catch aspirated surd. Further 
examples of this subtype are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

$-sgo / t sgidirt, I shall cut them l-sgot\o sgidi n I cut them one 

one after another (21.2,4) after another (144.2,3) 

ha-u-gwen-yu. t yidin I shall ha-u-gwenr-yut\u yidi s n I gob- 
gobble them all down bled them all down (126.10) 

xa- e i-sgl p sgib / m I shall cut xa- l-sgipli sgibi n I cut them 

them through (21.2) through (22.9; 138.7) 

&d a -t Vk tVxda" ( = -tag-x-) 6a a -t ek!e t ace they all bobbed 

they will all bob up up 

&a-i-<ii~-t ga / st ga a s stick out &a-i-<2i -t gats!a t gisi ?ilstuck 

3^our anus! 164.19; 166.1,6 out my anus (166.8) 

In regard to vocalic quantity it will be noticed that both the stem 
vowel and the repeated vowel are generally short. Comparatively 
few cases are found with long stem- vowel in non-aorist -forms (he e - 
gwagw-, swtflswal-, sgd u t sgad-). Indeed the shortness of the vowel 
of the verb-stem is about the only mark of difference between verb- 
stems of Type 13 and aorist stems of Type 12. Thus: 

l-s wi ls wal (non-aorist of Type 13) tear it to pieces! ; but l-s wiH- 

s wcfl (aorist of Type 12) he tore it (with one tear) 
A few verbs allow the repeated vowel, particularly in third personal 
forms, to be long; when stressed, as it generally is, it has a falling 
accent. Besides ts Unl Hs lanx- (also ts li nlHs lanx- or ts !i nits !anx- 
190.19), may be mentioned: 

given-hegwe e 7iagwanhi he related it to him 57.9; cf. 59.6 

plulu uplallii they marched in single file 192.3 

In non-aorist forfns the vowel, if long and stressed, takes the ris 
ing accent; before a glottal catch, however, we regularly have the 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 8 40 


falling accent (sgd u t*sgad- } sgl i p sgab-}. In the aorist the stress gen 
erally falls on the repeated vowel. 

Only two verbs have been found that at first sight conform to 
Type 13 6. They are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

deM-ge uk!iwm I shall tie (a de -i-gQwe k\iwi n I tied it bow- 
salmon) bowstring-fashion string-fashion (cf. 88.5) 
du ltlilw I shall stuff them into it dulu tlil^n I stuffed them into 

it (122.19; 138.17) 

This curious type of verb is easily explained if we assume that 
the bases are not gew- and dul-, respectively, but geu - and dul -. 
They are, then, strictly comparable to verbs like sgotfosgad- dis 
cussed above; instead of having a fortis consonant, i. e., a stop with 
glottal closure, as the final consonant of the base, they have a semi 
vowel or diphthong-forming consonant (w, y, I, m, ri) as the base final. 
The verb and aorist stems of geu - and dul -, formed according to Type 
13 a, are theoretically *gew gau -, *gewe gau - and *dul e dal e -,*dulu dal s - } 
respectively. Allowing, as in the case of the forms like tfaplalcdb- 
discussed above, for catch dissimilation, these forms are seen to be 
phonetically equivalent to geulc/au-, geweklau- and dulHal-, dulutlal-, 
respectively (see 12). If the initial consonant of the verb happens 
not to be a media, then there is no opportunity for the development 
of a fortis in the second syllable of the verb-stem. It is clear, then, 
that the following verbs are further examples of Type 13 5: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

ba a - s al-mo \ malan I shall turn fra a - aZ-mo lo mala n I turn 

things over things over 

da a -t mu u gal-\e u \iwin I shall da a -mu u gal-lewe f ]iwi n I shook 

shake shells in my ears shells in my ears 122.2 

7ia-u-gwen-yu ji ymin I shall 7ia-u-gwen-juuu f yiui n I gob- 
gobble them down bled them down (cf . yutluyad- 


The stem syllable of verbs of Type 13 6, when bearing the stress, 
naturally have the falling accent. 

Examples of Type 13 c are not common and have also by-forms of 
Type 13 a: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

gwida k w dcm I shall throw it gwidi k w da ?i I threw it (122. 13); 
(a inorganic) cf. $-gwidigwidi / 7i (108.21) 

lobo lp*na n I used to pound 
them; cf. Iobo lap ?ia e 7i(57.14) 


It is very probable that the -a- in the second member of redupli 
cated stems (Types 12 and 13) is the inorganic -a- we have already 
met with. Its persistence, even in cases where the otherwise resulting 
phonetic combination is a possible one, may be ascribed to the ana 
logic influence of the probably larger number of cases where its 
presence is phonetically necessary. 

TYPE 14. Verb-stem v + c; aorist v + c + v + n. The -n of the few 
verbs that make up this class is probably a petrified derivative ele 
ment, yet it must be considered as characteristic of the aorist stem 
in an even more formal sense than, for example, the aoristic -i- of 
Type 4. The only examples that have been found are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

xep de 6 1 shall do so (110.22) xebenf e I did so (14.10; 168.10) 

waire e lshallsleep(71.15; 142.14) wayan^V I slept (188.22) 

gwen-plik wan ( = -p!iy-) I shall gwen-p\iyi nk wa s n I lay on 

lie on pillow pillow 

p!e / ^ he will be lying down p ley en^V I was lying down 71.5 


The last verb seems to insert a -y- in the aorist, between the -e- of 
the verb-stem and that of the aoristic addition, in the manner of 
verbs of Type 95. In regard to vocalic quantity these verbs differ 
among themselves. The verb-stem of all but wai- is long in vocalism. 
The first vowel of the aorist stem is short in every case, the repeated 
vowel is sometimes short (xeben-, pliyin-), sometimes long (waya a n-) 
p!eye e n-. The stressed stem vowel bears a rising accent. 

The -n of wayd a n- and p!eye e n- is eclipsed before a catch in the 
third person: 

waya he slept 152.22; 154.6 

p!eye f he was lying down 49.5 

xebe e n he did it 78.9; 118.14 

The loss of the -n takes place also in the third person aorist of yd a n- 
Go(Type5). Thus: 

^/a / hewent 15.3,11; 59.1; 92.26 
subordinate form ya a da 58.8 and (rarely) ya a nda s WHEN HE WENT. 

TYPE 15. Verb-stem |~"_ 1; aorist stem -I*. The ending -$*-, 

found in a considerable number of verbs of position, is not, properly 
speaking, a stem-forming element at all, as shown by the fact that 



suffixed elements may intervene between it and the base ; yet, being 
wanting in the non-aorist forms of many verbs, it has something of 
the appearance of such. The non-aoristic -as- of a few verbs has 
absolutely no appreciable derivative force, and may be regarded as a 
purely formal element characterizing the non-aorist forms of the 
verb. As examples of Type 15 a may be given: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

s-a s-anZV I shall stand (cf. s as-intfV I stand (34.1; 77.9) 


s-u al*V I shall sit (55.11; s u wiliV I sat (21.1; 178.21) 


kVp alZV I shall be long ab- k ebilftV I was long absent 

sent (124.20) 

\&p*de e I shall become (92.11; la a liV I became (see also 

106.14) Type 10a) 186.19 

Of examples of Type 156 may be mentioned: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

dink!a s^a a it will lie stretched dinkli it lies stretched out 

t!obaga s<2a a he will lie like one tlobigi he lay like one dead 

dead (148.8) 

This non-aoristic -as- seems to occur also in: 

da-sma-ima soV I shall smile Ja,-smayam he smiled 

which otherwise belongs to Type 2 or 3 (if the second -m- is part of 
the base). 

TYPE 16. Verb-stem v + c-\-c l + i; aorist v + c + v + c r This type 
embraces only an inconsiderable number of verbs. They are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

dl-k\& \side e 1 shall be lean in dvk!ala sna n I am lean in my 
my rump rump 102.22 

gwel-sal-t\e f iside e I shall be gwel-sal-t\eyGsna n I have no 
lean in legs and feet flesh on my legs and feet 


Several verbs of position that show an -I 1 - in the aorist show an -i- 
in non-aorist forms. Whether this -i- is merely a shortened form of 
the aoristic -4*-, or identical with the non-aoristic -i- of verbs of Type 
16, is doubtful; but, in view of the absence of the -I 1 - in non-aoristic 
forms of verbs of Type 15, the latter alternative seems more probable. 
Such verbs are : 



Verb-stem Aorist stem 

cZa-sga lif a a it will lie scattered da-sgall it lies scattered about 


p ildrYd flat thing will lie p ildl flat thing lies 

t ge its !i<2a a round thing will lie t geits Ii round thing lies 

s einrYa it will lie with open- s-eini it lies with opening on 

ing on top (like box) top 

s-u k dicZa it will lie curled up s ugwidi it lies curled up 
wl s k\\idd a it will lie heaped wlk! lies heaped about 


Of similar appearance, though the aorist (not the future) is transi 
tive in form, is : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

da a -sge/k!iV I shall listen ^a a -sgek!iya 7i I listened (third 

person da a -sgek !l 102.8) 

In speaking of verbs of Types 15 and 16, the terms verb-stem and 
aorist stem are used in a purely relative sense, the portions of the 
listed forms printed in Roman characters not being really on a par 
with those similarly marked in the first fourteen classes. These last 
two types have significance as such only in so far as certain elements 
of an essentially derivative character (-$* -, -i-, -as-) are at the same 
time formal means of distinguishing aorist from non-aorist forms. 
it is not difficult to show that in several cases these elements are 
themselves preceded by non-radical elements. 

One or two aorists have been found in the material obtained that 
can not be well classified under any of the sixteen types illustrated 
above. They are : 

given- xoxog[w]a n I string (salmon) together ( = fully redupli 
cated xogxog- ; otherwise to be analyzed as xoxo-g- of Type 
10 a) 74.14 

sa?-s*a a xs ix he slid 

This latter verb with its mysterious I 1 in the repeated syllable is 
absolutely without known parallel. Irregular is also the defective 
verb ei- BE (see 60, fourth footnote). 

3. Verbal Suffixes of Derivation ( 41-58) 


Although the absolute number of non-pronominal suffixes in the 
verb is considerable (almost or quite thirty), the number of those 
that have a well-defined, more or less transparent signification is not 
large (hardly more than a dozen or so) when compared with what 



one is accustomed to in certain other American languages. Of these, 
barely one or two (a frequentative and a comitative) can be said to 
convey anything like a material notion, the rest being of the more or 
less formal or relational character met with in suffixes of inflective lan 
guages intransitivizing elements, causative, reflexive, passive, recip 
rocal, and others of less easily described signification. Those suffixes 
that have no clearly defined value may be put in a class by them 
selves as " petrified" suffixes, the justification for such a classifica 
tion being purely descriptive; genetically they probably form a 
heterogeneous group. 


In speaking of verbs of Types 2 and 3, it was pointed out that in 
a large number of cases certain consonants that one would naturally 
be inclined to consider part of the verb-stem could be shown by more 
careful analysis to be really of a suffixal character. The criteria for 
such a suffix are partly, as was there indicated, the existence of 
evidently related forms in which the consonant is lacking, partly 
certain phonetic features. In a considerable number of cases dif 
ferent suffixes are found joined to the same verbal base, yet hardly 
ever determining so specific a meaning that their primary signification 
can be detected. The following examples, 

t geits Ii something round lies (138.24) 

t*geyeba / n I roll it 

ge e ya lxde s I run around 

al-t geye t giya^n I tie it around (my head) 188.5 

wi -l-t geye e ~k!in he is surrounded on all sides 48.13 

evidently all contain the same radical element or base (fgey-), 
which has reference to circular action or position. The suffixes 
-is !-, -b-, and -&/-, however, can not be shown to be directly respon 
sible for the specific meanings of the different forms, these being 
determined chiefly, it would seem, by the succeeding suffixes, the 
prefixes, and the general form (transitive or intransitive) of the 
verb. Similarly, the forms he e -sgaya pxde i LIE DOWN, da-sgaya- 
na s n i LIE DOWN, and possibly also da-sgati IT LIES SCATTERED 
ABOUT (LIKE GRAIN), contain the same radical element (sga[y]-} ; but, 
as in the examples first cited, the abstracted suffixes -p-, -n- } and 
-Z-, refuse to yield anything tangible. The stems galb- TWIST and 
gelg- TWIRL FIRE-DRILL are very probably related, though neither 


the difference in vowel nor the use of different consonants can be 
explained. The same difficulty is met with in di nik.1 a n i STRETCHED 
IT OUT (62.1) and ~ba a -dinl fi i\a n i HUNG THEM ON LINE (59.9). In 
some cases a difference of suffix is associated with a difference 
of direction of verbal action, transitive and intransitive. Thus we 
have : 

al-ts!ayaga f n I wash him (64.5) : al-ts!ayap*de I wash myself 

(not reflexive in form) 

p!alaga n I relate a myth to him: p!ala p de I relate a myth 
ts!ayama n I hide it (124.23): ts!ayap de I hide 

The various petrified suffixes found will be listed with examples 

under each. 

1. -I)-. There seem to be two quite distinct -I- suffixes, one charac 
teristic of transit ives, the other of a certain group of intransi- 
tives. Examples of transitive -b- are: 

t*geyeba n I roll it (base fgey-), with secondarily intransitive 

derivative : 

al-t geya^px it is round (literally, it rolls) 
7ie e -sgaya pxde I lie down (derived, like al-t*geya^px, from some 

such transitive as *Jie e -sgayaba f n I lay it down flat, that, 

however, does not happen to occur in the material at hand) 
de -l-gene p"gwa he lay curled up like dog (also -geneuk wa) 
galaba n I twist it by rolling (cf . gelg- twirl fire-drill) 
sgllpx warm your back ! (seems to imply *sgi i ~OQafn I shall warm 

his back) (25.8, 9) 

All intransitives in -b- (-# -), whether or not secondarily derived 
from transitives, belong to that class of verbs to be later dis 
cussed as Intransitive Verbs, Class II. Among those with 
primarily intransitive -p - are : 

al-ts!ayap*de I washed my face 

ts!ayap*de I hid 

p!cda ip*de 6 1 tell a myth 

s in-xinixanp de 5 1 sniff (cf. xln mucus) 

s as-a nhap de I stand around (not trying to help anyone) (cf 

s a s ant e* I shall stand) 
s in-wi f ll i Y(r^de I blow my nose 
la a -s o f wo u Vapde I jump up (48.15; 49.1) 

A number of Class II intransitive verbs show a suffixed -p*- in all 
forms but the aorist. It is not possible to say whether this 
-_p - is morphologically identical with the -p*- of verbs like 



ts!ayap*de s or not, but such seems likely. Intransitives with 
non-aoristic -p- are : 

lap*de e I shall become (92.11) (aorist la a llt*e ) 186.19 

sana pde* I shall fight (aorist sd a nsa nt e [184.13]) 

tgunp de 6 1 shall be cold (aorist t guntik*de [90.3]) 
Finally, all Class II intransitives have a -p - before the formal 
elements in the first person plural and impersonal of the aorist 
and future and in the imperative and inferential modes: 

s as inip^ik* we stand 

s a s anp ia ue they (indef.) will stand 

s d s-anp* stand! 

s-a s-anp*anp* do ye stand! 

s a s anp ga^m stand! (future) 

s a s anpW he stood, it seems 

There is small doubt, however, that this -p - is quite distinct from 
the non-aoristic -p - of verbs like lap*de e , which occurs in 
the entire future. A form like lap* BECOME! is in that event 
perhaps to be analyzed as la a -p -p\ the first -p - being the non- 
aoristic element found also in lap de e , while the second -p- is 
identical with the imperative-inferential -p - of s-aVanp . 
This analysis is purely theoretical, however, as contraction to 
a single -p - is unavoidable in any case. 

2. -p!-. This consonant is evidently a suffixed element in: 

ha -l-hu lup\i n I skinned them (cf. Tia^i-Jiu lu^Jial they skinned 
them all 160.5) 

3. -in-. Apparently as transitive element -m- appears in: 

ts!ayama n I hide it (124.23) (cf. ts!ayap*de I hide [24.2]) 
As intransitive suffix it appears in : 
t*gisi m it gets green 

xudumfe* I whistle (base xud-; related to xdelt* flute [ ?]) (33.16) 
ts !us-umt e s I make noise by drawing in breath between teeth 

and lower lip (78.9,10,12; 79.1,3,5; 96.9,10,12) 
It may not be altogether accidental that the latter two verbs both 
express the making of a noise. This idea is found expressed 
also in: 

ts-!elemt*e I rattle (102.13) (cf. $-ts !ele f ts !ili n I rattle it) 
but the -m- of this verb may be really an older -n- dissimilated 
to -m- because of the preceding -1-. The -m- corresponds to 
an evidently identical suffixed -am- of the related noun ts 
HAIL 152.12,16. 


4. -<r^ -<- seems to be found only with transitive verbs: 

wa a himida e n I speak to him (but with unexpressed object 

wa a liimi xade I was talking [to somebody]) (59.16; 63.10) 
dak -hene e da f n I wait for him (cf. Tiene xade I wait) 
k!uyumida f nl call his name from distance, greet him (198.11) 

(probably derivative of ~k!u f yam friend! 31.6, 8) 
s omoda n I cook it (58.10) (cf. s umu xade I cook) 
is- !umumt a n I cook it (170.17,19); future S Umt an l (170.16) 

(cf. s-umxi" stirring paddle 170.14) 
da a -minlV da n I taught him; future da a -mint*an 
lawadana n I hurt him (186.12) 
yamada n I ask him (70.6; 74.10; 120.16) 
wiyimada n I "wish" to him, work supernatural power on him 


mill* da e n I love her 
xa -l-ts- liwi^t he split it (26.6) (cf. i-ts liwl Hs lau he split it up) 

It will be noticed that most of the verbs listed imply, not direct 
physical action, but rather the direction of one s thought or 
words toward another person. It is therefore highly probable 
that the -d- (except possibly in s omd- COOK) is identical w r ith 
the -d- implied in the -s m - (= -tx-) of the indirect object ( 47). 
Unlike the -d- hero discussed, however, the -s m - of the indirect 
object can be used only if the indirect object is not of the 
third person. It is clear that -d- is not really quite in line 
with the other suffixes that we have termed "petrified," 
this being shown, among other things, by the fact that it 
may be preceded by other suffixes, as in da a -minl-V-da n. 

Evidently quite distinct from this indirective -d- suffix is the 
-(a)d- suffix of a few intransitive class II verbs in which the 
-d- is followed by -I 1 - in aorist, -i- in non-aorist forms (see 40, 
16). This aoristic -ad- appears always umlauted to -id-. 

cugwidl*-, non-aorist cuk di- lie curled up 
wikUdtf-j non-aorist wl Ydi- lie heaped about 
tfguplidl (box, canoe) lies bottom side up 

5. -/-. This consonant has been found as an evident suffix in: 

ba a -di f 7ilt\ana n I strung (dentalia) on line (59.9) (cf. dinkl- 

stretch out) 
fgemet\ia ue it gets dark 188.14 (cf. t ge e mt*ga*mx it is quite dark 

[cf. 196.7]; dlfge^m black 162.4; [196.6]) 

1 s om-d- and s-u^m-t a- are parallel forms of one verb that seem to be used with no difference in mean 
ing, though their aorist stems are formed according to different types. 



6. -ff-? -A* -. As in the case of -&-, it seems advisable to recognize 

two distinct -g- suffixes, the one appearing as a transit ivizing 
element, the other as a verb-making element added on to 
nouns or adjectives. Examples of its transitive use are: 

p!alaga f n I tell him a myth 

al-ts!ayaga n I wash him (64.5) 

p. V-wa-gelegi^n I drill for fire with it (88.12) 

l- klus gi xink^ he will pinch me (116.8,12) (cf. i-Tc!us"ufk! v> as i he 
always pinches me) 

da-t!abaga n I finish it (61.8; 176.6) 

da a -dalaga f mda n I put holes in his ear (22.1) (cf. da a -dele f p*i he 
stuck it across his ear) 

swaddt ga n I run after him (59.13; 75.3; 120.19, 20) 
Examples of its use in adjectival intransitives are: 

t *uwu 6 li he feels hot, it is hot 94.15 (cf. fu hot 57.15) 

duwu k it is good, he does right 180.11 (cf. du good, beautiful 

fgunuk de I feel cold (90.3) (cf. t gunp*ia u t it will be cold) 

xuma k*de e I shall be full, satiated (128.11) (cf. xu ma, food 54.4 
and s lx-xu^m dried venison 43.12,13) 

gel-dulu \ide I am lazy 
Further examples of -F- that are difficult to classify are : 

de-lumu f sgade I tell the truth (184.3) 

s m in-wiUk*ap*dam you blow your nose 

yala k de 6 I dive (connected with yd- lose [?]) (60.10,11; 61.11) 
In wa-t!iMCni n i GAVE EACH ONE (130.4) (future wa-dilnhin) and 
in the morphologically analogous dd a -minlk da n i TAUGHT HIM 
(future dd a mint an}, the -F- is confined to the aorist. In wet gi 
HE TOOK IT FROM HIM 16.13, the -g- is found only in the third 
personal object of the various tense-modes (wet gin IT WAS 


HIM (17.10,11) . All other forms of the aorist stem we e d- (verb- 
stem wede-) lack it : 

wesi (from *wet*si) he took it from me (17.3) 

wede sbink* he will take it from you (16.10,11) 

7. -fc/-, -fcf iv-. These elements seem to be characteristic of tran- 

sitives. Examples are: 
wi -l-t ge ye e k\in he is surrounded on all sides (transitives and 

passives are closely related) 48.5,13; (176.14) 
al-p I^-ts- !u f luk\i n I burn it (73.9,12; 96.26) (cf. 

ts-talUp do ye burn it! 198.10) 


di -^sgu yuk\i n I make it fall (48.7,8,12) 

7ie e -de-le lek\i n I finish talking 50.4 

di nikla n I stretch it out (see under suffix -t!-) (59.9; 62. 1)^ 

Jie yek\i n I left it over (61.7; 196.8) 

p!uwu u k\a n I name him (158.5) (cf . p!u wup!ausi he keeps calling 


ts-!ini e k* he pinched it 31.1; (32.7) 
la-i-yunu k\i n I pull it out forcibly 
he e -l-le mekli n I killed them off (14.13; 43.1; 108.20) 
l-go yok \i n I pushed him (49 .2) (cf . i-goyogiyi n I kept pushing him) 
ba-i-s in-xi f likl\\i n I blow my nose (cf. xln mucus) 
p!a-i-t*gwili klwana n I spill (water, blood) (58.1; 72.8) (cf. 

gwill ri gwal e it keeps dropping) 

-kl- seems to occur also in the perhaps only secondarily intransitive: 
~ba a -s owd fu kap\le ( = -s owd "k!-hap-) I jump up (48.15; 49.1) 
(cf. s o wo u s a u he keeps jumping [112.5,10]) 

8. -ts*!-. Only in a very few cases is this suffixed consonant met with : 

fgeits lt round thing lies (138.24) 

dtf-fgumu tcWn I squeeze and crack it (cf. dl i -gumu r gimi e n I 

squeeze and crack many insects) 

yowo u $ he starts 186.10; yowo u ts\ana n I cause him to start 
Jia-yau-t ge nets\i n I put it about my waist 
Jia w-l-ha nats\i n I made it stop (raining) (152.16) 
Judging from these few examples, -ts m !- is characteristic, like -&-, 

-g-, -p!-, -Tel-, and -t!-, of transitive verbs; t geits Il is probably 

related to a transitive *t*ge yets la e n, as is dinkll IT LIES 

STRETCHED OUT to di nik!a s n. 
-s- occurs as an evident suffix in: 

di i -t!&ai t n I mashed them (cf. dtf-tHyl tHyafn I mashed them 
one after another) 

9. ~(a)l-. This suffix includes both intransitives and transitives: 

al-gesegassL \t e I was washing 
fc e&ilttV I was long absent (124.20) 
s-u wiWe I sit (21.1); 72.9; (178.21) 

yamWe I look pretty ([?] = fat, sleek; cf. ya^mx fat, grease 54.5) 
al-we k!si\a n I shine (126.3; 128.14) 
i-fwtfyM^n I make it whirl up 
l-lc!e e wi\i f n I whirl it around 
i-t ge e yi\i n I roll it around 
al-t gl i y^\x (tears) roll down his face 138.25 
la s -i-t gwa a l^\x (children) run about 
. Jc*ewe Tc*awa, s l he b.arks 
de-gulu Jctalx it was blazing 188.15 



The idea of unbroken continuity is fairly evidently shown by 
these examples to be connected with the suffix -(d}l-. 

10. ~(a)n-. Quite a number of intransitives are found that have 

this element, to which no particular meaning can be assigned. 
Such are : 

I stand (34.1; 77.9; 144.14,17) 
nfe 1 * I m spoiled 
hvPli nfe* I am tired (102.1) (cf. Mlu Jiilmt e I used to be tired 

ligini*e I am resting (100.14) (cf. ligUagsfnf he kept resting 102.1) 

In a large number of transitives a suffixed -n- is also found, with 
out its being clearly possible to identify it either with the causa 
tive -n- or the indirect objective -n(ari)- FOR: 

lawad&Tia n I hurt him (186.12) 

ts !ibina n I make a speech to him (146.11 ; 178.11) 

wa-t!illk*m n I gave each one (130.4) 

Jdemua n I shall make it (28.2,13,14) (aorist without object 
lc!eme f uxa he makes) 

wa -u u gwmi f n I drink it with it (u u gw& f nxde I drink) 

~he e -wa -wd a gmi f n she, is bought with it 

The last two examples are rather different in character from the 
others. See 64. 

11. -w-. Two apparently quite distinct -w-suffixes must be taken 

account of. 

(1) A suffixed -w- is found to characterize in all forms a group of 
intransitives belonging to Type 2 ; it is only in certain deriv 
ative forms that the -w- is lacking, and thereby possibly shown 
to be a non-radical element : 

hiwiliufe I ran to (24.1), but IdwUtife* I used to run to 
sgeleufe* I shouted (196.1), "but sgelelt e l I kept shouting (59.3) 
Examples of this group of verbs are : 

Aorist Future (non-aorist) 

sgele fu he shouted 59.4; 90.8 sgelwa H* he wdll shout 

hiwili u he ran to 47.1; 70.7 hiwilwa t he will run to 


Uli u he jumped 48.9; 58.3 lttwa, f he will jump (160.16) 

de-wUiwa lda s n I fight him (de- de-wilwa ldan I shall fight him 

rivative of intransitive) (2 7. 3) (33.2,3) 

Mli u he climbed (77.8) Mwa V he will climb 

1 Still, in these frequentative (usitative) forms the absence of the -w- may be accounted for by supposing 
that it dropped off as a syllabic final after a consonant (see 18). Then sgeUlt e* is for an older* sgelSlwt e*. 
This supposition is greatly strengthened by the future sgelwa lt eei Li. KEEP SHOUTING (cf. sgdwada * YOU 




In non-aoristic forms the phonetic conditions may, as usual, 

necessitate an inorganic -a-: 
ge wil& n run there! (29.10) 
sgel& f ue e I shall shout 
friZa utfV I shall jump (160.17) 
In these cases the evidence for the suffixal character of the -w- is 

rather slim. In one verb, however, it has a clearly intransi- 

tivizing influence: 
t!emeyansi fus (second a inor- : t!amayana n I take her to her 

ganic) he goes with woman husband (148.5) 

to see her married 148.6 
t!emeya f nwm us they (indef .) go 

with her to see her married 

(2) -w- (-aw- after a consonant in the aorist) is characteristic of all 

tense-modes but, in some cases, the present imperative and 

inferential (probably for phonetic reasons, see 11 and 18) of 

a number of transitive verbs, provided the object is of the 

third person. Such verbs are : 

gayawa e n I eat it 30.11 (gayau he ate it 54.5); future ga-iwa n 
128.18; noun of agent ga-iwa s s eater (of it) 94.3; but impera 
tive gal eat it! 32.4; gallc he ate it (inferential) 142.19 

al-sgalawi n I turn my head to look at him; future sga a lwi n; 
part, sgal& uk (-a - is inorganic) 144.17; but sgaTk a s I looked 
at him turning my head (inferential) 

al-sgald a liwi n (Type 8) I keep turning my head to look at him; 
future sgalwalwi n; but sgelelxi he keeps turning his head to 
look at me 

ba-i-de-yc e giwida f you will drive (sickness) out of (body) 198.4,5; 
imperative -ye e ga, u 

wd a giwi f n I brought it to him (176.17); future wagawi n; but 
wa a ga sbi n I brought it to you (194.11) 

la a l& uhi he caused them to become (la a l- become) 43.1 

It is very likely that the absence of the -w- is conditioned, at least 
in certain forms, rather by phonetic than by morphologic mo 
tives (gal from * galw, sgalk a 5 from *sgalwJc a ). This is ren 
dered plausible by a form like ga-iwawa lsbink^ THEY WILL 
ALWAYS EAT YOU 26.8 (repetition of -w- in frequentative as in 
al-sgalwalwi ri), in which the object is not of the third person. 
The -w- seems to have been retained here because of the follow 
ing vowel. The form wa a ga n i BKOUGHT IT (110.17) as com- 



pared with wa a giwi /e n i BROUGHT IT TO HIM (future waga ni 
wagawi n) suggests that the signification of the -w- in transi 
tive verbs is to indicate the indirect object, at least for the 
third person. It is, however, almost certainly accidental that 
wa a giwi e n stands by the side of wa, a gafsbi s n with -s- to indicate 
the indirect object. That -w- is not the morphologic equivalent 
of -s- is evidenced by the fact that it stands also by the side 
of the transitive connective consonant -x- (cf. al-sgalawi f n: 
al-sgala xbi s n i TURN MY HEAD TO LOOK AT YOU) . It must be 
confessed that after all no very distinct signification can be 
attached to either the intransitive or transitive -w-. 
12. Constant -a. A number of verbs whose stem (including 
petrified suffix) ends in two consonants add to this stem 
an -a that appears in all their forms, even though the con 
sonant combination is one that may stand in a final position 
(cf. footnote, 10). No reason can be assigned for the reten 
tion of the -a in all forms, except the ruling analogy of the 
aorist; in this tense-mode the -a is in all probability directly 
due to the consonant-cluster, as the aorist verb-forms to be 
presently given differ in this very respect from the aorist forms 
of other stems ending in two consonants (e. g., non-aorist 
s u^mt a- BOIL with constant -a-, though ending in a finally 
permissible consonant-cluster, because of aorist ts !umu u mt*a-; 
contrast non-aorist s omd- BOIL without -a- because of aorist 
s omod-}. The following are examples of verbs of the char 
acter described : 

Aorist Non-aorist 

swadat*g& he followed him 75.3 swa t ga, follow him! 

matslasga, he always put it 132.9 masga? put it ! 104.5 

ts-!umtimt"& he boils it 30.2 s umt a, boil it! 

da a -minlk*da, he taught him dd a -mint a, teach him! (con 

trast wa a liimt" talk to him! 
with aorist -himid-} 

If the verb is instrumental in vocalism (see 64), the constant a 

is replaced by the instrumental i. Thus : 
1-TcIos ds gi he keeps pinching him 

That this constant -a is felt to be somewhat different in character 
from ordinary inorganic or connective -a- (as in ts !el& mt*e e or 
wa a gofsbi 8 n) is shown by the fact that it is changed to -i- when- 



ever the object is not of the third person, in reciprocals, in 
reflexives, and in verbs with non-agentive -x-: 

swedet gixi he followed me 

da a -minlYdixbi he taught you 

yowo fu snixbi e n I cause you to start (but parallel yowd u ts!a7ixbi e n 

with connecting a) 
wayanliixbi n I put you to sleep; walnTiixigam I was put to 

l-Jc!iis us gixi he keeps pinching me; frJcfus gi xirik* he will pinch 


l-t!ene f liisdam you hold me 86.13,14. 
i-lasgi xant* p* touch one another! 
l-lesgi ttwiV touching himself 
bd a -t*e~k!ettiixde e I keep bobbing up (60.11,13,14) 


Frequentatives, continuatives, and usitatives are formed from sim 
pler verb forms in great part by various methods of repetition of all 
or part of the phonetic material of the stem, to a somewhat less 
extent by means of sufFixation. In many repetitive forms a distinct 
tendency to use a long vowel provided with a rising pitch-accent is 
observable. As it has not been found feasible to draw anything like 
sharp lines between the exact significations of the various repetitive 
forms, it seems best to dispose of the material from a purely formal 
point of view rather than to attempt to classify it rigidly into fre- 
quentatives, iteratives, usitatives, and continuatives. The methods 
of forming repetitives will be taken up in order. 

1. Type 13 of Stem- Formation. It was remarked before that 
most verbs of this type normally employed in that form are such 
as to imply a repetition of the action they express. The type 
may, moreover, be freely formed from bases implying non-repetitive 
action whenever it is desired to convey a general frequentative or 
usitative meaning. The frequentative idea may have reference 
to the repetition of the act itself (iterative or usitative) or to the 
plurality of the transitive object or intransitive subject affected 
(distributive) ; any sharp characterization of the manner of the 
frequentative action in each case is, however, doubtless artificial 
apart from the context. The following examples of repetitive with 
corresponding non-repetitive forms will illustrate the general fre 
quentative force: 




[BULL. 40 

Non-repetitive verb-stein 

lebe- pick up and eat (seeds) 

loho-n- cause to die 

wog- arrive 
(tloxox- (aorist) gather 



le e p lap" (non-aorist) pick 
and eat many (seeds) ! 34.2 

loJio lahanci s n I used to kill 

wogowa ^Y many arrived 112.2 

{wa -l-t!oxo f t!ixi n I used to 
gather them 
wa -l-ddxdcfxk* they have been 
gathering them (inferential) 
T\ene f Jianda n I always used to 

wait for him 
odo a she always hunted for 

them 116.6 
ogo alci he always gave them 


dd u mdcfmY he used to kill 
them (inferential) 25.1; 
wiyiwit*e I used to go (there) 


p!aga p!a Y he used to swim 
xa -i-ts !iwl Hs !au he split it 

to pieces 
sgl i p sga f p^gam they had been 

all cut up (21.2; 138.7) 
he e -l-hu f lu~hal he kept peeling 

off bark (160.5) 
hogo Jia~k*de I am always run 

Tiele lial he used to sing 
al-tiuyu Tv&x he always hunted 

(-hi*- = -hay-, 8) 86.1 

It will be observed that the repetitive form is, on the whole, 
built up on the verbal base, not the verb or aorist stem. Thus, 
e. g., the verb-stems lebe- and loho- do not enter into the formation 
of the frequent atives at all, which are formed, according to Type 
13a, directly from the simple bases leb- (verb-stem le e p*lab-, aorist 
lelelab-} and loh- (verb-stem lohlali-, aorist loholah-}. Similarly, a 
form like p!aga p!a Y shows no trace of the aorist stem pfagai- 
of the simplex ; verbs of Type 6 generally show the f ortis consonant 
of the base in all forms of the frequentative (see 40, 6) : sgot!o sgidi n 
i CUT IT TO PIECES (144.2) (cf. sgo fu da n i CUT IT 72.10, base sgot!- 

do u x- (non-aorist) 
7ien-d- wait for 
odo- hunt for 
og- give to 
do u m- kill 

wl*- go, travel 

p!d a g- swim 
ts !iu-d- split 

sglp!- cut 

Jiul-p!- skin, peel off bark 

"hog- run 

Jie l- sing 
al-htii-x- hunt 


45.10). Suffixes with no distinct derivative signification drop off in 
the frequentative (cf. ts !iu-d- and Jiul-p!- above, also 42 passim), 
but, if they are functional elements, are put after the reduplicated 
complex (cf . loho-n- and hen-d- above) ; frequent atives thus become, 
as was indicated in the treatment of petrified suffixes, criteria for 
the determination of the simple base. Some verbs, however, retain 
a petrified suffix in the frequentative without apparent reason: 
ts lumumt a HE BOILS IT; ts fumu ts Iamt a HE ALWAYS BOILS IT. 

The only use made of the aorist stem in the formation of fre- 
quentatives is in the case of such forms as have an initial fortis 
in the aorist as against a media in the verb-stem, mainly verbs of 
Type 8. The aorist of the corresponding frequentative also shows 
the initial fortis, but is not otherwise influenced by the form of the 
aorist stem of its simplex; e. g., aorist of simplex, tloxox-, but of 
frequentative, t!ox-o-t!ax- with retained t!-. Such verbs as aorist 
t!oxot!ax, non-aorist do u xdax-, are to be considered as of mixed type 
(in this case partly 8, partly 13 a). 

Verbs like odo ad- and ogo ag- with a secondarily developed glottal 
catch in the aorist (see 6) seem to retain this catch in non-aorist 
forms, a stop + the catch resulting in a fortis: 

aorist ogo f ag- always give to ; non-aorist o ~k![w}ag- 

A small sub-class is formed by those frequentatives that omit the 
-a- of the repeated base (Type 13 c). Such are: 

Verb-stem Repetitive 

wa-y&nsigwa n I shall run after wa-y&n.Si-magwa s n I used to 

him run after him 

waftV I shall sleep (71.15; wayafimW I used to sleep 
142.14) (-Ji- conditioned by accent) 

he e l-yo u na n I shall sing a song youoma n I always sing it 


waga r& I shall bring it wagao k ?m ^ I used to bring 

it (1 = *wagawg-, but see 4, 
footnote) (45.6) 

A very peculiar type of frequentative formation is illustrated by: 
loha lluT (a is inorganic) they used to die (inferential) (168.9); 

aorist stem doubtless loholhi- 

derived from aorist lohoi- die, non-aorist loho- (contrast aorist loho- 
lcih-an-, non-aorist lohlah-an in the causative) . The otherwise purely 
aoristic -i- of Type 4 is here dragged into the non-aorist forms. 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 9 43 



[BULL. 40 

2. Type 4 of Reduplication. This method of forming the fre 
quentative seems to be but a variant of the first (the repeated initial 
consonant coming last instead of immediately after the connecting 
vowel, or the initial consonant not being repeated at all if there is a 
petrified suffix), and is found in only a few verbs, where it takes 
the place of the first method. A glottal catch generally separates 
the repeated vowel of the stem from the immediately following a. 
Examples are: 

Aorist stem 

Tclemel . Imake 

tlomoni- kill 

Tcluwuw- throw away (pi. obj.) 

p!uwu-k!- call, name. 

de-ts !ini*-x-( = 

-lc!-x-) die 


~k!eme amga n I always make 
it (instead of *lc!eme - 
lc!ama ri) (77.5) ; k!em a^mk* 
( = - amg-k* he used to make 
it (inferential) 122.18 

t!omo amda n I used to kill 
them (instead of *t!omo r - 
t!ama n) (13.10; 54.3) 

k!uwu auga n I used to throw 
them away (instead of *~k!u- 
wu f Jc!awa n) (134.6) 

p!uwu s a-uga s n I keep calling 
his name (100. 21) (instead of 
*p!uwu p!auk!a n , cf. p!u - 
wuptaus i he keeps calling 
me by name) 

de-ts !inl anx he always died 
(instead of *ts !inl ts !anx) 

leme amV he used to take 
(everything) (instead of 

leme-Jc!-t&k& along (cf. 108.10) 

If the initial consonant is a fortis, it becomes a media when 
repeated, as illustrated in the first three examples. This may be 
explained by catch dissimilation (see 22) e. g., a theoretical 
*k!uwu f au lc* (from *Jc!uwu Jc!au) is dissimilated to Jc!uwu s auk\ 
Similarly a theoretical * p!uwu f au Jc* (from *p!uwu p!au s Jc*) is dis 
similated to p!uwu f (iuk . The non-aorist frequentative forms of 
these verbs sometimes follow the first method of formation (cf. 
do u mda^mk* under method 1), sometimes the second (&slc!em amg-}. 

3. c + v + c^^ + v + c. The few verbs that belong here differ from 
the preceding in that they repeat only the initial consonant after 
the repeated stem-vowel (Type 11). An example is: 





Aorist stem Repetitive 

dl-t!ugui- wear dl-t!ugu H" he keeps wearing 

it, used to wear it 

As in the first method, so also in the second and third, non- 
radical functionless elements of the simplex disappear in the fre 
quentative. Thus the suffixed -i- of Jdemel HE MADE IT and -n- of 
]c!eme nxa HE MAKES, also the aorist characteristic of dl-t!ugul HE 
WORE IT, are not found in their corresponding frequentative forms. 

4. v -f c + v v -\- c. The large number of verbs whose frequent a tives 
follow this formula (la of types of reduplication) always have another 
consonant, whether part of the stem or a petrified suffix, after the non- 
fortis repeated consonant characterizing the frequentative, so that 
the appearance at least of infixation is often produced. Externally, 
frequent atives of this type resemble aorists of verbs of Type 8, but 
differ from them in the consistent length of the repeated vowel. In 
signification these verbs are generally continuative or usitative rather 
than properly frequentative or iterative. As examples may be given: 

Aorist stem 

k!os o-g- pinch 

Tiimi-d- talk to 

baxam- come 

t!ulu-g- follow 

al-sgal-aw- turn head to look at 

gaya-w- eat 
hene-d- wait for 

pldlag- tell a myth 
hem-g- take out 
uyu s - laugh 

tslayag- shoot 
yilim- ask for 


l-JcIos ds gihe is always pinch 
ing him 

wa a -himi i mda e n I used to talk 
to him 

baxaxmia u they keep coming 

7wtr-t!ulu n lga, e n I keep follow 
ing in (trail) 

al-sgald a liwi f m I keep turning 
my head to look at them 

gaydiwa n I used to eat it 

7iene e nda fs n I keep waiting 
for him 

p!dld a lga n the myth is always 

bari-heme e mga fe n I always 
took them out 

uyu tys-de* (dissimilated from 
tuyu Wr- [?]) I keep laugh 

tslayalV he used to shoot them 

yil&ima f *n I keep asking for 
it (see 21) 



Aorist stem Repetitive 

ts!aya-m- hide ts!aya-ima f n I always hide it 

gini-g go to ginlrik they went there one 

after another 46.11 
mats lag- put matslasga they always put it 

away 132.9 

wits-Jim- move wits- !ismade s I keep moving 

sgelew- shout sgelelt e (see 18) I keep 

shouting (59.3) 
Tiiwiliw- run to MwiMt*e e (see 18) I keep 


The verb yewei- RETURN seems to form its frequentative according 
to method 4, but with added -g-: 

yewe ok* he used to come back 47.4; 116.2; yeweogaY you used 
to come back; yeweo de ,yeweude 1 1 used to come back 

There is not enough material available to determine in every case 
the non-aoristic forms of the frequent atives of this group. As a gen 
eral rule, however, it seems that the non-aoristic stem of the frequen 
tative is formed by repeating a consonant or semi-vowel, but in such 
a manner as to indicate the non-aoristic simplex back of it. Thus the 
frequentative of the inferential ts lalmV HE HID IT is ts !a-imlk HE 

WAS ALWAYS HIDING IT; of Ul[a]uJc" HE JUMPED 160.17 it IS lilwallc 

(? = *bilwalwlc ) THEY ALWAYS JUMPED 160. 16. From galk* (inferential) 
HE ATE IT 142.19 is formed gayaik* (if really inferential in form; per 
haps third person subject aorist gayaig- in contrast to -gaydiw of other 
persons, see above) HE USED TO EAT IT 54.6, wilich, though resembling 
the aorist in the repetition of the stem-vowel, differs from it, probably 
for phonetic reasons, in the absence of the -w-. The form wits !e s- 
made e HE WILL KEEP MOVING, given as the future of wits Hsmade*, 
can not, for want of parallel forms, be accounted for. From sgd a lw-. 
non-aorist of sgalaw-, is formed the frequentative sgalw-alw- (perhaps 
according to Type 8, Iw- being a consonatic unit). 

5. Vowel lengthening. Many verbs, particularly such as be 
long to Type 2, obtain a usitative signification by merely lengthening 
the short repeated vowel of the stem, this vowel, when stressed, as 
suming the falling accent. Examples of this simple process are : 

1 It is not at all certain that the -o- (--) of these forms really represents the -w- of the stem. It is 
quite probable that there is a distinct type of frequentative in repeated vowel+-og-, in which case wagao - 
k na n i USED TO BEING IT (see above under 1) would be another example. 



Simplex Repetitive 

yimi s a he dreams yiml^s a 5 he is always dreaming 

luklu xaf he sets traps luk!u /u xa e he used to set traps 

geyewa f lxde e da ba-ik!iyi e Jc*wheTL geye e wa lxde e da ba-i-lc!iyl i lc* 

I ate he came whenever I used to eat he 


Jc*ewe lc*awa e l he barks fcewe e Jc*awa l he is always bark 


As the last example shows, by this method verbs which are already 
frequentative in form can be made to take on a usitative meaning. 

6. v+(c + ) her. The accented vowel (v) of frequentatives con 
forming to this formula is either the second vowel of the stem of the 
simplex or the repeated vowel of the stem not found in the simplex, 
and is followed by the last consonant (semi-vowel) of such verb-stems 
as end in two consonants. The forms that belong to this group seem 
in some cases to have rather a continuative than iterative force. Ex 
amples are: 

Simplex Repetitive 

lohon he caused them to die lohonha he keeps killing them 


liwila ut e* I looked (59.14) liwllhaut* e I kept looking (144. 19) 

wo u W she went for (wood) (non- wo o u Jia she used to go for wood 

aoristwoo-) (162.8); 186.6 43.15; 158.18 

da a -sgek!l he listened 102.8 dd a -sgelc!elha he listened around 

da a -agani n I heard it (55.3) dd a -aganhi n I used to hear about 

s u alha they always stayed (to- 

S u will he sits, stays 21.1 

gether) 112.2 

s u aThibiV we always stay to 
s-as-inlt e I stand (34.1) s as a nhap de I stand around 

The last two examples do not show a rising pitch-accent, because 
the vowel (-a-) preceding the -I- and -n- respectively is inorganic 
and therefore incapable of carrying a rising or raised accent (cf. as 
parallel bila ufe* i SHALL JUMP, not *bilaut*e e , because of inorganic 
-a-). They also illustrate the loss in the frequentative of a non- 
radical element (-$*-) of the simplex; in S u f alha the loss of the -l f - 
involves also the transfer of the verb to the first class of intransitives 
(second person singular, Class I, s u f alhat YOU STAY AROUND; Class 
II, s-u wiWam YOU SIT). 



7. v + Hia. It is very probable that the verbs that belong here 
contain the continuative -I- treated under the head of petrified suffixes 
(see 42, 9). The formula may then be considered morphologically 
identical with that listed as method 5, except that the continuative 
-lr is introduced before the -ha. Examples of this group are : 

Aorist (or verb) stem Repetitive 

tloxox- gather wa- l-t!oxollii n I always gather 

~ba a -ek!elhixia u they all 

emerged 60.11 
(oa a -t ek!-x emerge) , __ ,< 7 ,_ 7T . 7 - T i 

oa a -t eklelhixde* I keep emerging 

(sglp!- cut) xa- l-sgip lilhi he cut them all 

through 26.11 
k!of~k!ad- break xa-*%-ya a -k!odolhi he always just 

broke them in two 29.1 

(al-xlkl- see) al-xik!ilhi n I used to see him 

gwidi(k w d)- throw gwidilha he kept throwing it 

(lolc!- trap) loklolha he was always trapping 

them 78.4; 100.4 

The non-aoristic forms of these frequentatives dispense with the re 
peated vowel (v) characteristic of the aorist, so that the introduction 
of an inorganic -a - is necessitated : 

gwida lhan I shall keep throwing it 
al-xilda lhiY I used to see him (inferential) 

The remarks made under method 1 in regard to the formation of 
frequentatives directly from the verb-stem rather than the aorist 
stem apply also here (sgotlolha 108.8 from verb-stem sgotl- CUT, 
aorist sgo u d-, like sgotlo sga?}. 

8. v-\-w + v+lha* Only two verbs have been found that follow 
this very irregular formula for the frequentative: 

Simplex Repetitive 

-. , , i lawa lliip" always become! (78.5) 

lap become! 25.2 7 7 _ , 77 .-, fi , 

j-aj-\ t. 7i dahoxa lawa Unda e whenever it 

became evening 44.1; 78.6 
ligigwa n I fetch (game) liwi lhagwa n I always come 

home (70.3,5; 164.4) home with (game) (136.2) 

The latter of these shows at the same time an unaccountable loss of 
the -g- of the stem; the future of the simplex, IVgwa n, probably does 
not exhibit an absolute loss of the -g-, but rather a contraction of 
ll l g-gw- to 


44. General Remarks 

Under this head may be conveniently listed a number of suffixes 
that either transitivize intransitives (causative, comitative, indirective 
-amd-, -aid-) or are characteristic of transitive verbs (indirective 
-s- = -tx-TO, indirective -an (an)- FOR, indirect reflexive). It must be 
confessed, however, that the various suffixes may be so thoroughly 
interwoven among themselves and with the purely formal elements 
that follow^ that a certain amount of arbitrariness can hardly be 
avoided in treating of them. The suffixes will now be taken up in 

45. Causative -(a)/7- 

Causatives are formed from intransitives by the addition of -Ti 
to the intransitive form, minus, of course, its formal pronominal ele 
ments. If the final sound preceding the -n- is a vowel, the suffix can 
be directly appended, the vowel being generally lengthened; a final 
consonant (or semivowel), however, generally, though not always, 
requires a connective -a- (4 when umlauted) between it and the suffix; 
doublets (with and without connective -a-) sometimes occur, the com 
bination of consonant -f- -n- then taking a constant -a (-i) after it. 
If the accented vowel (v) of the aorist immediately precedes the -n- 
in all forms, an inorganic -h- must be introduced, the combination 
-rih- then necessitating a following constant -a; doublets, conditioned 
by the position of the accent, here also occur. Certain suffixed ele 
ments (-i-, -4* -) characteristic of intransitives drop off before the caus 
ative -n-, yet in some forms they are retained ; intransitivizing ele 
ments naturally remain, for without them the verb would itself be 
transitive and incapable of becoming a causative. The aorist and non- 
aorist forms of the causative, with the qualification just made, are 
built up on the corresponding tense-mode forms of the primitive verb. 
Examples of causative -(a)n- are: 

Intransitive Causative 

yelnada you will be lost (a yalna,nada you will lose it 
palatalized by preceding y 
to -e-) 14.3 

yowo he is 21.1 ba -i-yowoni n I woke him up 

(literally, I caused him to 
be up with my hand) 16.4 
S 44-45 



[BULL. 40 

Intransitive Causative 

1)a-i-yowoi\a f n I miss him in 

shooting (? = 1 cause him to 

be out) (138.5) 
ba-i-yowonha, n 

t uwug&iia s n I make him hot 
ba-i-biliwanaY he ran him out 
Jiaxua, he burned it 98.8 
liax&nk wa he burned him up 


t agd a na e n I make him cry 
t egeiixi he makes me cry 
Jioyodsma n I make him dance 
hoid&ua n I shall make him 

ya a n^n. he made him go ; ya a - 

n&ua / n I made him go 
2/anha (= *yan-nJia) he made 

him go; yauhtfn I made 

him go. 
yanaujia n 1 I shall cause him 

to go 
Jiene n they were used up 184.6 i-henenmi n I used them up 

/e i -I ,-,-, {ydwd u ts!&n.xbi n I startled you 

iiowo s he started, was startled _, _, . 7 .. ,. J . 

i yowo ue smxln n (for change of a 

he is hot 94.15 
ba-i-lnliwa^t you ran out 24.15 

MX it burns 94.18 

t*aga i he cries 62.2 

[Jioyo e f he dances 46.12 
\7ioida e t* he will dance 

ya a n- go (aorist) 
yana- go (non-aorist) 

yowo fu smxli n (for change of a 
I to i see 42, 12) 
yd u ts!&nan I shall startle him 


yo u sda a he will start 186.10 


Hobigl he lies like dead tlobigtrihafn I make him lie 

like dead 
t!obaga f sda a he will lie like tlobaga sn&n I shall make him 

lie like dead 

s as inlnha, n I make him 

dead (148.8) 
s as inl he stands 144.14 

s a s ant a a he will stand s a s anh&n I shall make him 

de-gulu k!alx it blazes 188.15 de-gulu Jc!alxu& n I make fire 

p*ele xa he goes to war 126.13 p ele xana n I make him go to 

dak -limimxgwa (tree) falls on dak*-limlmxgwadmi n I chop 

him (108.12) 

(tree) on to him 

1 Also yana k nan I SHALL MAKE HIM GO, with inserted and unexplained suffix -k -. 



Intransitive Causative 

yewe i he returned 49.10; ba e -l-yewen he cured him (lit- 
88.5 erally, he caused him with 

his hand to return up) 15.2 

The causative in -vriha- is sometimes usitative in meaning: 
Zo^onha he used to kill them; loJion he killed them 142.9 
Examples occur of transitives in -n- formed from intransitives in 
which no causative notion can be detected : 

da-ldnha, s n I lied to him; de-luuhixi he lied to me (intransitive 

da-lofe e I shall lie [110.23]) 

gel-waya a na f n I slept with her (26.4) ; gel-wa-ina n I shall sleep 
with her (108.3) (intransitive wayanfe* I sleep [188.22]; walfe* 
I shall sleep [188.20]); but wayanhtfn I cause him to sleep 
(162.1); wainh&n I shall cause him to sleep, waftiha put him 
to sleep! 106.4,8 

The connective a of the causative suffix -an- in the aorist is treated 
differently from the a of the non-aorist forms in so far as in the 
former case the -an- diphthong, when stressed, receives a raised 
accent, while in the latter the a, as a strictly inorganic element, takes 
the falling accent. Thus: 

Aorist Non-aorist 

ho u gwsi\-i he made him run hogwei ii make him run! 

(yewen. he caused him to return) ye e wa, n make him return! 

(plagaii he bathed him [186.25]) p!a a ga, n bathe him! 186.24 
In other words, the phonetic relation between aorist and non-aorist 
illustrated by several verb types (e. g., agan- : ag[a]n-) is reflected also 
in the causative suffix (-an-: ~[a]n-). The same is true of other -[a]n- 
suffixes not causative in signification (see 42, 10): 

Aorist Non-aorist 

l-lc!u u ma < n he fixed it 150.13 l-lduma n fix it! 

(klemenxWn I make you 27.9) ~k!emafn make it! 186.24 

46. Comitative -(a) gw- 

Comitatives, i. e., transitive forms with the general meaning of TO 
DO SOME ACTION (expressed by verb-stem) TOGETHER WITH, AT 
TENDED BY, HAVING SOMETHING (expressed by object of verb), may 
be formed only from intransitives by the suffix -gw- (final -F w , rarely 
-k*wa in monosyllables) ; after a consonant (including semivowel) a 
connective -a- appears before the -gw-, though in a few cases (as in 
aorist yd a n- GO) the -gw- is directly appended. Dissyllabic stems 
ending in vowel + -g- or -w- often add the comitative -gw- directly, in 




[BULL,. 40 

which case the preceding vowel is generally lengthened; doublets, 
however, are sometimes found with connecting a. The second vowel 
of aorist stems is apt to be lengthened in comitative forms, yet not 
as consistently as in the case of causatives. Differing in this respect 
from the causative -n-, the comitative suffix does not require the loss 
of a final aoristic intransitive element (e. g., -i-). From aorist lolioi- 
DIE are formed Io7io u -n- CAUSE TO DIE, but lohoy-agw- DIE TOGETHER 
WITH. The reason seems clear. While the action of a causative verb 
is logically transitive, that of a comitative is really intransitive, and 
the verb is only formally transitive. In the former case the subject 
of the verb does not undergo the action that would be expressed by 
the intransitive stem (loJioi-} ; in the latter it does. Examples of the 
comitative are: 


yank* w he takes it along (lit., 
he goes having it) 17.13 

yanagwcfnk* he will take it along 
^ r k w he fetched game home 

(= Itfg-gwa^nk* ) he 
will fetch game home(130.6) 

gintfgwa^n I take it to (3 1.11); 
also giniysigwa n(13.12) , fu 
ture ginagwa n (=ginag- 
gwa n with inorganic a be 
cause of preceding n) (146.6) 

dal-yeweys^k w he ran away 
with it 

twTk wa he travels around with 
it 14.2 

ld u l&gwa n I play with him 

~ba a -wa-daway&^ V! he flies 
with it 

Tienen&gwa n I eat it all (43 .1 2) 

yewey&gwa f n I fetch them back 
(30.1; 47.13) 

yawaysigwa n I talk about it 
(lit., I talk having it) 108.12 

nax-i-7ie*l&gwa f n I shall sing 
with pipe in hand 

l-Jiele e lagwa / n I sing with it in 


yd a n- go (aorist) 

yana- (non-aorist) 

ligi- come home from hunt 

ll*g- (non-aorist) 

gini(g}- go to 

dal-yewey- run away 
wl*- travel 
lo u l- play 
daway- fly 

Tienen- use up, be satiated 
yewey- return 

yaway- talk 

\7ie e l- sing (non-aorist) 
[helel- (aorist) 


Intransitive Comitative 

t. obagas- lie like dead (non- nax-da-t!ol)aga sgwank he lies 
aorist) like dead with pipe in mouth 

uyu s ~ laugh uyu e s f gwa e n I laugh at him 

baxam- come . da-yawlx bax&m&W they 

came talking (literally, 
mouth-talking they - came- 
with) 126.2 

lo u x tiliwsigwanaW we play at 
fighting (literally, play we- 

biliw- fight, jump 


I jump having 
it (=*Uliugwa e n, see 7) 

If the object of the comitative verb is other than a third person, the 
suffix -gw- is followed by the indirective -d-, wiiich does not ordinarily 
appear as such, but unites with the immediately following transitive 
connective -x- to form -s-; a connective -a- is inserted between the 
-gw- and the -s-, so that the whole comitative suffix for a first or 
second personal object is -(a)gwas-. Examples are: 

uyu 8 gw&si he laughs at me 
henensigw& sam he ate us up (192.15) 
bd a -wa-dawiy&gwa, f sbink* he will fly up with you 

The form -gwad- of the comitative suffix appears as such preceding 
-in- (umlauted from -an-) in the third personal object of indirect FOR- 
f orms built up on intransitive verbs derived from transitives : 

lule!u xagwsidini n I trap for him (probably = I cause [-in] him 
to be having [-gwad-] [some one] to trap [luk!u-xa-] [for him]) ; 
but luklu xagwsLsi he traps for me 

p*ele xagw&dini n I go to war for him; but p*ele xagw&si he goes 
to war for me 

It is highly probable, however, that in such cases the -gwad- is to be 
definitely analyzed into a comitative element -gwa- + an indirective 
element -d- (- -) TO, FOR; this seems to be pointed out by the fact 
that when the FOR - object becomes identical with the subject, i. e., 
when the verb becomes an indirect reflexive (FOR ONE S SELF), the -d- 
immediately precedes the regular reflexive suffix -gwi-, leaving the 
causative suffix -(a)n- between it and the comitative suffix -gw-: 

luk!u f xagwant*gwide I trap for myself (probably = I cause [-an-] 
myself [-gwi-] to be having [-gw-] [some one] to tT&p[lulc!u-xa-] 
for [-*<-] [me]) 



Comitatives in -gw- are formed not only from intransitivized tran- 
sitivesin -xa- (e. g., l-liibu f xak* w SHE POUNDS WITH IT IN HAND [55.10]; 
56.1), but also from non-agentive intransitives in -x- (see below, 56). 
Examples are: 

Non-agentive Comitative 

sgo u sde ( = sgo u d-x-de ) I cut sgo u sgwa n I got tired 1 of it 
(without implied object), (21.6) 

am across (148.8) 

7ie -me -f?>6 /w fcY&ax he lay Jie e -wa-fbd u t ba f xgwsi he lay 
down with his arms folded, down with it clasped in his 

lay rolled up and put away arms 154.6 

(cf. 7ie -me -Md u Wbaga n I 
roll it up and put it away) 

fge e ya*lx. it runs around, rolls wa-fge e ya f lxgwa s n I roll with it 

wa-i-s ugu s uxgwa n I am 

sleepy (literally, something 

like: I am confused having 


ba-i-s ili x he landed ba-i-s ili f xgw& he landed with 

(his canoe) 13.5 

The obverse, as it were, of these transitive forms in -x-gwa-, is given 
by certain rather curious Class I intransitive forms in -x-gwa- built 
up on intransitive, not, like normal -x- derivatives, on transitive 
stems; they may be literally translated as TO BE WITH (or HAVING) 
(SOMETHING) DOING or BEING. Thus from the intransitive aorist 
daY-limim- (TREE) FALLS ON TOP OF is formed the intransitive dak - 
Iim1mxgwade IT FALLS ON TOP OF ME (108.12), in which the logical 
subject (TREE) becomes an implied object, while the real object or 
goal of motion (ME) is treated as the grammatical subject. The 
form quoted would have to be literally translated as I AM WITH (or 
IT, TOGETHER WITH IT would probably be something like *datf- 
limtfmgwa^n. Morphologically similar to dak*-limimxgwade are 
doubtless : 

hewe hdxgwade I yawn (literally, I am having [ ? ]) 
yele sgw&de ( = yelet!-x-gwa-) I am sweating (literally, I am 

having it, i. e., perspiration [?]) 

With such an interpretation, the form dak*-limlmxgwadini e n i 
CHOP IT ON TO HIM becomes readily intelligible as a causative built 

i sgo usdtf and sgo usgwa s n are morphologically quite clearly related, though in signification the latter form 
has widely departed from what must have been its primary meaning. 

$ 46 


up on an intransitive in -xgwa- , literally translated it would read 
i CAUSE (-in) HIM TO BE WITH (-gwad-) (IT) FALLING (limVm-x-) ON 
TOP OF (dak -} (HIM) . This chimes in well with the interpretation given 
above of the really very perplexing "for" forms in -gwadin- and 

As will have been noticed from some of the examples already 
given (yawayagw- TALK ABOUT, uyu i s gwa- LAUGH AT, sgo u sgwa- BE 
TIRED OF, henenagw- CONSUME), the primarily comitative meaning of 
the -gw- suffix is sometimes greatly obscured, at times practically 
lost. Other examples illustrating this weakening of the fundamental 
signification are: 

Intransitive Comitative 

Jioyod- dance hoyod-agw- dance (a particular 

kind of) dance 100.15; 102.9 

ba a -yd a n- go up ba a -ya a n-gw- pick up 24.3; 59.15 

ba-i-ginig- go out to, come ba-i-gintf-gw- take out (no leg 

motion necessarily implied) 

xeben- do (so) xebe^-agw- 1 hurt, destroy 136.23 

47. Indirective -d-(-s-) 

The -d- of the indirect object never appears in its naked form 
(except, as we have seen, in certain forms in -gwad-; see also under 
-d- in petrified suffixes) , but always combined into -s- with the follow 
ing element -x- that serves to bind pronominal objects of the first and 
second persons to the verb-stem with its derivative suffixes (see 64). 
The indirect object of the third person is not normally expressed by 
this -d-j but, like an ordinary direct third personal object, is left 
unexpressed, the general character of the verb being impliedly indi- 
rective. As a matter of fact, an incorporated pronominal indirect 
object is used only when the direct object is of the third person, never 
of the first or second; and, since the pronominal object of the third 
person is never expressed in the verb, this means that what is trans 
lated as the indirect object is in reality morphologically the direct 
object of the verb. The indirective idea is merely a derivative 
development; or, more correctly, certain transitive verbs with indi 
rective " face" require an -s- ( = -d- + -x-) instead of -x- with an incor 
porated object of the first or second person, i GIVE IT TO HIM is, then, 
really rendered in Takelma by I-HIM-GIVE; i GIVE IT TO YOU, by i- 

1 For the change of non-causative -TO- to -y- (- -) cf . k. emti- and k. cmetn- MAKE. 

$ 47 


YOU-GIVE; i GIVE HIM FOOD, by I-HIM-FOOD-GIVE, in which the 
logically indirect object HIM must be looked upon as the direct object 
of the verbal complex FOOD-GIVE (FOOD, not being a pronominal 
object, is loosely incorporated as a prefix in the verb) ; i GIVE YOU 
FOOD, by I-YOU-FOOD-GIVE, the pronominal combination i YOU 
being expressed at the end of the verb-complex in the same form as in 
a simple transitive like I-YOU-SEE, except that it is preceded by -s- 
instead of -x-; such combinations as i GIVE YOU TO HIM, ME and HE 
GIVES ME TO YOU, HIM can not be expressed by one verb-form. In 
these latter cases the grammatical object of the verb is no longer in 
directly affected by the action ; hence another, though probably ety- 
mologically related, verb-stem is employed, while the indirect object 
is expressed by a local phrase outside the verb : i GIVE YOU TO HIM 
(-I-YOU-GIVE [not indirective "face"] HIM-TO), -x-, not -s-, preced 
ing the combination i YOU. The idea of TO in intransitives like GO, 
RUN, and so on, is regularly expressed by such an extra-verbal local 
phrase. Many verbs that, from our point of view, seem ordinary 
transitives, are in Takelma provided with the indirective -s-. Ex 
amples illustrating the use of this -s- are : 

Aorist Future 

(ogoyi / n l I give it to him 180.11 o Vin (170.13; 180.9,16) 

I ogu sbi n I give it to you 23.3 o stin (178.15) 

[ (oyonxbi n I give you) (olnxbin I shall give you) 

!wet gi n (for -g- see 42, 5) I wede Fin (17.10,11) 
took it from him 76.1 

wesbi $ n I took it from you (17. 3) wede sbin (16.10,11) 
f al-da-p o u p *iwi n I blew at it ( 1 5 . 1 ) 
\al-da-p up ausbi n I blew at you 

wd a giwi f n I brought it to him wagawi n I shall bring it to 

(for -w- see 42, 11) (176.17) him 

wa a ga sam* he brought it to us wege sink he will bring it to me 

{eiyi f n I hurt him 
e?sbi n I hurt you 

tgayau he ate him 54.5 ga-iwofnk 130.5 

\gayausbi n I ate you gatsbink* he will eat you 26. S 

f al-yel>ebi n I showed it to him (77.8) al-ye e bi n I shall show it to him 

1 al-yebe psbi n I showed it to you al-yepsi show it to me! 

1 The -y- is peculiar to aorist forms of this verb with a third personal object (ogoyiY YOU TO HIM; ogolhi 
HE TO HIM 122.11) and to the third personal passive aorist (ogoyi n HE WAS GIVEN IT 15.2) 

2 With connecting a before s. In o sbin above -g- + -s-gives --, but *wSsdam (=weeg-sdam) would be 
come confused with wSsdam (=weed-sdam) YOU TOOK IT FROM ME. 





Some verbs that belong here show the -s- only in the aorist, other 
forms having only -x-. Examples are : 


^-tfwi^n I went away from 
him 23.12 
Jie e -iu>Wn I went away from 

you (184.14,15) 
ytfm/tsWn I lent it to you 98.15 
{i-t!aut!iwi s n I catch him 33.4 
\i-t!aut!a f usbi he caught you 
{naga n I said to him 72.9 
\naga 1 sbi n I said to you 108.4 
da-da-ha a li n I answered him 

dak -da-halsbi n I answered you 


sa a nsa fs n I fight him (110.20) 
sa a nsa f nsbi n I fight you 


Jie e -lwi n 


lend it to me! 98.14, 21 
l-t!a a wi n (33.8) 
trtlaflxbink* (140.15) 
na a gi n (15.15; 196.20) 
naxbin (60.3) 
dak *-da-hala Mn 

dak^-da-hala xbin 

sana n (28.15; 33.9) 
sana xbin 

48. Indirective -(a )ld- 

This suffix is probably composed of the continuative -I- (see 42, 9) 
and the indirective -d-, though, unlike the latter suffix, it is always 
employed to transitivize intransitives, a characteristic intransitive 
element of the aorist (e. g., -i-) regularly remaining. After vowels, the 
suffix appears simply as -Id-; after consonants and semivowels, a con 
nective -a- is generally introduced, which, when accented, receives a 
falling pitch. The general idea conveyed by the suffix is that of 
purposive action toward some person or object, so that it may be con 
veniently translated by MOVING AT or TOWARD, IN ORDER TO REACH, 
GOING TO GET. Examples of its use are : 

liiliut e 5 1 climb 

yada tfe* I swim (yadad-) 
Uli ** he jumped 32.13; 78.11 

da-t!aya fie they went to get 
(something) to eat 75.9 

da-da a ya f (future) (33.9) 
sgde us he shouted 59.4; 90.8 

Jiiliwd lda n I climb for it (77.8) 
yadadafldafn I swim for him (to 

save him from drowning) 
yededvJlsi he swims for me 
l)iliw& \sa n they fought .(liter 
ally, they jumped at, for each 
other) 27.4 

da-t!ayaldi f n I went to get it to 
eat; da-t!aya\t he went to get 
it to eat (a shows by its accent 
that it is part of stem) 76.9 
da-dd a \di n (future) (33.9) 
sgelew& lt* he shouted to, for him 
59.4; (94.1) 




[BULL. 40 

wiliw- go, run 
xudu /s m he whistled 

lwiliwa, lda nl go and show it to him 
[de-wiliwa, \da n I fight him (27.3) 
xudum& lda n I whistled to him 


W w he fetched home (game) de-ligi& lt he fetched it for him to 
70.3; 128.12; ligi he came eat 126.9; 130.9 
home (with game) 124.22 

yonobsi lt* they held nets waiting 

for fish 32.1 

\n.wo u lt HE WENT AFTER IT 29.12 the -Id- is confined to the aorist; 
non-aorist forms have the stem woo- without suffix : woo n I SHALL GO 

AFTER IT (162.8,10). 

49. Indirective -(a )md- 

There hardly seems to be any significant difference between this 
and the preceding suffix, except that the indirective force of -(a )md- 
seems in many cases to be much less clear and that it may be appended 
to transitive as well as to intransitive stems. It is quite probable 
that in some of the examples the -m- of the suffix is really the dissimi- 
lated product of an original -Z- because of an -Z- of the stem (see 21) ; 
yet this explanation could not be made to apply to all the cases. 
Those forms that contain a radical -Z- are given first : 

-(a )md- 

WZa mda n I fish for (salmon) 
ts !elela, mda n I paint him ( = 1 

put paint s e e l on to him) 
S in-deleg& msdam you put holes in 

my nose 22.2 
mdlag& msbi n I am jealous of you 

yalaga, mda n I dive for it (60.10) 
lagag& mda n I paid him (184.17) 
legwela, mda e n I sucked it out of him 
di i -al-gelegal& mda n I tie his hair 

up into top-knot (172.3) 
di -uyu ts!&mda n I fool him 
yamdsi mt*(go and) ask of him 174.10 
p*oy&mda n I smoke them out 

l>a a -k!emena, mda n I make him 

ready to go (76. 13) 
da-t gu fu l&mi" she covered it 

(basket) over 61.9 

Simple form 

malagia u they are jealous (cf. 

malag-, malagan- tell) 
yala Vde I dive (61.8) 
(lagag- feed) 

legwe l he sucked it (186.18) 
(geleg- twirl) 

uyuts!- laugh 
a^mt ask him! 70.6 

Tclemen- make 

dak -t l gu u ba n I put (hat-like 
object) over as covering 


50. Indirective -(a)n(an)- "for" 

From transitives, never from intransitives, are formed verbs in 
-(a) n or -(a) nan- (the first -a- is the connective vowel already spoken 
of) signifying TO DO (the act expressed by the verb-stem) FOR, IN 
BEHALF OF (the object of the verb). No rule can be given as to when 
-(a)n- or -(a) nan- is to be used, the two suffixes being frequently 
found to interchange in the same form. It is not likely that -(a)nan- 
is a mere duplication of the simpler -(a)n-, as no other case of suffix- 
reduplication could be shown to exist in Takelma, but rather a 
compound suffix consisting of two distinct elements that happen to be 
homonymous. Neither of the -(a)n- elements in- (a) nan-, however, 
can be identified with either the causative -(a)n- or the petrified -(a)n- 
of certain transitive verbs (see 42,10), for the full -(a)nan- suffix is 
found suffixed to them (e. g., loho u ninini n I KILLED HIM FOE 
HIM [ = i CAUSED HIM TO DIE FOR HIM]) . As in the case of the ordi 
nary indirect object-suffix -s-, only the third person (and that, as far as 
the pronoun is concerned, by implication) is tolerated as the logical 
object, the grammatical object being always the person in whose 
behalf the action is done. If the formal (i. e., indirect) object of 
the verb is of the third person, the -(a)n- or -(a)nan~ is nearly always 
followed by the " instrumental " i (see 64), an umlaut of the suffix 
to -(i)n- or -(i)nin- necessarily resulting (see 8, 3c). The longer 
form of the suffix -(a)nan is apt to be limited to the aorist forms 
with third personal object; non-aorist forms and aorist forms with 
first or second personal object generally have the shorter form of the 
suffix, -(a)n-. What was said above of a phonetic character in regard 
to the causative -(a)n- applies also here. Examples are: 

Transitive Indirective 

wa -l-t!oxoxini s n I gather 

wa s -l-t!oxoxi n I gather them 

them for him 
wa s -l-t!uxux&nxi he gathers 

them for me 
l-lc!u u minmmi n I fixed it for 

i-lc!u u ma^n he fixed it 7 V ...... 

iQ\ l-k!uminimm^nk he will fix 

.io) , p i 

it for him 

!i-~k!u u mansm xi he fixed it for 
tr-Jdumanafiihi fix it for him! 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 10 50 



|7d &inini /e n I carry it for him 

fZaMnim e 

o u ga n I trap them (78.5) 



la a ba f n I carry it (178.4,5,6) 

V.I/IX/ l/> J.J./I 

Ze e 6a nxi he carries it for me 
ld u gimm n I trap them for 


ld fu gmi n 
(pHyiri) lu u g&n.xi he traps 

(deer) for me 
lo lclimn I shall trap them for 

k!adaymi n I pick them for 


Jc!addlhmi n 
k!edey& f nxi he picks them for 

Jc!a a dmmi n I shall pick them 

for him 
de -l-wl ri gi n I spread it out de -l-wl fi goxixi he spreads it 

Jdaddi- pick (aorist) 

lc!a a d- pick (non-aorist) 

Iclemen- make 

limimana n I fell tree (cause 
it to fall) (108.11) 

lohd u na n I cause him to die 

out for me 
7c!emenmi / n I make it for 

Tclemnim n I shall make it for 

limimmmi n I fell it for him 

loJio u nmmi n I killed him for 

loJid u nhi he killed him for 

luhu u na, nxi he killed him for 

dd u ma,rL& nk*wank he will kill 

him for him 

do u m/c wanJc he will kill him 


sa a gwa n I paddle it (60.1; 7ian-se e gwsi f usin I am paddled 
112.9) across (literally, it, i. e., 

canoe, is paddled across 
for me) 

p!ahanana / n I cause it to be plahayinmi V I make it 
cooked, done done for him 

A number of transitive verbs in -(a)n(ari)- in which the FOR (in 
behalf of) idea is not clearly apparent nevertheless doubtless belong 
here. Such are: 


1 For the change of suffixed n to y see 46, second footnote. 


al -d u dmi n I look around for him 

i s -odoni n I shall feel around 

(o u da e n I hunt for him 

for it 
malag&n& nhi he told him 30.15 (mala xbi he told you [162.6]) 

It not infrequently happens in verbs where the logical relation exist 
ing between the subject and a first or second personal object can 
hardly be other than an indirect one, that the FOR idea is expressed 
by means of the simple transitive form with -x- or -s- instead of 
the more explicit indirective -(a)n(an)-, as shown in the following 

Ictedeisi he picks them for me (literally, he picks to me, along 
side of Jdedey^nxi he picks them for me) 1 

me bep*xip* come and chop out (a hole) for me (to enable me to 
get out) (literally, come and chop me!) 90.16 

gel-ts!eye f mxi he hid it from me (158.7) ; but gel-ts!ayammi f n I 
hid it from him 

The idea of DOING SOMETHING FOR SOME ONE when the action is an 
intransitive one can not be expressed in the verb itself, so that peri 
phrases of one kind or another are resorted to; e. g., i GO FOR HIM is 
expressed by i GO, HE HAVING SENT ME. In verbs that are intransi 
tive only in form, but logically still transitive, that is, in transitive 
verbs with unexpressed object, the FOR idea is expressed by the com 
plex suffix -gwa dan- (with first or second personal object -gwas-) , the 
analysis of which has been attempted above (see 46). Thus we 
have (pliyin) lo u gin(in)i n i TRAP (DEER) FOR HIM built up on a tran 
sitive in both form and meaning (i. e., ld u ga ri), but luklu xagwa- 
dini n i TRAP FOR HIM built up on a formal intransitive (luk!u xa ). 
The idea of FOR, IN BEHALF OF ONE S SELF is rendered in transitive 
verbs by adding to the indirective suffix -(a) n (an)- the regular reflexive 
suffix -Ywi- (-gwi-) : 

do u mana rik*widd a he will kill them for himself 
Hwnulc* wank wide 5 1 kill them for myself 
de -i-wl fi gank wide I spread it out for myself 
han-se e gwa nk wide I paddle myself across, really, I paddle (canoe) 
across for myself 

1 There must be a difference in signification, however, between k. ed&isi and kfedcya nxi. The former 
probably means "he picks them for me, i. e., in order to give them to me; " the latter "he picks them 
in my behalf (perhaps beca use I am sick and can not do so myself.)" Compare also deflse exi HE OPENED 
THE DOOR FOR ME (i.e., in order to let me in) (63.12) with d&lse eganxi HE OPENED THE DOOR ON MY 
BEH\LF (perhaps because I was unable to do so myself). 



In intransitive verbs with implied transitive force a -f- is inserted 
between the indirective -(a)n(an)- and the reflexive -gwi-: 

luklu xagwant gwit* he traps for himself 
Also this form in -gwant gwi- was explained above. 
51. Indirect Reflexive -gwa- 

By indirect reflexive is here meant action in reference to something 
belonging to one s self, not action in behalf of one s self. From the 
latter idea (expressed, as we have seen, by -[a]n[an]k wi- and -[a\n[an]- 
t gwi-} the indirect reflexive in -gwa- differs in being always found in 
a transitive setting; from the comitative -(a)gw(a}- it differs phonet 
ically in being formed only from transitive verbs with expressed object 
and in the constancy of the final -a- (third person aorist -k wa, not 
-Jc* w ). Examples of its use are: 

s-m^i-fgili^sgwa, 1 he scratched his own nose 14.11; 15.7 

mdnx al-mZ M k wa ( = gw-Ywa) he painted his own face (cf. no u gw- 

i n I paint it) 
i-gaxaga xgw& n I scratch myself, i. e., my own (cf. l-gaxagixi n 

I scratch him) 
i-2>/^-?i6 M k wawarm your nands! (188.20) (cf. l-pW-no Wwtfn I 

warm his hands) 
s in-<^ e Zeygwa he stuck it into his own nose (cf. da a -dele pi he 

pierced his another s ear) 
bils a\-giliga lk w& n I covered myself with moss (48. 14) (cf. bits 

l-giligili n I covered him with moss) 
blls l-giliga f lk.*wei n I covered my hands with moss 
gwQn-p!iyi rik*w& he lies on pillow (probably = he causes his 

neck to lie) 2 

Jc!edezk*wa, n I pick them for myself (literally, I pick my own) 
de-fc i#Fauk waF he brandished it before his face 172.11 
i-lc!u u ma nk*wei he prepared himself, got ready 172.2 (cf. i-Jc!u u - 

mcfn he fixed it, got it ready 114.7) 

It will be noticed that whenever what in English we are accustomed 
to consider a direct reflexive is really such only in form, not in fact, the 
Takelma idiom requires the indirect -Jc*wa- form, not the direct reflexive 
in -gwi-. Thus, i SEE or SCRATCH MYSELF is not logically a reflexive in 
the same sense as i KILL, DROWN, or HANG MYSELF, the former involv 
ing strictly action on what belongs to the subject, not on the subject 
itself: i SEE or SCRATCH MY OWN (FLESH). Still such distinctions can 

!The object, generally a body-part, to which the action refers is printed in Roman characters. 
2 p/iwin- connected with -p. eyen- LIE? 



hardly be insisted upon; much depends on idiomatic usage. The 
indirect reflexive suffix, it would seem, is employed only when the 
direct object is incorporated in the verb; if the direct object is taken 
out of the verb-complex and provided with a possessive pronoun, all 
ambiguity as to the relation between subject and olbject is removed 
and the -gwa- falls out. Thus we have da a -de e le p*gwa HE PIERCED 
HIS OWN EAR with indirect reflexive -gwa- to show the possession of 
the object (da a - EAR) by the subject; da a dele p*i would mean HE 
PIERCED ANOTHER S EAR. The former sentence can also be expressed 
more analytically by danxdagwa 7iadele f p i HIS-OWN (-dagwa) -EAR HE- 
IN-PIERCED-IT ; danxda hadele p i would then have reference to the 
piercing of another s ear. In other words, the reflexive idea is 
expressed in the verb or in the noun according to whether the latter 
is incorporated or independent. 

52. General Remarks 

Under this head are included such suffixes as intransitivize a transi 
tive verb by removing the object (-xa-), transferring the object from 
without to within the sphere of the subject (reflexive, reciprocal), or 
changing the character of the action altogether (non-agentive, posi 
tional). The passive intransitivizes by removing, not the ooject, but 
the subject, the former remaining in exactly the same form in which 
we find it in the corresponding transitive; the voice is characterized 
by peculiar suffixes that differ for the various tense-modes, and which, 
following as they do the pronominal elements of the verb, will receive 
appropriate treatment in discussing the purely formal verbal elements. 
The normal transitive, its ancillary passive, the active intransitive 
(-xa-), the reflexive, the reciprocal, the non-agentive, and the posi 
tional may be looked upon as the seven voices of a transitive verb, of 
which only the first five (possibly also the sixth), however, can be 
freely formed from any transitive stem. Of the seven voices, the 
first two are provided with a distinct set of pronominal object (and 
transitive subject) suffixes; the third and the fifth, with Class I 
intransitive subjects; the remaining, with Class II intransitive 

Before giving examples of the intransitive suffixes, it may be useful 
to rapidly follow out a particular transitive stem (dink!- STRETCH our 
[ = base din- -{- transitive petrified suffix -&/-]) in its various voices. First 



of all, we may form an ordinary active transitive verb with expressed 
object by attaching to the verb or aorist stem the appropriate pro 
nominal suffixes: ba-i-de-di nik!a n i STRETCH IT OUT (LIKE A RUBBER 
BAND or the like) (62.1). Secondly, from this may be formed a pas 
sive by the addition to the stem (dinilc!-) of the pronominal object and 
characteristic passive suffix: l>a-i-de-di nik!an IT is or WAS (ACTIVELY) 
STRETCHED OUT. Thirdly, the transitive stem may be made intransi 
tive by a failure to specify the object: ba-i-de-di ni xade s i STRETCH 
(SOMETHING) OUT. Fourthly, a direct reflexive is formed by the 
suffix -cjwi-: ba-i-de-di f ni wide i (actually, if such were possible) 
STRETCH MYSELF OUT, in as literal a sense as in, e. g., i KILL MYSELF. 
Fifthly, the transitive form may be made reciprocal by the compound 
suffix -a>(or -s-}an-: ba-i-de-di ni xa n THEY (actively and literally) 
STRETCH ONE ANOTHER OUT. Sixthly, the non-agentive voice is 
formed by a suffixed -x-: ba-i-de-dini f x IT STRETCHES OUT (144.14), 
in the sense in which a sore might be supposed to spread, without voli 
tion and without apparent agency; this particular form is idiomati 
cally employed to refer to the stretching out, advancing, marching, of 
a single column, the figure here being evidently that of a long string- 
like line moving out without distinctly sensed agency. Similarly, 
la a -dini f x (CLOUDS) SPREAD UP IN LONG STRIPS 13.3 are not actively 
spread out by some one, do not spread out some unexpressed object, 
are not conceived of as actually spreading themselves out, and are 
not conceived of as being in the static, purely positional condition of 
lying extended. Seventhly, the last, positional voice is expressed 
by an aoristic -$*-, non-aoristic -as-: dink! I IT LIES SPREAD OUT, 
referring to a long string or other elongated body extended on the 
ground; future dink!a sda a . A synopsis for the second person 
singular (and reciprocal plural) of dink!-(dinik!~) SPREAD of the 
seven voices in the six tense-modes is given in Appendix A. The 
intransitive suffixes will now be taken up in order. 

53. Active Intransitive -xa- 

The -a- of this suffix is a constant element except before a per 
sonal ending beginning with a vowel: p*ele xik* WE GO TO FIGHT. 
Like other non-radical -a- vowels it may be umlauted to i: s om-lu- 
Tiuixiya u THEY (indef.) OPERATE AS s omloho lxa s (class of medicine 
men) 172.14. The final consonant of the aorist stem of verbs of Type 



8 falls out before the -xa-, also an indirective d (including the -d- of 
-[a]md-, [a]Id; a final radical -d-, however, unites with -xa- to form 
-sa-). Verbs of Type 5 employ not the aorist, but the verb-stem, 
in the aorist of the -xa- derivative (cf. the parallel phenomenon in 
the formation of the frequentative, 43, 1 and 6 ; for exceptions see 
40, 5), inserting the repeated stem-vowel between the fortis conso 
nant of the stem and the suffix; -xa- derivatives of Type 5 verbs 
thus belong to Type 2. For the vocalism of the stem of -xa- forms, 
see 31, 5. Verbs in -xa- of Types 2 and 3 regularly have a short 
second stem vowel, even if the quantity in the primitive verb is long ; 
this short vowel may, however, be secondarily lengthened, with fall 
ing accent, to express a frequentative idea. In non-aorist forms the 
stress tends to fall on the -xa-. Verbs in -xa- can be formed, of 
course, only from transitives, and, although in form they are strictly 
intransitive, they always logically imply an object. Examples of 
-xa- are: 

& s she pounded 16.9; l-lu px.&gwank* she will pound having 

it (pestle) 55.10 (aorist transitive lobcfp* she pounded them 


tn i la / mx.sde e I went fishing (t!l i la mda n I fished for them) 
Jc!d a wa nxai she sifts 57.15 (k!a a wa f 7ida n I sift acorn meal [16.10]) 
daJc -t ek!e x& s he smokes 96.23 (Type 5 da-Ce e gi n I give him 

to smoke [170.13]) 

plebe xtf he beat off (bark) 55.6 (plabab- chop [90.11]) 
lele sside I sew (leleda s n I sew it) 

sguHu xtf he is cutting 92.2 (Type 5 aorist sgo u d- 72.10) 
al-xik!i xa, he looked around 102.12 (Type 5 aorist al-xtfg- 124.8) 
luk!u f ~x&* he traps (Type 5 aorist lo u g w - 78.5) ; future Zu x w a</wa- 

dinin I shall trap for him 
wd a -liimi xade I was talking to somebody (wd a -7iimida n I talked 

to him [59.16]) 
dak*-da-Jiele Jialx&de I alwavs answer (dak -da-7ia a li n I answer 

him [146.14]) 
dak*-hene xsi he waits; future (ZaF-Tienxa tV I shall wait (daJc*- 

Tiene e da f n I wait for him) 
yimi s Si (= -s*-xa ) he dreams; future yims aft e 6 ; imperative 

In Tel erne 1 nxBde s i WAS MAKING, WORKING (future Tc!emxaft*e e ) the 
loss of the -n- in the non-aorist forms (cf. ~k!emna n i SHALL MAKE IT 
[28.14]) may be-due to a purely phonetic cause (see 11) 



54. Reflexive -gwi- 

The final consonant of the aorist stem of some verbs of Type 8 is 
eclipsed, with lengthening of preceding vowel, also before the reflex 
ive -gwi- (see 40, 8), in the case of others it is preserved. Where 
the -gwi- reflexive is derived from indirect transit ives in -d- (-amd-, 
-gwadan-}, there is often practically no difference in signification 
between it and the indirect reflexive -gwa-. Examples of -gwi- are : 

t!omok*wide s I kill myself (from tfomom-) 

al-yebe f p*gwit* he showed himself (yebeb-) 

al-xl fi k wit* he looked at himself 

p!agdnk*wide I bathed (literally, I caused myself to bathe; 

cf. p!agd a na n I bathe him) 

se la mt gwide e I shall paint myself (se e la mdan I shall paint him) 
rt*gwaxalk*wide e I tattooed myself (t gwaxdl he tattooed him) 
\t*gwd a xa nfgwide e I shall tattoo myself ( = for myself) 
l-gis iga f s gwide e I tickle myself 
al-wa-ts!eyek*wide I washed myself with it 
dd a -delega mt*gwide s ( = dd a -dele p*gwa ri) I pierce my ears 
(ynk*) Jclemenk wit they made themselves (strong) 27.12 
xuma ogol]$i*wide e I give food to myself ( = I food-give myself) 
l-lesgi k.*wide e 1 shall touch myself 

Before the imperative endings -p\ -p anp* tho reflexive suffix be 
comes lengthened to -gwi 1 -: 

IcIefgwYp 1 pick them for yourself ! 

de e gwa f lt*gwPp*anp* take care of yourselves! 126.20; (128.24) 

The reflexive of naga- SAY TO is irregular in that is is formed not 
from the transitive stem, but from the corresponding intransitive 
nagai- SAY: nagallcwit* HE SAID TO HIMSELF 104.1 (cf. nagalfcwa, 62). 

55. Reciprocal] " * \-an- 
[ - s J 

The -x- and -s- preceding the characteristic reciprocal -an- (umlaut ed 
-in- ) suffix are nothing but the connective consonant of direct and in 
direct transitive verbs respectively, the choice in the reciprocal form 
between the two depending entirely upon which is used in the cor 
responding simple transitive. A difference, however, in the use of 
this -x- (-s-) between the transitive and reciprocal is found in so far 
as in the latter it appears with a third as well as first and second 

Indirect reflexive (for oneself) in signification, though without indirective suffix of any kind. The 
form is thus analogous to such as kfedelsi mentioned above (see 59). That the reflexive action is 
thought of as indirective in character seems to be indicated by the ablaut of the stem (k. aad-) ; see 31, 6. 

$$ 54-55 


personal object. The phonetic form of what precedes the -x- (-s-) is the 
same as in the transitive from which the reciprocal is derived. The 
reciprocal element -an- is the only one of the verbal suffixes that is 
placed between the connecting -x- and the personal endings, so that 
it may rightly be looked upon as in a way equivalent to the incor 
porated objective pronouns. Examples of -x-an- are: 

fc/oi/oxinifc we go together, accompany one another (33.15) 

t!euxmiba s ni let us play shinny! 

l-lats!a xmiY we touch one another 

aZ-s-m-Z0 M xa n they meet each other (literally, they thrust noses 

to one another) 

Z/omoxa n they kill one another (33.10) 
g el-way an^^n they were sleeping together (literally, they caused 

each other to sleep facing each other) 190.2 
al-xl fi x& s i\. they looked at each other 

Examples of -s-an-, i. e., of indirect reciprocals, are: 

na</o/sa n they said to each other 31.9 (cf. naga f sbi n I said to you 

[100.1]); future naxan^ (cf. naxbin [60.3]) 
sd a nsa ns& n they fight one another (23.14; 184.13) (cf. sa a nsa ns- 

bi s n) , future semo/xan^ (23.15) (cf . sana xbiri) 
7^ e M/asa n they went away from one another (cf. lie -lusbi n 

[184.14]); future lie e M/wi xan^ (cf. Jie ee -lwi xbin] 
la a ma lsa, ii they quarreled with each other 27.2; 86.10 
wa a -himi s& n they talked to one another 124.14(cf . wa a -himi sbi ri) 
ld u gwa s-imba let us play 32.5 (cf. lo u gwa sbin future) 
t!u U!alsiml>a let us play at gambling-sticks (tlu^l) 31.9 
al-sege sak* smile we keep nodding to one another; seWsa Tc*- 
sanF they nodded to one another (inferential) 172. 10 (but unre 
el uplicated al-se e xmiJc* we nodded to each other) 

56. Non-agentive -x- 

The difference in signification between the non-agentive -x- and the 
intransitive -xa- may be well brought out by a comparison with the 
distinctly double signification of English intransitively used transi- 
tives. If such a transitive word as SPLIT be relieved of its object, it 
may be employed in two quite distinct senses, either to indicate the 
same sort of action that is expressed by the transitive, but without ex 
plicit direction (as, THE CARPENTER CAN SPLIT, i. e., can split beams, 
boards) ; or to indicate a spontaneous non-volitional activity resulting 
in a static condition identical with that induced by the corresponding 
transitive action (as, THE BEAMS, BOARDS, SPLIT, i. e., spontaneously 



undergo motion resulting in that conation which is brought about 
by corresponding activity from without : THE CARPENTER SPLITS THE 
BEAMS, BOARDS). SPLIT in the former case is rendered in Takelma by 
xa a -ts !iwi f xa (aorist transitive ts !iwi-d-); in the latter, by xd a - 
ts Hwi^s- (= -ts !iwi^d-x) . It is true that in some cases the use of -x- 
does not seem to be logically justified (e. g., al-huyfixde I HUNT 136.18; 
al-ho^yoiya n i HUNT THEM) ; but something must be allowed for idio 
matic, not literally translatable usage. Such petrified suffixes as 
-d- do not drop out before the -x-; the repeated consonant of Type 8 
verbs falls off as usual (yet cf. forms like limlm-x-gwa-, 46). Ex 
amples of the non-agentive are : 

Transitive Non-agentive 

l-k wd /a gwi n I awakened him wd a I awoke (16.3) (future 

16.4 (future l-Vwa lclwiri) ~k"wd /a xde e [190.5]) 

leme f lc* they took them along leme f x they all went 136.7 


i-t ge e yili n I roll it t*ge e ya^lx it rolls 

de-ts !ibi*p* he closed door de-ts !ibi*x (door) shut 

p!a-i-ha-u-t gu u p* he upset it p!a-i-7ia-u-t*gu u px it upset 60.8 
wa -l-t!eme^m he assembled them wa-t!emexia u people assembled 

110.3 144.23 

~ha w-%-~hafnats!i n I made it stop ha-u-?iana s( = -a ts!x) it stopped 

(152.15; 198.9) 
dl-sgu yuk!i n I knock it down di-sgu i xk* it fell (nobody push- 

(48.7,8) ing) (59.11; 62.1) 

l-gwidigwa t i he threw them 7iu^lu f nk wa (tiredness) gwidig- 

(108.21; 138.3) wa^s (= -a tx) he was plumb 

tired out (probably = he tot 
tered with tiredness) 120.12 

l-smili smili n I swing it smili smalxde I swing 1 (73.2) 

ba a -fe e gi nIHHitup (Type 5) la a -ek!e t ax it bobs up and 

down (60.11,13,14) 

In some verbs -alx- ( = continuative -al- + non-agentive -x-) seems 
to be quite equivalent to the intransitive -xa-: 

geyew& I am eating (31.3) (but, hortatory, gelx&ba let us eat) 
le e lzfKxde s I carry (178.6)(la a ba n I carry it [178.3,4]) 
u u gw& nxde I drink (see 21). 

The non-agentive character of verbs in -x- may be reflected in 
transitives (causatives) derived from them, in that in such causatives 

i It maynot be uninteresting to note, as throwing lighten the native feeling for -x-, that this form sounded 
somewhat queer to Mrs. Johnson, for, as she intimated, one can t very well be swinging without either 
actively swinging one s self or being swung by some one. 



the subject is not thought of as being the direct cause of the state or 
activity predicated, but is rather considered as indirectly responsible 
for it. Thus, from the aorist stem t gwilik/w- (pgwUi r *-x WATER, 
BLOOD DROPS, DRIPS 58.1) are formed: 

p!a-i-t f gwili lc!waina s n I (voluntarily) drop, spill it 
p!(b-i-fgwiW e xn.a, e n I have it drop (unavoidably), spill it (72.8,16) 

57. Positional-/ / - 

As we have already seen ( 40, 15), this suffix, though of clearly 
derivational character, is generally, probably always, confined to the 
aorist. A positional verb in -I 1 - may be defined as expressing the 
state or condition resulting from the completed action of a transitive 
or non-agentive ; e. g., p!a-i-hd-u-t*gup!idl IT (BOX-LIKE OBJECT) LIES 
UPSIDE DOWN is a verb expressing the result of the action defined in 
p!a-i-ha-u-t gu u ba n i UPSET IT and p!a-i-Jia-u-t"gu u px IT UPSET 60.8. 
From one point of view the suffix -I 1 - serves to mark off a class of purely 
positional verbs, a different verb-stem being used for each general 
form-category of the object described. Such verbs of position are: 

dirikll long, stretched out object lies (transitive aorist dinik!-) 

fgeits /l round object lies (138.24) (fgeyets !-) 

p iidl flat object lies 

tlobigl corpse, dead-looking body lies 

s eini box-like object with opening on top lies 

p!a-i-7ia-u-t gup!idi box-like object with opening below lies 

(t gu u l-) 

s ugwidl curled-up object (like bundle of rope) lies 
da-sgall scattered objects (like grain on floor) lie 
wikHdl several objects heaped together lie (wtfg-) 
s-as inl erect object is, he stands 34.1; 45.12; 77.9 
s u will sitting object (person) is, he sits, dwells 21.1; 57.2 
Vebill absent object is, he is long absent 124.20 

Not so clearly positional are: 

ld a ll (generally heard as Za a Ze r ) it becomes 33.17; 45.3 
yamll he looks pretty 

Of these verbs those that are directly derived from transitives, it 
will be observed, use in the aorist the verb-stem, not the aorist stem, 
of their simplex (thus dink!-, not diniJc!-). The derivational -(d)d- 
(see 42, 4) that seems to characterize a number of positional verbs 
can not be explained. 



Certain Takelma place-names in -I (or -l-k , -i v -F with suffix -F 
characteristic of geographical names) can hardly be otherwise explained 
than as positional verbs in -&-, derived from nouns and provided with 
local prefixes defining the position of the noun. Such are: 

Di -dam 1 Table Rock (probably = rock[daVl is [-2] west [di -]) : 

west of the rock would be di -dancf (cf. danaW my rock) 
Dak -t gaml-Y (cf. Dak -gamiya fe person from D.) (= place 

where [-F] elks[t ga^m] are[?] above, on top[dalc -]) 
Dal-daniW (cf. Dal-daniya one from D.) ( = place where [-F-] 

in brush, away from creek [dal-] is[-l] rock[caVj) 
han-xilml ghost land ( = across river [Jian-] are[-l] ghosts [xila^rn]) 
de-dtfwl near the falls of Rogue River ( = in front [-de-] are [-1] 

falls [dm]) 

58. IMPERSOJTAL -iau- 

Verging toward the purely formal (pronominal) elements of the 
verb is the suffix -iau-. Forms in -iau- are intransitive, and may be 
formed from all intransitives and all transitives with incorporated 
pronominal object, the function of the suffix being to give an indefi 
nite, generalized collective, or impersonal, signification (cf. German 
MAN, French ON) to the always third personal pronominal (Class I 
intransitive) subject. Examples are: 

ya a nm u people go 58.14; 152.5 future yanay& u t* 
wa -l-t!emexisi u people assem- future wa -i-demxisi us f 

ble 144.23 
e e bi& u people are 192.7 (cf. 

e e WV we are 180.13) 
tsfau yd u y^u there was (infer 
ential) deep water (cf. 188.14) 
sd a nsa nsini& u fighting is go- future sana xinia, u t* 

ing on 23.14 
domxbiysi u t people will kill you 

(intransitive; but transitive 

with definite third personal 

subject domxbink* they will 

kill you) (33.10) 

In particular, states of the weather or season, necessarily involving 
indefiniteness of subject, are referred to by forms provided with the 
indefinite suffix -iau-. Examples are : 

!This example is due to Mr. II. II. St. Clair 2d, from whose Manuscript Notes on Takelma it was 
taken. It is there written Di tanl*. 



lop!odi& fu it is raining, hailing, or snowing 90.1; 152.11 (but 

definitely nox lop!oY it rains 90.1; (198.9); ts tdam loploY it 

hails; p!a a s loploY it snows 90.2; 196.7) 
lep niy^uk it has gotten to be winter 
samgisi u t* it will be summer (92.9) 
samg mugulugwa n it is about to be summer (literally, it is sum 

mer-intended, see 68) (cf. 48.13) 
t uwugisi u it is hot (i. e., it is hot weather; but t*uwu Jc it, some 

object, is hot [25.10]; 94.15) 
we e gisi-uda when it is daybreak 73.6; 126.13 

4. Temporal- Modal and Pronominal Elements ( 


Every Takelma verb except, so far as known, the defective copula 
elt e e i AM, has forms of six tense-modes aorist, future, potential, 
inferential, present imperative, and future imperative. Of these, all 
but the aorist, which is built up on a derived aorist stem, are formed 
from the verb-stem. A special tense or mode sign, apart from the 
peculiar stem of the aorist, is found in none of the tense-modes 
except the inferential, which, in all the voices, is throughout charac 
terized by a -k -(-g-} following the objective, but preceding the sub 
jective, pronominal elements. Each of the tense-modes except the 
potential, which uses the personal endings of the aorist, is, however, 
characterized by its own set of pronominal endings. It is for this 
very reason that it has seemed best to use the term tense-modes for 
the various modes and tenses, instead of attempting a necessarily 
artificial classification into tenses (aorist and future) and modes 
(indicative, potential, imperative, and inferential), the method of 
distinguishing the latter being fundamentally the same as that 
employed to form the former, i. e., the use of special pronominal 

The purely temporal idea is only slightly developed in the verb. 
The aorist does duty for the preterite (including the narrative past), 
the present, and the immediate future, as in NOW i SHALL GO; while 
the future is employed to refer to future time distinctly set off from 
the present, as in i SHALL GO THIS EVENING, TO-MORROW. A similar 
distinction between the immediate and more remote future is made 
in the imperative. The present imperative expresses a command 
which, it is intended, is to pass into more or less immediate fulfill 
ment, as in GO AWAY! while the command expressed by the future 


imperative is not to be carried out until some stated or implied point 
of time definitely removed from the immediate present, as in COME 
TO-MORROW!, GIVE HER TO EAT (when she recovers). The uses of the 
potential and inferential will be best illustrated by examples given 
after the forms themselves have been tabulated. In a general way 
the potential implies the ability to do a thing, or the possibility of 
the occurrence of a certain action or condition (i CAN, COULD GO if I 
care, cared to), and thus is appropriately used in the apodosis of an 
unfulfilled or contrary-to-fact condition; it is also regularly employed 
in the expression of the negative imperative (prohibitive). The 
peculiar form of the potential (verb-stem with aorist pronoun endings) 
seems in a measure to reflect its modal signification, the identity of 
its stem with that of the future indicating apparently the lack of 
fulfillment of the action, while the aoristic pronominal elements may 
be interpreted as expressing the certainty of such fulfillment under 
the expressed or implied circumstances by the person referred to. 
The inferential implies that the action expressed by the verb is not 
directly known or stated on the authority of the speaker, but is only 
inferred from the circumstances of the case or rests on the authority 
of one other than the speaker. Thus, if I say THE BEAR KILLED THE 
MAN, and wish to state the event as a mere matter of fact, the truth 
of which is directly known from my own or another s experience, the 
aorist form would normally be employed : 

mencf (bear) yapla (man) tlomok^wa (it killed him) 
If I wish, however, to imply that it is not definitely known from 
unmistakable evidence that the event really took place, or that it is 
inferred from certain facts (such as the finding of the man s corpse 
or the presence of a bear s footprints in the neighborhood of the 
house), or that the statement is not made on my own authority, the 
inferential would be employed: 

mena^ yapla dorrik^waY it seems that the bear killed the man; 
the bear must have, evidently has, killed the man 

Inasmuch as mythical narration is necessarily told on hearsay, one 
would expect the regular use of the inferential in the myths; yet, 
in the great majority of cases, the aorist was employed, either because 
the constant use of the relatively uncommon inferential forms would 
have been felt as intrusive and laborious, or because the events 
related in the myths are to be looked upon as objectively certain. 


The inferential is also regularly employed in expressing the negative 

Not only do the pronominal elements vary for the different tense- 
modes, but they change also for the two main classes of intransitive 
verbs and for the transitive (subject and object), except that in the 
present imperative and inferential no such class-differences are 
discernible, though even in these the characteristic -p*- of Class II 
intransitives brings about a striking formal, if not strictly personal, 
difference. We thus have the following eleven pronominal schemes to 
deal with: 

Aorist subject intransitive I. 

Aorist subject intransitive II. 

Aorist subject transitive. 

Future subject intransitive I. 

Future subject intransitive II. 

Future subject transitive. 

Inferential subject. 

Present imperative subject. 

Future imperative subject intransitive I and transitive. 

Future imperative subject intransitive II. 

Object transitive (and subject passive). 

The transitive objects are alike for all tense-modes, except that 
the combination of the first person singular object and second person 
singular or plural subject (i. e., THOU or YE ME) always agrees with 
the corresponding subject form of intransitive II. Not all the per 
sonal forms in these schemes stand alone, there being a number of 
inter crossings between the schemes of the three classes of verbs. The 
total number of personal endings is furthermore greatly lessened by 
the absence of a dual and the lack of a distinct plural form for the 
third person. The third person subject is positively characterized 
by a distinct personal ending only in the aorist subject intransitive I, 
the future subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive II, 
and the future subject transitive; as object, it is never characterized 
at all, except in so far as the third person object, when referring to 
human beings, is optionally indicated by a special suffix -k*wa- 
(-gwor) . In all other cases the third person is negatively characterized 
by the absence of a personal ending. The second singular subject of 
the present imperative is similarly negatively characterized by the 
absence of a personal ending, though the -p" of the present imperative 
intransitive II superficially contradicts this statement (see 61). 




[BULL. 40 

The pronominal schemes, with illustrative paradigms, will now be 
taken up according to the verb-classes. 


This class embraces most of the intransitives of the language, 
particularly those of active significance (e. g., COME, GO, RUN, DANCED 
PLAY, SING, DIE, SHOUT, JUMP, yet also such as BE, SLEEP) , verbs in 
-xa-, indefinites in -iau-, and reciprocals. The tense-modes of such 
verbs have the following characteristic subjective personal endings: 







First person . . 

-t e*, -de* 

-t ef, -dee 

-fc -o" 

Second person . 

-(a x )f 


-fc* ^ti* 

-(o ) J fc f 

Third person . . 


-(a ) f 

- v fc 


First person . . . 

-rfc 1 

-(i)ga m 

-Jfc -OTlO * 


Second person . 


- m la 

-k e eit p 

/-(o v )wp 

\- v p 


1 It is possible that this suffix is really -k a e n; -n after a catch is practically without sonority, and 
very easily missed by the ear. The first person singular and plural inferential endings are then both 
transitives in form (cf. -a-n and -ana^ as first person singular and plural subject of transitives) ; the third 
person is without ending in both. The ending -k -a s n is made particularly likely by the subordinate in 
-Tc -a n-da* (see 70). 

The imperative is necessarily lacking in the first person singular and 
third person. The first person plural in -(a)~ba /e of the present imper 
ative is used as a hortatory: yanaba LET us GO! 158.11; (cf. 168.11). 
This -(a)ba is not infrequently followed by emphasizing particles : -ni* 
(e. g., yuba a ni^ LET us BE! [cf. 158.8]) ; -hi (e. g., ye e ba e hi LET us RE 
TURN! 63.1 ; see 114, 2), or -hcfn (e. g., ya na bafJia n LEn us GO 64.1), 
the last of these being clearly identical with the nominal plural ele 
ment -han (see 99) ; -nihan is also found (ya naba as nihcfn LET us ALL 
GO, PRAY! [cf. 150.24; 152.6]). No true future hortatory and second 
person plural imperative seem to exist; for the latter, the ordinary 
indicative form in -fba? (-daba in the other classes) was always given. 
The connective -a- is used with most of the consonantal endings, as 
indicated in the table, when the preceding part of the word ends in a 
consonant, otherwise the ending is directly attached; in the reciprocal 
-t*p j - t ( , and -fba e are directly added to the suffix -an-. Before the 
only vocalic ending, -i r F, a glide -y- is introduced if the preceding 
sound is a vowel (e. g., al-yowoyiW WE LOOK). In the first person 
plural of the future -igafm (-aorist -ig- + -a m; cf . -da m in possessive 




pronouns, 91-3) is used after consonants, -ga m after vowels. The 
first form of the second person plural imperative (-a^np") is used to 
follow most consonants (-Vp* to follow a "constant" -a- of the stem), 
-y being found only after vowels and probably m and n (e. g., yv?p* 
BE YE!; yana^p* GO YE!). 

In regard to the etymology of the endings, it is clear that the 
second person plural aorist is derived from the corresponding singular 
form by the addition of a characteristic -p* (cf. the imperative), 
that the second persons of the future are differentiated from the 
aorist forms by an added -a , and that the first person singular future 
is identical with the corresponding form in the aorist, except for the 
lack of a catch. The second persons of the inferential are peri 
phrastic forms, consisting of the third personal form in -Y (mode- 
sign, not personal ending) plus elf THOU ART, elfp" YE ARE. 

As paradigmatic examples are chosen a stem ending in a vowel 
(aorist yowo- BE) , one ending in a consonant (aorist baxam- COME) , a 
reciprocal (aorist sa a nsan-san- FIGHT WITH ONE ANOTHER), and an 
indefinite in -iau- (aorist t uwu-g-iau- BE HOT) . 



First person , 

Second person 
Third person . 


First person 
Second person 

yowo Vc 1 1 run j baxafitt tf I 


yowo baxa f m 


sa.ansa nsa e n they 

sdonsa wsmik 
saansa nsanVp 

t uwiigia ue it is hot 



First person . . yw t e 6 

baxma Ve* 

Second person . . jmda 

ftazwada 4 

Third person . . yu t 

baxrrta t* 

sana xan s t 

t uugia utt 


First person . . yttga m 

ftazmaga m 

sana xinigam 

Second person . . yw t ba* 

ftazmo t ba 5 

sana xant ba 1 



First person . . 

yu t ef 

baxma t et 

Second person . . 



Third person . . 

yu e 

baxma f 

sana xaen 

t uugia ue 


First person . . 



sana xinik" 

Second person . . 

yut p 

baxma^t p 

sana xant p 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 




LBULL. 40 


First person . . 

yu k a e 

6azrwa k a 

Second person . . 

yw kleit i 

&ax?na k!eit" 

Third person . . 


ftaiTna k 

sana xarik 

t uugiau k 


First person . . 

yw k ana^k 

ftaima k ana k" 

sano xank ana^k 

Second person . . 

ytt kleit p 

baxma klelt p 

sana xariklelt p 

i -*;+= fc/ See 12. 


Second person . . 




First person . . 

yuba e 

baxmaba 1 

sana iiniba* l 

Second person . . 



(l)sana xanaup 

i The -i- of -iba evidently corresponds to the -i- in the first person plural aorist -ik , future -igam, but 
appears, so far as known, only in the reciprocal, and, of course, in such cases as require connective ~i- 
instead of -a- (see below, 64) : lia s w-i-k!emn\ba LET us SWEAT, with -i- because of instrumental I-. 


Second person . . 

yu s k 

baxma tk 

A few intransitives of this class add the consonantal pronominal 
endings directly to the final semi-vowel (-y-) of the stem, instead of 
employing the connective vowel -a-. Such are : 

elf l thou art 108.2, eit p ye are 14.10 (contrast yewey&Y thou 
returnest [58.13], but yewelt e* I return [188.4] like elt*e e I am 

nagaftf thou sayest 56.5, naga/tfp* ye say 170.4 (contrast t*agay&Y 
thou criest, but faga/tfe*. I cry [180.5] like nagalt*e s I say 180.1) 

To this somewhat irregular group of verbs belongs probably also lo u - 
PLAY, though, not ending in a semi-vowel in either the verb or aorist 
stem, it shows no forms directly comparable to those just given; its 
third person aorist, however, shows a rising accent before the catch: 
lo u l 2 70.4 (not *Zo /tt Z ), a phenomenon that seems connected (see below, 
65) with the lack of a connecting vowel before the personal endings. 
A few stray verbs, otherwise following the normal scheme of 
intransitive Class I endings, seem to lack a catch in the third person 
aorist : 

1 This verb is defective, having only the three forms given above, the first person plural e*bW 180.13, 
and the (cf. class II) indefinite eeUa ut 192.7, the latter two with loss of i and intrusive -&-. The third 
person and the non-aorist forms are supplied by yo- BE. 

2 ~P appears also in certain usitatives: hiwiRl* HE USED TO RUN,s0deZ HE KEPT SHOUTING, in which tbo 
rising accent is probably radical (see 43, 4); these forms, furthermore, have lost a w;, 18 (cf. hiwiliut i* 
i RUN, sgeleut e- 1 SHOUT). 



loptoY 1 it rains 90.1, 2 (yet lop. odaY you are raining 198.9; 

lop da H" it will rain; lop dcfx to rain, 74, 1) 
MX it burns 98.1 (yet Jtaxa C it will burn) 

Several intransitive Class I usitatives seem to lack the catch of the 
third person aorist also: 

gininlc he always went to 46.11 (from gini Y he went to) 
witdlsma he keeps moving (from witc!i e m he moves 148.12) 
yeweo^Y he is wont to return 47.4; 116.2 (yet yeweogcft you are 
wont to return) 

No explanation can be given of this irregularity. 

The inferential endings, as has been already remarked, are iden 
tical for all classes of verbs, so that the following applies to Class II 
intransitives and to transitives as well as to Class I intransitives. 
The mode-sign -F is added directly to the final vowel or consonant 
of the verb-stem (or stem with its added derivative and pronominal 
object suffixes) without connecting a. All combinations of conso 
nants are here allowed that are at all possible as syllabically final 
clusters (see 16) ; indeed some of the final consonant clusters, as 
-sic , -p lc j -np lc , -lp~k , hardly occur, if at all, outside the inferential. 
If the resulting consonant combination would be phonetically impos 
sible an inorganic a is introduced between the two consonants that 
precede the inferential -V ; secondary diphthongs with raised accent 
may thus arise : 

"klemcfrik* he made it (verb-stem Tclemn-) 

bila^uY he jumped 160.17 (verb-stem bilw-) 

Double diphthongs are often allowed to stand unaltered before -Y 
(e.g.,olnFHE GAVE THEM: also imperative oln GIVE THEM!) ; sometimes 
doublets, with double diphthong or with inorganic a, are found (e. g., 
tsIalmY or tslaycfmY HE HID IT; also passive participle ts!almhaY w 
HIDDEN, but tslaya m HIDE IT! tsleya mxi HIDE ME! tsfaya mxamY HE 
HID us [158.7]). With a final -g- or -gw- the inferential -k unites 
to form -Y or -lc w , but with lengthening of the preceding vowel; 
-Jc!- + -Y becomes - / F. Examples are: 

TiefnaY 10 ( = -a"gw-Y) he consumed them (cf. 48.10); but 7ie e ncfY w 

consume them! 

woryanaY ( = yancf-gw-Y) he ran after them 98. 10; but wa~ 
w run after them! 

1 This form can not possibly have been misheard for *lop!o -f, the form to be expected, as the subor 
dinate is lop. ot a*, not *lop!o uda e -, which would be required by a *lop!o H (see 70). 




[BULL. 40 

yo u lc w ( = yogw-) she married him 192.16 

Jie -l-le 7n e lc (=lemk!-lc^ he destroyed them (146.20); 154.11; 
also imperative ( = *lemk!} 


Most verbs of Class II intransitives, unlike those that are most 
typical of Class I, are derived from transitives, the majority of 
examples falling under the heads of non-agentives in -x-, reflexives 
in -gwi-, positional in -4*-, and verbs with intransitivizing -p- either 
in all their tense-modes or in all but the aorist (see 42, 1). Besides 
these main groups there are a straggling number of not easily clas 
sified verbs that also show the peculiarities of the class ; such are : 

sene sant*e I whoop (110.20; 180.15) 
wife 6 I go about (90.1; 92.29; 122.23) 
ligint e e I rest (48.11; 79.2, 4; 102.1) 
7i>iMi nt*e I am tired (48.4, 11; 102.1, 8; 120.11) 

In a rough way the main characteristic of Class II intransitives, as 
far as signification is concerned, is that they denote conditions and 
processes, while Class I intransitives are in great part verbs of action. 
Following is the scheme of subjective pronominal endings character 
istic of Class II : 




Present im 

Future im 


First person 

-fee, -de* 

fee, -dee 

(-p )-gae 

Second person . 

-t am, -dam 

-fa*, -da s 

(-p )-k* teit 

(-P ) 

(-p )-gaem 

Third person . 


-Cda, -daa 

(-p )-fc 


First person 

(-p )-ik 


(-p )-g-anaW 

(-p )-abaf 

Second person . 

-fap , -dap 

-t aba s , -daba 

(-p )-fc elt p 

(-p )-anp 

In comparing these endings with those of Class I intransitives, it is 
seen that the characteristic peculiarities of Class II intransitives 
are: the -am of the second person singular aorist and future im 
perative (-t*am[ = -f + -am], -ga s m [ ? = - F + -am]) ; the -a- between the 
-C- and the -p*- (-&-) in the second person plural aorist and future; 
the lack of a catch in the third person aorist ; the ending -Ca a of the 
third person future; and the presence of a -p"- (-?>-) in the first person 
plural aorist and future and in the inferential, present imperative, and 
future imperative forms. The last feature is, however, absent in the 
aon-agenibive -x- verbs and in the future of reflexives. The labial in 





the first person plural of the aorist and future is evidently connected 
with the -I- of e e bW WE ARE (see 60, fourth footnote) ; the parallel 
ism is made complete by the fact that impersonal forms in -iau- 
derived from Class II intransitives (except non-agentives) show a -p*- 
before the suffix, analogously to e e lia u : 

sene f sanp ia u there is whooping, se nsanp ia u t* there will be 

In the third person of the aorist, positionals in -4*-, non-agentives, and 
verbs in -p - and other consonants (except n and probably Z, m) lack 
a positive ending, while reflexives and most of the miscellaneous verbs 
(ending in a vowel or n, I, and m) show a final -t . There is every 
reason to believe that the absence of a -f in the former group of forms 
is due to phonetic conditions that brought about its loss (see 18). 
As examples of verbs of this class will serve a non-agentive (aorist 
Jia-u-hana s- STOP), a reflexive (aorist l-lets!eYwi- TOUCH ONE S SELF), 
a positional (aorist s as inl 1 - STAND), and one of the miscellaneous 
verbs (wl*- GO ABOUT) . 



First person . 

hana esd& I stop 

lets. ek widet I touch 

S as mlt e 5 ! stand 

M?It e I go about 


Second person 

hana s sdam 

lets. ek widam 

s as mlt am 

wit am 

Third person 

hana es 

lets. ek wit* 




First person . 

hana $ik. 

lets. ek wibik 

s-as-mp ik 

wp ik 

Second person 

hana esdap 

lets. ek widap 

s as iTMt ap 

Mt ap 



First person . 

ha n s sde e 

ksgi k wide* 

s-a s-ant e e 


Second person 

ha n s sda? 

Icsgi k* wida? 

s-a s-<mt a e 

wit ae 

Third person . 

fta w sda a 

lesgi k widw 

s a s-a?it a a 

w;it a a 


First person . 

Tta Ti sigam 

lesgi k wigaia. 

s-a s-anp igam 

wtp igam 

Second person 

M 7isdaba 

lesgi k w- idaba 5 

s-a s-ant aba 5 

wtt aba 5 



First person . 

fta 7i f sde 

lesgi k wide* 

s-a s-anfe? 

wit e 

Second person 

ha n s sdam 

lesgi k widam 

S a s-ant am 

z^it am 

Third person . 

ha n s 

lesgi k wit 

s-a s-ant (?) 



First person . 

ha n s s\^ 

lesgi k wib ik* 

S o s cmp ik 

wip ik* 

Second person i ha n sdap 

lesgi k widap 

s-a s-ant ap 

wit a p 




[BULL. 40 


First person . 

ha ntsga* 

lesgi k wip*ga e 

s-a s-anp ga* 

wlp ga* 

Second person 

fto nsaklelf 

lesgi k wip klelV 

s a s-cmp kleif 

wip k. elt 

Third person . 

fto sk 

lesgi k wip k 

s-a s-onp k 

wnp k 


First person . 

fta m^sgana^k 

lesgi k wip gana <( k 

s-c -onp gana x k 

wlp gana^k 

Second person 

Aa /^skleit p 

lesgi k wip klelt p 

s-o s-anp klplt p" 

wip kleit p 




Second person 

ha n e s 

lesgi k wiip 

s-a s-anp* 



First person . 

ha n*saba, E 

lesgi k wiip aba e 

s-a s-anp aba* 

p aba 

Second person 

Jia n^sanp 

lesgi k wiip aop* 

s-a s onp anp 

wnp anp" 


Second person 

ha n^sga^m 

lesgi k wiip ga^m 

s-a s-anp ga^i 

wip ga^m 

Those verbs of this class that are characterized, either throughout 
their forms or in all non-aorist forms, by a suffixed p* have this ele 
ment coalesce with the -p* of the first person plural, inferential, and 
imperative, but with lengthening of an immediately preceding vowel. 
In the imperative this lengthened vowel seems to take on a falling 
accent : 

p!ola a p tell a myth! (cf. p!ala p de e I shall tell a myth, with 

inorganic second a) 
sanaf a p fight! (cf. sana p de 6 1 shall fight, with radical second a) 

The verb wog- ARRIVE is peculiar in that the aorist is formed after 
the manner of Class II verbs (wok HE ARRIVES 47.15; wok dam YOU 
ARRIVE), while the non-aorist forms belong to Class I (e. g., woga H* 
HE WILL ARRIVE). It is further noteworthy that many, perhaps 
most, Class II intransitives form their usitative and frequentative 
forms according to Class I. Examples, showing the third person 
aorist catch, are: 

s u *aTha e they always dwell 112.2 (from s u will 21.1; but first 
person plural s u aThibik } ; contrast Class II s as a rihap* he 
keeps standing (from s as inl 34.1) 
wogowa V they keep arriving 112.2 (from wok } 
s o wo u s a u they keep jumping (112.5,10) (from s owo us ap* 



Several non-agentives in -x- drop the -x- and become Class I intran- 
sitives in the frequentative: 

gwttl Wgwal 6 (water) keeps dripping down (cf. p!a-i- 
fgwili /is x it drips down 58.1) 
m a -sgot!o sga it breaks to pieces 62.1 (cf. xa a -sgo u s = -sgo u d-x it 

breaks [61. 13]) 

xa a -sgo u t sgadaH it will break to pieces (cf. xa a -sgo u sda it will 
break [148.8]) 

62. General Remarks 

The subject pronominal elements of the transitive verb combine 
with the objective elements to form rather closely welded compound 
endings, yet hardly ever so that the two can not separately be recog 
nized as such; the order of composition is in every case pronominal 
object + subject. It is only in the combinations THOU or YE - 
ME that such composition does not take place ; in these the first person 
singular object is, properly speaking, not expressed at all, except in 
so far as the stem undergoes palatalization if possible (see 31, 1), 
while the second person subject assumes the form in which it is 
found in Class II of intransitive verbs. The pronominal objects are 
decidedly a more integral part of the verb-form than the subjects, 
for not only do they precede these, but in passives, periphrastic 
futures, nouns of agency, and infinitives they are found unaccompa 
nied by them. For example : 

domxbina you will be killed (178.15) 
domxbiguluW" he will kill you 
domxbi e s one who kills you 
domxbiya to kill you 

are analogous, as far as the incorporated pronominal object (-hi-) is 
concerned, to: 

domxbinY he will kill you; t!omoxbi s n I kill you 

The pronominal objects are found in all the tense-modes, as far as 
the meaning of these permits, and are entirely distinct from all the 
subjective elements, except that the ending of the second person 
plural coincides with one form of the second person singular present 
imperative of the intransitive, -anp\ These elements are: 

Singular: First person, -xi (with third subjective); second person, 
-bi; third person,- ; third person (human), -Fwa. Plural: First 
person, -am; second person, -anp (-anb-). 



It does not seem that -Ic wa-, which is optionally used as the third 
personal object when reference is distinctly had to a human being (or 
to a mythical animal conceived of as a human being), can be com 
bined with other than a third personal subject (at least no other 
examples have been found) ; nor can it be used as an indirect ob 
ject if the verb already contains among its prefixes an incorporated 
indirect object. These restrictions on the use of -Tc wa- enable us 
effectually to distinguish it from the indirect reflexive -Ywa- which 
has already been discussed, this element normally requiring an incor 
porated object prefixed to the verb. Examples of the objective 
-Ywa- are: 

tlomoVwa 1 it killed him 15.16; 28.11 

7ie eS -iuk*wa he went away from him 

Jidxank wa he burnt him 2 7. 16 

sd a nsa nk wa he fought with him 28.10 

nagaiVwa he said to him 152.3 (with very puzzling intransitive 
-i-; contrast nagcf he said to him) 

wet gigwa she took (it) away from him (49.6) 

lak wak* (inferential) he gave him to eat 

In several respects this -k wa differs fundamentally from the other 
object suffixes. It allows no connective -x- to stand before it (see 
64); the indirective -d- of -afld- (see 48) drops out before it: 
gayawa lYwa he ate him; cf. gayawa lsbi he ate you (26.8) 
and, differing in this respect from the suffixless third person object, it 
allows no instrumental i to stand before it (see 64) : 

l-tlana Jiagwa he held him (25.10) ; cf. l-tlana Jii he held it 27.4 
dak -da-halk wa he answered him 180.18; cf. dak*-da-7id a li $ n I 
answered him (146.14) 

It is thus evident that forms with suffixed -Vwa, approximate in- 
transitives in form (cf . nagaik wa above) . With a stem-final g, gw the 
suffix unites to form -Jc wa, the preceding vowel being lengthened and 
receiving a rising accent ; with a stem-final Jc! it unites to form - wa, 
the preceding vowel being lengthened with falling accent. Examples 

tlayak wa he found him 71.14; cf. tlaycftf he found it 43.4; 134.17 
maldfcwa he told him 22.8; (72.14); cf. malagana nU he told it 
to him (see 50) 30.15 

i The final consonant of the aoristic stem of Type 8 verbs is regularly lost before -k wa. 



da-Jc!os d u lc wa they bit him 74.5 (aorist stem -klos og-) 
Jie ee -lleme fe k wcL he destroyed them (50.2) ; cf. 7ie eS -ileme 1c!i s n I 

destroyed them (110.2) 
mul u^lc wa he swallowed him 72.16; cf. mulu lclafn I swallowed 

him (73.1) 

Verbs that have a suffixed comitative -(a)gwa- show, in combina 
tion with the objective -Vwa-, a probably dissimilated suffix -gik wa 
(-gigwa) , the connecting a preceding this compound suffix being of 
course umlauted to i: 

xebeyigi Vwa he hurt him (cf. xebeyagwa f n I hurt him [136.23]) 
uyu i sgigwa he laughed at him 27.5 (cf. uyu / sgwa n I laugh at 
him [71.7]) 

It is rather interesting to observe how the objectr e -k wa- may serve 
to remove some of the ambiguities that are ap\, to arise in Takelma 
in the use of the third person. HE GAVE IT TO HIM is expressed in the 
inferential by the forms o ViY and o Yigwak* , the latter of which 
necessarily refers to a human indirect object. If a noun or inde 
pendent pronoun be put before these apparently synonymous forms, 
sentences are framed of quite divergent signification. In the first 
sentence (noun + o &W) the prefixed noun would naturally be taken 
as the object (direct or indirect) of the verb (e. g., ne Ydi o Vik^ 
HE WHO-GAVE IT ? [ = TO WHOM DID HE GIVE IT ?]) ; in the second 
(noun + o YigwaY) , as subject, a doubly expressed object being inad 
missible (e. g., ne Fdi o VigwaY WHO GAVE IT TO HIM?). TO WHOM 
DID HE BRING IT? with incorporated object ne f di reads ne Ydi 
TO HIM? with subject ne k di reads (as inferential form) ne Jc di 
wagawo lc wak* (-0- unexplained). HE FOUND THE ANTS is expressed 
by ttibis i* tfayaW, but THE ANTS FOUND HIM by tlibis l* tlayak wa. 
The usage illustrated may be stated thus: whenever the third personal 
object refers to a human being and the subject is expressed as a 
noun, suffixed -Jc wa must be used to indicate the object; if it is not 
used, the expressed noun will most naturally be construed as the 
object of the verb. An effective means is thus present in Takelma 
for the distinction of a personal subject and object. 

$ 62 



[BULL. 40 

63. Transitive Subject Pronouns 

The various tense-modal schemes of subject pronouns in the tran 
sitive verb are as follows: 







First person . . . 

Second person . . 

Third person . . . 

< -dam (1st sing. 
I obj.) 

(o )n 

-da (1st sing, obj.) 

}-fc elf 

I-(a )k 
-ga s m (1st sing, 

First person . . . 


-(a)naga m 

k -anak 

-(a) ba e 

Second person . . 

\-dap (1st sing. 
I obj.) 

-(a )f&a 

-daba (1st sing, 



Setting aside the peculiar second personal subject first personal 
singular object terminations, it will be observed that the subjective 
forms of the transitive are identical with those of the intransitive 
(Class I) except in the first person singular and plural aorist and 
future, and in the third person aorist and future. The loss in the 
future of the catch of the first person singular aorist (~t e : t e e = 
- s n: -ri) and the addition in the future of -am to the first person 
plural aorist (-IV: -igam = -nak\ -nagam) are quite parallel phe 
nomena. It will be observed also that the first person plural, 
probably also singular, aorist of the transitive, is in form identical, 
except for the mode-sign -F-, with the corresponding form of the 
inferential, so that one is justified in suspecting this tense-mode to 
consist, morphologically speaking, of transitive forms with third 
personal object (see 60, first footnote). 

The forms of do u m- (aorist tfomom-) KILL will show the method of 
combining subjective and objective pronominal elements. 




First person 

Second person 

Third person 

First person 

Second person 

Singulai : 

1st per. 

t!omoxbi s n 

t!omom& e n 


2d per. 

t. um&xdsan. 

t. omoma^V 

t. omoximlt 

3d per. 

t. umuxi 

t. omoxbi 

t. omom 


tfomoxanp l 




/07nomana r k 

J/omozanbana k 

2d per. 

t. umuxdap 

t. omoma^t p 

t. omoximit p 

i Not to be confused with t. omdxant p YE ARE KILLING EACH OTHER! 






First person 

Second person 

Third person 

First person 

Second person 


1st per. 


douma n 


2d per. 


doumada e 

(Zomzimida 5 

3d per. 







1st per. 


dowmanaga m 


2d per. 


douma t ba? 

<ZoTOzimit ba 1 


2d per. 



1st per. 
2d per. 


doump (al-xl r - 
see him!) 

domzamp i 


2d per. 


1 These forms were not actually obtained, but can hardly be considered as doubtful. 
8 Probably expressed by simple future domximida*. 

It is not necessary to give the transitive potential and inferential 
forms, as the former can be easily constructed by substituting in the 
future forms the aorist endings for those of the future : 

dumxi he would kill me 
do u ma fs n I should, could kill him 
do u m he would, could kill him 

The inferential forms can be built up from the corresponding future 
forms by substituting for the subject endings of the latter those given 
in the table for the inferential mode : 

dumxiY he killed me 
domxanik ! eli you killed us 
domYa? I killed him 
domxanp gancfY we killed you 

The only point to which attention need be called in the aorist and 
future forms is the use of a connecting vowel -i- instead of -a- when 
the first personal plural object (-am-) is combined with a second 
singular or plural subject (-if, -ip*, -ida , -ifba e ) ; this -i- naturally 



carries the umlaut of -am- to -im- with it, but -am- reappears when 
-i- drops out, cf. inferential domxamk!elt\ With the -i- of these 
forms compare the -i- of the first person plural intransitives -ik* , 
-iga m, -iba s ( 60 and 60, second footnote). 

64. Connecting -x- and -/- 

It will have been observed that in all forms but those provided 
with a third personal object the endings are not directly added to 
the stem, but are joined to it by a connecting consonant -x- (amalga 
mating with preceding -t- to -s -). This element we have seen to be 
identical with the -x- (-s-) of reciprocal forms; and there is a possi 
bility of its being related to the -xa- of active intransitive verbs, 
hardly, however, to the non-agentive -x-. Though it appears as a 
purely formal, apparently meaningless element, its original function 
must have been to indicate the objective relation in which the 
immediately following pronominal suffix stands to the verb. From 
this point of view it is absent in a third personal object form simply 
because there is no expressed pronominal element for it to objectivize, 
as it were. The final aoristic consonant of Type 8 verbs regularly 
disappears before the connecting -#-, so that its retention becomes 
a probably secondary mark of a third personal pronominal object. 
The fact that the third personal objective element -k wa- (-gwa-} does 
not tolerate a preceding connective -x- puts it in a class by itself, 
affiliating it to some extent with the derivational suffixes of the verb. 

There are, comparatively speaking, few transitive stems ending in 
a vowel, so that it does not often happen that the subjective personal 
endings, the third personal object being unexpressed, are directly 
attached to the verb or aorist stem, as in : 

naga s n I say to him 72.9, cf. naga^ he said to him 92.24 

sebe n I shall roast it (44.6) ; future imperative odo Jc* hunt for 

him! (116.7) 

Ordinarily forms involving the third personal object require a con 
necting vowel between the stem and the pronominal suffix. Not all 
verbs, however, show the purely non-significant -a- of, e. g., t!omoma fe n, 
but have a to a large extent probably functional -i-. This -i- occurs 
first of all in all third personal object forms of verbs that have an 
instrumental prefix: 

ts!ayaga n I shoot him (192.10), but wa-ts!ayagi n I shoot (him) 

with it 

l-lats!agiY you touched it 


The greater number of cases will probably be found to come under 
this head, so that the -i- may be conveniently termed INSTRUMENTAL 
-i-. Not all forms with -i-, by any means, can be explained, how 
ever, as instrumental in force. A great many verbs, many of them 
characterized by the directive prefix al- (see 36, 15), require an -i- 
as their regular connecting vowel : 

la,gagi n I gave him to eat (30.12) 
ld a liwi n I call him by name (116.17) 

lo u ginini f n I trap them for him (and most other FOR-indirec- 
tives in -anarir- ) 

Examples of -i-verbs with indirect object are: 

ogoyi n I give it to him 180.1 1 (contrast oyona f n I gave it [180.20]) 
wd a giwi f n I brought it to him (176.17) (contrast wd a ga n I 
brought it [162.13]) 

A number of verbs have -a- in the aorist, but -i- in all other tense- 
modes : 

ytfmiya^n I lend it to him, but yimi hin I shall lend it to him 
naga n I said to him (second -a- part of stem) 72.9, but na a gi n 
I shall say to him; na a gi f k* say to him! (future) 196.20; naYiY 
he said to him (inferential) 94.16; 170.9; 172.12 

The general significance of -i- seems not unlike that of the prefixed 
directive al-, though the application of the former element is very 
much wider; i. e., it refers to action directed toward some person or 
object distinctly outside the sphere of the subject. Hence the -i- is 
never found used together with the indirect reflexive -Ywa-, even 
though this suffix is accompanied by an instrumental prefix: 

xa a -p!l i -no v k wa n I warm my own back (188.20) 
In a few cases the applicability of the action of the verb can be 
shifted from the sphere of the subject to that of another person or 
thing by a mere change of the connective -a- to -i-, without the 
added use of prefix or suffix : 

xa a -la a t!an I shall put it about my waist, but xd a -ld a t!in I shall 
put it about his waist 

In the form of the third personal subject with third personal object 
of the aorist, the imperative with third personal object, and the 
inferential with third personal object, the -i- generally appears as a 
suffixed -hi- (- i-) ? incapable of causing umlaut: 

malagana nhi he told him 30.15, but malagini s n I told him (172.1) 
wa-t!omomhi he killed him with it 



l-Tc!u u manana nki he fixed it for him 
i-Jc!umana f nhi fix it for him! 

i-Tdumana nhiY he fixed it for him (infer.) , but frJduminimnVrik 
he will fix it for him 

It should be noted, however, that many verbs with characteristic 
-i- either may or regularly do leave out the final - i: 

alxl fi he saw him 124.6, 8 (cf. al-xi fi gi n I saw him, 188.11) 1 
l-lats!aW he touched him (cf. l-lats!agi f n I touched him) 
ba -l-ye e wa n revive him! (15.2)(cf. ba -l-yewe e ni n I revived him) 
lie -l-lele Y he let him go (13.6) (cf. he -l-le lek!i n I let him go 


Jie -l-le l f let him go! 182.15 (cf. he -i-le llc!in I shall let him go) 
la-i-di-t ga st ga a s stick out your anus! 164.19; 166.6 (cf. 

~ba-i-di-t*gats!a t ( gisi n I stuck out my anus [166.8]) 
l-k!u u mcfn he prepared it 190.22 (cf. l-k!u u mini 6 n I prepared it) 

It must be confessed that it has not been found possible to find a 
simple rule that would enable one to tell whether an i-verb does or 
does not keep a final -hi (- i} . Certain verbs, even though without 
instrumental signification, show an -i- (or -Jii-) in all forms with third 
personal object. Such are: 

aorist ogoy- give to (ogolhi he gave it to him 156.20) 
aorist we e t*-g- take away from (wet gi he took it from him, 16.13) 
aorist lagag- feed (laga k i he gave him to eat 30.12; lak i give 
him to eat! lak igana^ we seem to have given him to eat) 

and indirective verbs in -anan-. Irregularities of an unaccountable 
character occur. Thus we have: 

7ie e -lu he left him (cf . Jie eS -#wi s n I left him) ; but imperative 
he e -iwi hi leave him! (not *-iwi^, as we might expect) 

In many cases the loss or retention of the final -hi seems directly 
connected with syntactic considerations. A large class of verbs with 
instrumental prefix (generally -) drop the final -hi, presumably 
because the instrumentality is only indefinitely referred to (cf. 
35, 1) . Examples of such have been given above. As soon, however, 
as the instrument is explicitly referred to, as when an instrumental 
noun is incorporated in or precedes the verb, the -hi is restored. 

i The -i- of these verbs regularly disappears, not only here but in every form in which the normal con 
necting vowel -a- fails to appear in other verbs: al-xi k (inferential) HE SAW HIM (*al-xikf-k like domk HE 
KILLED HIM), homonymous with al-xl k (imperative) SEE HIM! (=*alxl kt). As soon, however, as the 
verb becomes distinctly instrumental in force, the -i- is a constant element: al-wa-xl k!ik (inferential) HE 




la- l-t W a F he burst it (cf. -fba a gi n I burst it) 

i-s wili s wal he tore it to pieces (cf. -s wili s wili n I tore it to 


irS wi ls wal tear it to pieces! 
%-s wtfls wcfl he tore it (once) 
i-7ieme^m he wrestled with him 22.10 (cf. -hememi n I wrestled 

with him 

despite the prefixed --; but: 

la-way a-la a Jc*i he burst it with a knife 

Jian-waya-s wils wa lhi tear it through in pieces with a knife! 


Similarly : 

fia-^-sgaWsgaW he picked him up 31.11 (cf. -sgasgigi n I picked 

him up) 

~k!a ma a dan ~ba a -sga a Y sga lc i tongs rocks he-picked-them-up-with 
( = he picked up rocks with tongs) 170.17 

despite the lack of an instrumental prefix in the verb. Explicit in 
strumentality, however, can hardly be the most fundamental func 
tion of the -hi. It seems that whenever a transitive verb that 
primarily takes but one object is made to take a second (generally 
instrumental or ihdirective in character) the instrumental -i- (with 
retained -hi) is employed. Thus: 

ma xla Jcfuwu he threw dust 

mafxla alk!uv)uhi dust he-threw-it-at-him (perhaps best trans 
lated as he-bethrew-him-with-dust) cf. 184.5 

where the logically direct object is ma xla, while the logically indirect, 
perhaps grammatically direct, object is implied by the final -hi and 
the prefix al-. Similarly, in: 

Jc o px bababa fi wa a di xda ashes he-clapped-them-over his-body 
(perhaps best rendered by: he-beclapped-his-body-with-ashes) 

the logically direct obiect is fco px, the logically indirect object, his- 
body, seems to be implied by the - i. This interpretation of the -hi 
as being dependent upon the presence of two explicit objects is con 
firmed by the fact that most, if not all, simple verbs that regularly 
retain it (such as GIVE TO, SAY TO in non-aorist forms, BRING TO, 
verbs in -anan-) logically demand two objects. 



As soon as the verb ceases to be transitive (or passive) in form or 
when the third personal object is the personal -wa, the instrumental 
-i- disappears: 

gel-yala a xalfgwit he forgot himself 77.10 (cf. gel-yald a xaldi n I 

forgot him) 

ogolYwa he gave it to him 96.18 (cf. ogolhi he gave it to him 188.12) 
It is possible that in wet gigwa HE TOOK IT FROM HIM the -gi- is a 
peculiar suffix not compounded of petrified -g- (see 42, 6) and 
instrumental -i-; contrast l-t!ana f 7ii HE HELD IT with l-t!ana liagwa 
HE HELD HIM. Any ordinary transitive verb may lose its object 
and take a new instrumental object, whereupon the instrumental -i- 
becomes necessary. Examples of such instrumentalized transitives 

ga l wa-ts!ayagi n bow I-with-shoot-it (cf . ts!ayaga n I shoot him) 
wa- u u gwi f n I drink with it (cf . u u gwa f n I drink it) 
If, however, it is desired to keep the old object as well as the new 
instrumental object, a suffix -an- seems necessary. Thus: 
yap!a wa-sa a gimna f people they-will-be-shot-with-it 
xl fi wa- u u gwmi n water I-drink-it-with-it 

It is not clear whether or not this -an- is related to either of the -an- 
elements of -anan- ( 50). 

A final -i is kept phonetically distinct in that it does not unite 
with a preceding fortis, but allows the fortis to be treated as a syllabic 
final, i. e., to become -f aspirated surd: 

Jie e -l-le f me 7c i he killed them off, but -le mek!i n I killed them off 
Forms without connective vowel whose stem ends in a vowel, and 
yet (as instrumentals or otherwise) require an -i-, simply insert this 
element (under proper phonetic conditions as -Tui-) before the modal 
and personal suffixes: 

wa-woo hin I shall go to get it with it (contrast woo n I shall go 

to get it) 

l-t!ana hi n I hold it; l-tlana lii he holds it 27.4 
di-s al-yomo Jiin I shall run behind and catch up with him; 
di-s-ot-yomo hi catch up with him! (contrast yomo n I shall 
catch up with him) 
wa-sana Tiink* they will spear them with them 28.15 (verb-stem 


A constant -a- used to support a preceding consonant combination 
is, in -i- verbs, colored to -i- : 

1-lasgV touch him! (cf. masga^ put it! [104.8]) 
S 65 




It is remarkable that several verbs with instrumental vocalism lose 
the -i- and substitute the ordinary connective -a- in the frequentative. 
Such are: 

l-go yok!i n I nudge him; i-goyogiysi e n I keep pushing him 
dtf-tltfsi^n I crush it; dtf-tHyi tHyafn I keep crushing them 
It can hardly be accidental that in both these cases the loss of the 
-i- is accompanied by the loss of a petrified consonant (-&/-, -s-). 

The following scheme of the instrumental forms of do u m- KILL 
(third personal object) will best illustrate the phonetic behavior 
of -i- : 








First person . . 

t!omomi n 

doumi n 

do7ni e n 


Second person . . 


domida * 




domhi k 

Third person . . 






First person . . 

f/OTOomina k 

dowminaga m 

domina r k 



Second person . . 

t. omomWp 

doumi t ba* 


domhikleifp 1 


65. Forms Without Connecting Vowel 

A considerable number of transitive verbs whose aorist stem ends 
in a long diphthong with rising pitch (long vowel + semivowel, nasal, 
or liquid) treat this diphthong as a vocalic unit, i. e., do not allow 
the second element of the diphthong to become semivocalic and thus 
capable of being followed by a connective -a- before the personal 
endings (cf. intransitive forms like el-t*, 60). If such a long diph 
thong is final, or precedes a consonant (like -f ) that is itself incapable 
of entering into diphthongal combination with a preceding vowel, no 
difficulty arises. If, however, the long diphthong precedes an -n- 
(in such endings as - s n, -n, -naY}, which, as has been seen, is pho 
netically on a line with the semivowels y (i) and w (u), a long double 
diphthong (long vowel + semivowel, nasal, or liquid + n of time-value 
4) results. Such a diphthong can not be tolerated, but must be 
reduced to an ordinary long diphthong of time-value 3 by the loss of 
the second element (semivowel, nasal, or liquid) of the diphthong of 
the stem (see 11). Thus the coexistence of such apparently contra 
dictory forms as da a -yehelC YOU GO WHERE THERE is SINGING and 
dd a -yeJien (with passive -n) IT WAS GONE WHERE THERE WAS SINGING 
(from *yeJielri) can be explained by a simple consideration of syllabic 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 12 X 65 


weight. The rising pitch-accent, it should be noted, is always pre 
served as an integral element of the diphthong, even though a - e n 
follow, so that the first personal singular subject third personal 
object of such verbs (-v ri) stands in sharp contrast to the corre 
sponding form of the great mass of transitive verbs (-v^n). 1 The 
first person plural subject third person object and the third personal 
passive are always parallel in form to the first person singular sub 
ject third person object in - n (k!ada a na"Y and Jdaddn like k!ada ri). 
Examples of transitives with aorist stems ending in long diphthongs 
not followed by connective -a- are: 

t gwax& n I tattoo him : t gwax&lt you tattoo him 

dl-t!ugu n I wear it : dl-t!ugal he wears it 96.16 

dd a -yeJiQ n I go where there is : dd a -yeJieit you go where there 
singing is singing (106.10) 

dd a -yeJiQn (third person pas 

da a -yehe e naW (first person 

~k!adei n I picked them up : Idad^l he picked them up 

da-t!agsi n I built afire : da-t!agol he built a fire 88.12; 


swad&n (passive) they got : swad&lsa n they are gambling 
beaten in gambling with one another 

oyo n I give it (= *oyon ri) 
but also oyona n with con 
necting -a- 

Tctem&n I did it 74.13 : fc/emei he did it 92.22; 144.6; 

176.1,4,5, 7,8,9, 14 

In aorist ~k!emei- MAKE the -i-, actually or impliedly, appears only 
when the object is of the third person (singular first, Jc!eme n; second, 
Jclemelf; third, Idemei; plural first, Tc!eme*naW; second, "klemetfp*); 
all other aoristic and all non-aoristic forms replace the -i- by a -n-\ 

k!emenxbi n I make you 27.9 

Jc!emenxa n they make one another; future Jdemncfrik* he will 

make it 28.14 

A few reduplicated transitives ending, in both aorist and verb-stems, 
in a short diphthong (-al-, -am-, -an-, -aw-), lack a connective -a- 

ilt may be noted in passing that the Takelma reduction of an over-long diphthong (Un to etn) offers in 
some respects a remarkable parallel to the reduction of an Indo-Germanic longdiphthong to a simple long 
vowel before certain consonants, chiefly -m (e. g., Indo-Germanic *d^us = Skr. dyau s, Gk. Zttf, with pre 
served -u- because followed by -s, a consonant not capable of entering into diphthongal combination; but 
Indo-Germanic ace. *dicm= Ved. Skr. dyam, Horn. Gk. Zf t v with lost -M- because followed by -m, a consonant 
capable of entering into diphthongal combination). I do not wish to imply, however, that the accent of 
forms like yeh&n is, as in diem, the compensating result of contraction. 





before the personal endings, so that a loss of the final consonant 
(_7_ 1 _ m _ j .7^ _w_) takes place in third personal objective forms before 
a consonantal personal ending. Such verbs are : 

heme ha n I mocked him ( = 

-Jiam ri) 

imi lia n I sent him ( = -am ri) 
gel-Jiewe htfn 1 I think ( = -au n) 
gel-hewe hat* you think 
p!a-i-di -sgimi sga n 2 1 set them 

in ground ( = -am n) 
la- al-mo f lo ma n I turned them 

over ( = -al n) 
bd- al-mo l man I shall turn 

them over ( = -alri) 
sa a nsa s n I fight him ( = -an n) 

heme Jiam he mocked him 

24.4, 5, 8; 182.6, 7 
imi Jiamsin I was sent (43.2) 
gel-hewe 7iau he thought 44.11 ; 

p!a-i-di -sgimi sgam he set 

them in ground 
~ba- al-mo lo mal he turned 

them over (170.16) 

ma a nma n 
( = -an ri) 

I count them 

sa a nscfn he fights him (28.10) 
(but also sans, see 40, lOb) 
da-ma^nmini^n I count them 
up (156.14) (but also man = 
*manm he counted them 
78.8; 100.8) 

How explain the genesis of these two sets of contract verb forms, 
and how explain the existence of doublets like mo lo ma n and mo - 
lo-malcfn, mo lo ma and mo lo malat* , oyo n and oyona f n, sa a nsa^n 
and sans? The most plausible explanation that can be offered is 
that originally the personal endings were added directly to- the stem 
and that later a connecting -a- developed whenever the preceding 
consonant or the personal ending was not of a character to form a 
diphthong. Hence the original paradigms may have been : 

First person 

Second person . . 

Third person 

which were then leveled out to : 

oyo n 



oyona n 

mo lo ma n 

mo f lo mal 

mo lo mala n 


oyon mo lo mal 

because of the analogy of a vast number of verbs with connecting 
-a- in both first and second persons, e. g., ts!ayaga f n, tsfayagaY. 
Forms like mo lo mat*, sa a nsaV, would arise from leveling to the first 

iThis verb is transitive only in form, intransitive in meaning. The true transitive (THINK OF) employs 
the full stem hew chaw- with connective -i- for third personal object, and -s- for other objects: gel-hew e hiwi s n 
i THINK OF HIM; gel-hewe haufidam YOU THINK OF ME. 

2 The form sgimi sga e n is interesting as a test case of these contract verb forms. The stem must be 
sgimisgam-; it can not be sgimisg-, as sg- could hardly be treated as a repeated initial consonant. No cases 
are known of initial consonant clusters treated as phonetic units. 




[BULL. 40 

person by the analogy of such forms as t!omoma n, t!omomcft\ The 
third person generally brings out the original diphthong, yet some 
times the analogy set by the first person seems to be carried over to 
the third person (e. g., sans beside sa a nsa?ri), as well as to the third 
person passive and first person plural subject transitive. Such forms 
as oyo s n are best considered as survivals of an older " a thematic" type 
of forms, later put on the wane by the spread of the " thematic" 
type with connecting -a- (e. g., gayawa s n, not *gaya n from *gayati ri). 
Owing to the fact that the operation of phonetic laws gave rise to 
various paradigmatic irregularities in the "athematic" forms, these 
sank into the background. They are now represented by aorists of 
Type 2 verbs like naga - n i SAY TO HIM and wa-Jc!oyo- n i GO WITH 
HIM/ non-aorist forms of Type 5 verbs (e. g., odo f -n}, and such iso 
lated irregularities as intransitive ei-t* and nagal-t* (contrast yewey-aY 
and t agayaV) and transitive contract verbs like Jc!ada n and sd a nsa n. 

66. Passives 

Passives, which occur in Takelma texts with great frequency, must 
be looked upon as amplifications of transitive forms with third per 
sonal subject. Every such transitive form may be converted into a 
passive by the omission of the transitive subject and the addition of 
elements characteristic of that voice; the pronominal object of the 
transitive becomes the logical, not formal, subject of the passive 
(passives, properly speaking, have no subject). The passive suffixes 
referred to are -(a)n for the aorist, ~(a)na for the future, and -am for 
the inferential. Imperatives were not obtained, nor is it certain that 
they exist. Following are the passive forms of do u m-, instrumental 
forms being put in parentheses : 






First person 

t. um&xin 




Second person .... 

t. omoxbin 




Third person 

t. omoma n 

domana e 

dov-ma n 

domk am 

(tlomomi n) 

(doumina ) 

(domi n) 



First person 

t. omoximin 

domxim ma? 

domximin domxamk am 

Second person .... 

t. omoxanban 


domxanbeai domxanp gam 

1 Some verbs whose aorist stem ends in a vowel take a constant -a- with preceding inorganic h instead 
of adding the personal endings directly. Such a verb is l-t. ana- HOLD; the constant -a- or -i- of forms 
like i-t. ana hagwa, i-t. ene hi-s-dam is perhaps due to -the analogy of the instrumental -i- of forms like 
l-t/ana M n. 
S 66 


The connective -a-, it will be observed, is replaced by -i- when the 
formal object is the first person plural (-am-) ; compare the entirely 
analogous phenomenon in the second personal subjective first per 
sonal plural objective forms of the transitive ( 63). It is curious 
that the third person aorist of the passive can in every single case 
be mechanically formed with perfect safety by simply removing the 
catch from the first personal singular subjective third personal objec 
tive of the transitive; the falling accent (rising accent for verbs like 
Jc!eme n) remains unchanged: 

l-t!a ut!iwi n I caught him : i-t!a ut!iwin he was caught 29.12 

na#& ?ilsaidtohim72.7, 9 : nagafn he was spoken to 102.16 

Jc!eme n I made it 74.13 : Jclem^n it was made 13.12 178.12 

It is hardly possible that a genetic relation exists between the 

two forms, though a mechanical association is not psychologically 


Not only morphologically, but also syntactically, are passives 
closely related to transitive forms. It is the logical unexpressed sub 
ject of a passive sentence, not the grammatical subject (logical and 
formal object), that is referred to by the reflexive possessive in -gwa 
(see 91, 92). Thus: 

dlk!olola nt ga a p dagwanwa he-was-dug-up their-own-horns (not 
his-own-horns) with (In other words, they dug him up with 
their own horns) 48.5 

There is no real way of expressing the agent of a passive construc 
tion. The commonest method is to use a periphrasis with xebe n 
HE DID so. Thus: 

el salklomo lclimin p!iyin xebe f n canoe it-was-kicked-to-pieces 
deer they-clid-so (in other words, the canoe was kicked to pieces 
by the deer) 114.5 


A fairly considerable number of verbs are made up of forms that 
belong partly to Class I or Class II intransitives, partly to the transi- 
tives. These may be conveniently grouped together as Class IV, but 
are again to be subdivided into three groups. A few instransitive 
verbs showing forms of both Class I and II have been already 
spoken of (pp. 162-3, 166). 

1. Probably the larger number is taken up by Type 13 verbs in 
-71-, all the forms of which are transitives except those with second 
person singular or plural subject. These latter are forms of Class 
II (i. e., aorist singular -dam, plural -cZap ; future singular -da , plural 




[BULL. 40 

-daba } . The -n- appears only in the first person singular and plural 
(aorist -na n and -nana^}, yet its absence in the other persons may, 
though not probably, be due to a secondary loss induced by the pho 
netic conditions. The forms, though in part morphologically transi 
tive (and, for some of the verbs, apparently so in meaning), are in 
effect intransitive. The object, as far as the signification of the verb 
allows one to grant its existence, is always a pronominally unexpressed 
third person, and the instrumental -i- can not be used before the 
personal endings. Among these semitransitives in -n- are : 
{gwen-sgut!u sgai\& j\ I cut necks 

\gwen-sgut lu sgat" he cut necks 144.2 (cf. transitive instrumentals 
I gwen-waya-sgut!u sgidi n, gwen-waya-sgutlu sgat i 144.3) 
\da-boklobafVntfii I make bubbles (or da-bok!o p na n 102.22) 
I da-lok! o p dam you make bubbles 

n% e n I hang them up in row 
n I used to pound them (57.14) (or lobo lp ncfri) 
you used to pound them 
n I coil a basket 122.2 
i-laya a Y she coils a basket* 
Jc!ada f Jc!afna, n I used to pick them up (116.11) 
dordagada^uofn I sharpen my teeth (126.18) 
ugu f ak nsi n I always drink it 
wagaoWntfu I always bring it 43.16; 45.6) 

Morphologically identical with these, yet with no trace of transitive 
signification, are: 

i-hegwe 7iak* w n.& u I am working 
[xa-Jiege halc n& n I breathe (78.12; 79.1, 2, 4) 
\xa-huk!u Jiak iia, n. (third person xa-huJc!u f hak ) 
[al-Vwaplaft wap^tfTL I blink with my eyes 102.20 
\al-t*wap!a t wap*dsim you blink with your eyes 
The following forms of l-hegwehagw- (verb-stem l-7ie e gwagw- [ 
-he*gwhagw-]} WORK will serve to illustrate the -n- formation: 






Present imperative 


1st per. 

hegwe hak u>na { n 

heegwa k wnan 

heegwa k wae (=-*- 

2d per. 

hegwe hak wdam 

heegwa k wda 

heegwa klwel t 

he k waak w 

3d per. 

hegwe hak w 


heegwa*k *> 


1st per. 

hegwe hak wnana^k 

he egwa k Tianagam 

heegwa k wana^ 

hegwa k waba* 

2d per. 

hegwe hak wdap 

fce^a ^daba 

Jietgwa klvfelt p 


2. Practically a sub-group of the preceding set of verbs is formed 
by a very few verbs that have their aorist like l-hegwe f ~hak* w na n, 
S 67 


but their non-aorist forms like Class II intransitives. They evidently 
waver between Class II, to which they seem properly to belong, and 
the semi-transitive -n- forms. Such are: 

dl-lc!ala f si].Si n (but also : future dl-Jc!a lside e 
dl-k!ala sde s ) I am lean 
in my rump 
di-Jc!ala f sd&m (second per- : future dl-7c!a f lsidsi s 


gwel-sal-t!eyesi].si s n I have : future-/eside e 
no flesh on my legs and 

It may be observed that the existence of a form like *gwel-sal-t!ei- 
sinan was denied, so that we are not here dealing with a mere mis 
taken mixture of distinct, though in meaning identical, verbs. 

3. The most curious set of verbs belonging to Class IV is formed 
by a small number of intransitives, as far as signification is concerned, 
with a thoroughly transitive aorist, but with non-aorist forms 
belonging entirely to Class II. This is the only group of verbs in 
which a difference in tense is associated with a radical difference in 
class. Examples are: 

ida a -sgeJc!iya, -n. I listened : future dd^sge Tc.We 6 
da a -sgelc!iysi^ you listened 
da a -sgek !l he listened 102.8 

i}. I shine : future al-ive ]c!alt*e e 

al-we Jdal&t you shine 

x k we shine : future oZ-^e fc/dZp igam (third 
person inferential al-we f - 

al-geyan&^u I turn away : future al-ge yande e 
my face 

-smayamsi fe u \ r ., , , , 

j ~x * fl smile : future da-sma-ima sde e 

da-smayamha, iij 

da-smayam he smiles 

-smayam&us^k. we smile 
To these should probably be added also da-sgayana n I lie down 
(3d da-sgayan) , though no future was obtained. Here again it may 
be noted that the existence of *da-sma-ima f n as a possible (and indeed 
to be expected) future of da-smayama n was denied. 1 

i There are in Takelma also a number of logically intransitive verbs with transitive forms throughout 
all the tense-modes: al-xallyana^k* WE ARE SEATED (56.2; 150.20); passive al-xallya n PEOPLE ARE SEATED 
152.18. Similar is sal-xogwl THEY STAND; cf. also gel-hcwe hau HE THINKS, p. 179, note 1. As these, how 
ever, have nothing to mark them off morphologically from ordinary transitives, they give no occasion 
for special treatment. It is probable that in them the action is conceived of as directed toward some 
implied third personal object. 



5. Auxiliary and Subordinating Forms ( 08-72} 


Periphrastic future forms are brought about by prefixing to the 
third personal (unexpressed) objective forms of the aorist stem 
-gulug w - DESIRE, INTEND the verb-stem (if transitive, with its appended 
pronominal object) of the verb whose future tense is desired. The 
pronominal subject of such a form is given by the transitive subject 
pronoun of the second element (-gulug w -} of the compound; while 
the object of the whole form, if the verb is transitive, is coincident 
with the incorporated pronominal object of the first element. The 
form of the verb-stem preceding the -gulug w - suffix is identical with 
the form it takes in the inferential. Thus: 

ba-i-Jiema fculuW he will take it out (cf. inferential ba-i-he- 
maW = -Jiemg-1c ), but imperative ba-i-he^mk* 16.10 

but, without inorganic a: 

i-hemguluW w he will wrestle with him (cf. inferential hem1c*) 
Indeed, it is quite likely that the main verb is used in the inferential 
form, the -& of the inferential amalgamating with the g- of -gulug w - 
to form </ or F. This seems to be proved by the form: 

loho Tc-di-gulugwcft* do you intend to die? (di= interrogative par 

Morphologically the verb-stem with its incorporated object must 
itself be considered as a verb-noun incorporated as a prefix in the 
verb -gulug w - and replacing the prefix gel- BREAST of gel-gulugwa f n 
i DESIRE IT 32.5, 6, 7. Alongside, e. g., of the ordinary future 
form do u mafn i SHALL KILL HIM may be used the periphrastic 
do u m-gulugwa f n literally, i KILL (HIM)-DESIRE, INTEND. This latter 
form is not by any means a mere desiderative (i DESIRE TO KILL 
HIM would be expressed by do u mia^ gel-gulugwa f n [ =TO-KILL-HIM 
I-IT-DESIRE]), but a purely formal future. Similarly, dumxi-gulu y k w 
is used alongside of the simpler dfimxinJc* HE WILL KILL ME. As a 
matter of fact the third personal subjective future in -gulu y k w is 
used about as frequently as the regular paradigmatic forms here 
tofore given: 

yana -fruluW" he will go (128.9) 

sana p-guluW" he will fight (cf. 48.10) 

yomo Te waguluW she was about to catch up with him 140.18 

alxl^xbi-guluW" he will see you 


The reason is obvious. The normal futures (yana e HE WILL GO; 
sana p da a ; alxi f xbink*) imply a bald certainty, as it were, of the 
future action of a third person, a certainty that is not in ordinary 
life generally justifiable. The periphrastic forms, on the other hand, 
have a less rigid tone about them, and seem often to have a slight 
intentive force : HE INTENDS, is ABOUT TO GO. The difference between 
the two futures may perhaps be brought out by a comparison with 
the English i SHALL KILL HIM ( = dd u ma n) and I M GOING TO KILL HIM 
(do u m-gulugwa fe ri) . 

Though a form like dtimxi-guluW w HE WILL KILL ME is in a 
way analogous to s in-l-lets!e f xi HE TOUCHES MY NOSE, the incor 
porated object dumxi- KILL-ME of the former being parallel to 
s in- NOSE of the latter, there is an important difference between 
the two in that the object of the periphrastic future is always asso 
ciated with the logically (do u m-), not formally (-gulug w -), main verb. 
This difference may be graphically expressed as follows: HE-[KILL- 
ME]-INTENDS-IT, but HE-[ NOSE-HAND] -TOUCHES-ME ; strict analogy 
with the latter form would require *do u m-gulu xi HE-[ KILL]-INTENDS- 
ME, a type of form that is not found. It is not necessary to give a 
paradigm of periphrastic future forms, as any desired form can be 
readily constructed from what has already been said. The incorpo 
rated pronominal object is always independent of the subject-suffix, so 
that YOU WILL KILL ME, for example, is rendered by dumxi-gulugwaY , 
the ordinary YOU ME forms (singular -dam, plural -dap*) finding no 
place here. 

Inasmuch as all active periphrastic futures are transitive in form, 
passive futures of the same type (all ending in -gulugwa n) can be 
formed from all verbs, whether transitive or intransitive. When 
formed from transitive stems, these forms are equivalent to the 
normal future passives in -(a)na e : 

do u m-gulugwa f n he will, is about to, is going to be killed 
dtimxi-gulugwa n I am to be killed, it is intended to kill me 

As the intransitive stem in the periphrastic future is never accom 
panied by pronominal affixes, there is only one passive future form 
that can be constructed from an intransitive verb. This form 
always refers to the third person, generally to the intended or immi 
nent action of a group of people : 

lioida-gulugwa n (verb-stem hold- + inorganic -a-) there will be 



lo u -gulugwa n people are going to play (literally, it is play- 

The passive future in -gulugwafn can also be used with the indefinite 
form in -iau-: 

sana xiniau-gulugwa n it is intended, about to be that people 
fight one another ; there will be fighting 

The extreme of abstract expression seems to be reached in such not 
uncommon forms as : 

we e giau-gulugwa n it was going to be daylight (literally, it was 

being-daylight intended) 48.13 

As the suffixed pronominal objects of reciprocal forms are intran 
sitive in character, the first element of a periphrastic future of the 
reciprocal must show an incorporated intransitive pronoun, but of 
aorist, not future form : 

i-di-lasgi xant"p*-gulugwaYp* are you going to touch one another? 
(aorist i-lats!a xant*p ; future i-lasgi xanfba*) 


The verbal base na(gY (intransitive na-; transitive na a g-} has 
hitherto been translated as SAY (intransitive), SAY TO (transitive). 
This, however, is only a specialized meaning of the constantly 
recurring base, its more general signification being DO, ACT, BE IN 
MOTION indefinitely. It is really never used alone, but is regularly 
accompanied by some preceding word or phrase with which it is 
connected in a periphrastic construction; the na(g)- form playing 
the part of an auxiliary. As a verb of saying, na(g}- is regularly 
preceded by a quotation, or else some word or phrase, generally a 
demonstrative pronoun, grammatically summarizing the quotation. 
Properly speaking, then, a sentence like i SHALL GO, HE SAID (TO ME) 
( = yana f t e e [go] naga ie [or nege s i]) is rendered in Takelma by i 
SHALL GO (THAT) HE DID (or HE DID TO ME), in which the quotation 
yanaft e* i SHALL GO, or else its representative ga THAT, is incorpo 
rated as prefix in the general verb of action. 

The most interesting point in connection with periphrastic phrases 
in na(g}- is the use of a number of invariable, generally monosyl 
labic, verbal bases as incorporated prefixes. The main idea, logic 
ally speaking, of the phrase is expressed in the prefix, the na(g)- 

!Most of its forms, as far as known, are listed, for convenience of reference, in Appendix A, pp. 286-90. 
It will be seen to be irregular in several respects. Examples of its forms are to be found in great number 
in " Takelma Texts." 



element serving merely to give it grammatical form. This usage 
is identical with that so frequently employed in Chinookan dia 
lects, where significant uninflected particles are joined into peri 
phrastic constructions with some form of the verb-stem -x- DO, MAKE, 
BECOME (e. g., Wasco lqtu 1) itciux HE CUT IT [literally, CUT HE-IT- 
MADE]), except that in Takelma the particles are identical with the 
bases of normally formed verbs. It is not known how many such 
verb-particles there are, or even whether they are at all numerous. 
The few examples obtained are : 

na do (cf. na e e I shall say, do) 

s as come to a stand (cf. s as inl he stands 144.14) 

s il paddle canoe (cf. ei-ba-i-s ili xgwa, he landed with his canoe 


t*gel fall, drop 

ts Iel rattle (cf. ts m ele s m it rattles 102.13) 
fbo u x make a racket (cf. t W u xde s I make a noise) 
liwa a look (cf. liwila ut e I looked [60.7]) 
le yas lame (cf. gwd-le ye e sde e I am lame) 
pi was jumping lightly (cf. p iwits!ana /e n I make it bounce) 
we lclalV shining (cf. al-we f ~k!al(i n I shine) 
sgala uV look moving one s head to side (cf. al-sgalawi n I shall 

look at him moving my head to side) 

The last two are evidently representatives of a whole class of quasi- 
adverbial -^ -derivatives from verb-stems, and, though syntactically 
similar to the rest, hardly belong to them morphologically. The -Ic 
of these invariable verb-derivatives can hardly be identified with 
the inferential -F, as it is treated differently. Thus: 

we ~k!al-V sinning 126.3; 128.14, but inferential al-we lcldl-p - k 
(Class IV, 3) he shone 

Most frequently employed of those listed is na , which is in all 
probability nothing but the base na- DO, to forms of which it is itself 
prefixed; its function is to make of the base na(g)- a pure verb of 
action or motion in contradistinction to the use of the latter as a verb 
of saying : 

ga-nak i say that to him! 55.8, but ga-na nak i do that to him! 
182.4; 184.4 

ga-naga fi he said that 72.12, but ga-na naga i he did that 58.3 

gwalt a-7ia na t the wind will blow as it is blowing now (liter 
ally, wmd[gwati] this [ a-]-do [ na ]-act- will [na f]) (152.8) 

ga-na ne^x thus, in that way (literally, that do-acting, doing) 71.6; 
110.21; but ga-ne^x that saying, to say that 184.10 



Examples of the other elements are : 

ei-s i l-naga i 1 he paddled his canoe (literally, he canoe-paddle- 
did) 13.5 

s-as -naga ^ he came to a stand 22.6; 31.14, 15; 55.12; 96.23 

s as -nd a gi n I shall bring him to a halt (literally, I shall s as f - 
do to him) 

liwd a -nagalfe I looked (55.6; 78.10, 13; 79.5) 

fge f l -nagaU e I fell, dropped down 

t gel naga na fa he always fell down 62.8 

tsle l naga /i (bones) rattled (literally, they did ts!el) 79.8 

t ~bd u x nagcf they made a racket so as to be heard by them 192.9 

we 1c!alk -naga i he shines 

sgala f uk -naganaf a V he looked continually moving his head from 
side to side 144.14, 17 

gwelxdd a le yas-ncfY his leg was laming 160.17 

p*i was-naga ie he jumped up lightly 48.8 

Syntactically analogous to these are the frequent examples of post 
positions (see 96), adverbs, and local phrases prefixed to forms of 
the undefined verb of action na(g)-, the exact sense in which the lat 
ter is to be taken being determined by the particular circumstances 
of the locution. Examples are: 

gada f Jc ( -naga /i they passed over it (literally, thereon they did) 

ganau-nagana Jc* he went from one (trap) to another (literally, 

therein he kept doing) 78.5 

Tiawi-nak i tell him to wait! (literally, still do to him!) 
Jiagwd a la^m (in the road) -naga i (he did) ( = he traveled in the 


Tiaxiycf (in the water) -naga i ( = he went by water) 
dak -s inl fi da (over his nose) -naba a ha^n (let us do) (= let us 

[flock of crows] pass over him!) 144.11 
da Jc dd a da (over him) -na" (do!) (= pass over him!) 
dak -yawade (over my ribs) -naga i ( =he passed by me) 
ge (there) -naga ie (= they passed there) 144.18 
he e -wila mxa-hi (beyond Mount Wila mxa) -nak w (do having it !) 

(= proceed with it to beyond Mount Wila mxa!) 196.14 

These examples serve to indicate, at the same time, that the particles 
above mentioned stand in an adverbial relation to the na(g)- form: 

s as -naga i he come-to-a-stand-did, like ge naga i he there-did 
Compare the similar parallelism in Wasco of: 

*s-il has been found as a prefix also in the comitative ei-s-il-yaangwa s ni COME IN A CANOE (literally, 




Iclwafc gali xux afraid he-made-himself (= he became afraid) (see 

"Wishram Texts," 152.9) 
~kwd f la gali xux there he-made-himself ( = he got to be there, 

came there) 

Here may also be mentioned the use of verb-stems prefixed to the 
forms of Jcfemn- MAKE and na a g- SAY TO. Such locutions are causa 
tive in signification, but probably differ from formal causatives in 
that the activity of the subject is more clearly defined. Examples 

wede wcfY JcfemnaY do not let him arrive! (literally, not arrive 


wo^Y Jcfemana nxi let me come! (literally, arrive make-me!) 
gwel-lels ~k!emna!n I shall make him lame (literally, be-lame 

yana nalc i let him go (literally, go say-to-him) 

The forms involving Jcfemen- are quite similar morphologically to 
periphrastic futures in -gulug w -, the main point of difference being 
that, while Icfemen- occurs as independent verb, -gulug- is never 
found without a prefix. The forms involving nd a g- are probably best 
considered as consisting of an imperative followed by a quotative 
verb form. Thus yana nak i is perhaps best rendered as "GO! " SAY 
IT TO HIM! The form Tioida-yo ya s s (hold- DANCE + connective -a-) 
ONE WHO KNOWS HOW TO DANCE suggests that similar compound 
verbs can be formed from yoJc y- KNOW. 


A number of syntactic suffixes are found in Takelma, which, when 
appended to a verbal form, serve to give it a subordinate or depend 
ent value. Such subordinate forms bear a temporal, causal, condi 
tional, or relative relation to the main verb of the sentence, but are 
often best translated simply as participles. Four such subordinating 
suffixes have been found: 

-da s (-t a ), serving to subordinate the active forms of the aorist. 

-ma , subordinating those of the passive aorist. 

-na e , subordinating all inferential forms in -k . Periphrastic infer 
ential forms in ei and elt* p* are treated like aorists, the form-giving 
elements of such periphrases being indeed nothing but the second 
person singular and plural aorist of ei- BE. 

-k i (-gi s ), appended directly to the non-aorist stem, forming 
dependent clauses of unfulfilled action, its most frequent use being 



the formation of conditions. Before examples are given of subordi 
nate constructions, a few remarks on the subordinate forms themselves 
will be in place. 

The aoristic -da $ - forms of an intransitive verb like Jidg"- RUN are: 

Independent Subordinate 

First person . . ho lc de e I run Tio f de f da e when I ran, 

I running 

Second person . Tiogwcft* Jiogwada f 

Third person . Jio f lid Vda* 


First person . . hogwiW Jidgwiga m 

Second person . JidgwaYp* "hogwa ffia? 

Impersonal . . . Jibgwlaf u Tidgwia -uda 

Of these forms, that of the first person plural in -a m is identical, 
as far as the suffix is concerned, with the future form of the cor 
responding person and number. The example given above Qio- 
gwiga m) was found used quite analogously to the more transpa 
rently subordinate forms of the other persons (alxl ri xam Tidgwiga m 
HE SAW us RUN, like alxl fi xi 7io de e da HE SAW ME RUN) ; the form of 
the stem is all that keeps apart the future and the subordinate aorist 
of the first person plural (thus Jiogwiga m WE SHALL RUN with short o) . 
No form in -i Ydaf, such as might perhaps be expected, was found. 
The catch of the first and third person singular of class I verbs dis 
appears before the -da s (see 22). The falling accent of the stem, 
however, remains, and the quantity of the stressed vowel is length 
ened unless followed by a diphthong-forming element. Thus: 

ya a da when he went 58.8 (ya he went 96.8); cf. 188.17 
ba-i-lc!iyl fi k*da when he came (ba,-i-k!iyi he came 156.24) 
yawa ida as they were talking 130.13 (yawa is they talked) 
xebe nda? when he did so 142.10 (xebe n he did so 118.14) 

The subordinate form of the third person aorist of class II intransi- 
tives ends in -ZV if the immediately preceding vowel has a rising 
accent. Thus : 

s as init a 5 when he stood (s as inl he stood 120.12) 
lop!ot a when it rained (lophV it rained 90.1) 

In the second person singular the personal -/ and the -d- of the 
subordinating suffix amalgamate to -d-. The subordinate second per 
son plural in -fba is not improbably simply formed on the analogy 
of the corresponding singular form in -da , the normal difference 





between the singular and plural of the second person consisting 
simply of the added -&- (-p*) of the latter; similarly, e-ida f WHEN 
THOU ART and eit*ba WHEN YE ARE. Judging by the analogy of the 
subordinates of transitive forms in -dam and -dap" the subordinate 
forms of the second persons of class II intransitives end in -t a (-da ) 
and -aba (-daba?} : 

s as inlt a 5 when you stood (s as inlt am you stood) 
s as inlt"ba when ye stood (s as inifap* ye stood) 

Note the ambiguity of the form s as inlt a e WHEN HE OR YOU STOOD; 
compare the similar ambiguity in naga -ida s WHEN HE SAID and 
naga-ida / WHEN YOU SAID 130.14; 132.23. 

The transitive subordinates of the aorist are also characterized by 
a suffixed -da , except that forms with a third personal subject 
invariably substitute -(a)na (-ina with first person plural object), 
and that the personal endings -dam (THOU ME) and -dap (YE ME) 
become simply -da and -daba respectively. The latter forms are 
thus distinguished from non-subordinate futures merely by the 
aoristic stem (al-xl ri xda WHEN YOU SAW ME, but al-xl xda YOU 
WILL SEE ME). Analogously to what we have seen to take place 
in the intransitive, -t*p* becomes -t*ba . The subordinate aorists of 
tlomom- KILL are: * 



First person 

Second person 

Third person 

First person 

Second person 


1st per. 

t. omfabinda* 
(t!omoxbi s ri) 

t!omoma nda s 
(t!omoma s ri) 

t!omoxanbanda e 
(t. omoxanba f n) 

2d per. 


(t. umuxdam) 

t. omomada e 

t. omoximida* 
(t. omoximit ) 

3d per. 

t. umtixinas 
(t. umuxi) 

t!omoxbina e 
(t. omoxbi) 

t!omomana r 

t!omoximina s 
(t. omdxam) 

t!omdxanbana f 
(t. omoxanp") 

1st per. 

t .omoxbiiiagam 
(t. omoxbinak") 

t. omomanaga m 
(t. omomana^k ) 

t. omoxanbanagam 
(tfomoxanbanak ) 

2d per. 

(tfiimuxdap ) 

t!omoma t ba s 
(t. omomafp ) 

t!omoximit ba s 
(t omoximit p ) 

The forms with first personal plural subject (-naW) and second 
personal object were not obtained, but the corresponding forms in 
-igafm (first person plural intransitive) and -anaga m (first person 
plural subject third person object) leave no doubt as to their cor 
rectness. These forms differ from ordinary futures of the same 

l The corresponding non-subordinate forms are given in parentheses. 



number and person only in the use of the aorist stem. Only very 
few examples of subordinate -anaga m have been found : 

aga lii ligigwanaga m just- these which- we-brought-home 134.18; 

contrast Itfgwanaga m we shall bring them home 
yewexebe e yagwanaga m if we should slay him (liter ally, perhaps that- 

we-slay-him) 136.23; contrast xe e lagwanaga m we shall slay him 

The use of the aorist stem in the subordinate, it will be observed, is 
also the only characteristic that serves to keep distinct the third 
personal subjective subordinates and the future forms of the passive: 
al-xl fi xbina when he saw you, but al-xl xbina you will be seen 
It may be noted that the third personal subjective aorist forms of 
the transitive may be mechanically formed, like the passives of the 
same tense, from the first person singular subject third person object 
aorist by merely dropping the glottal catch of the latter form and 
adding -a . Thus: 

gel-hewe Jiana when he thought 45.2; 142.10, 13, 16 (cf. gel- 
Jiewe Jia n I thought); but gel-hewe hau he thought 44.11 

The subordinate of the form with personal object -W joa is formed by 
adding -na s : 

maldwana when he told him 72.14 (maldJc wa he told him 142.4) 
The aorist passive subordinates cause no trouble whatever, the 
characteristic -ma being in every case simply appended to the final 
-n of the passive form : 

t!omoma nma when he was killed 146.22 (from Homoma n he was 

killed 148.3) 
t!omdxanbanma when you (plural) were killed 

The complete subordinate inferential paradigm is rather motley in 
appearance; -na is suffixed to the third personal subject in -k : 

p!dna when he bathed 
Idba Yna? when he carried it 126.5 
gaik na when he ate it 
dtimxik na when he killed me 

The first person singular in -7c a (n) becomes -Yandcf; the first 
person plural subordinate was not obtained, but doubtless has 
-k anaya m as ending. The subordinate of the passive in -k am is 
regularly formed by the addition of -na : 

galk amna when it was eaten 
domxamk* amna when we were killed 


The periphrastic forms in elf and eit p* become -Y + eida and 
ett ba in the subordinate; e. g., wa*M if mlc! eidaf* WHEN YOU 
ANSWERED HIM. The active inferential subordinates of do u m- with 
third personal object thus are: 

Singular : 

First person, domk*anda s 

Second person, do u mJc!eida 

First person, domk anaga m 

Second person, do u mJc! eifba 

Third person, domYna?; personal, domic wale na 
Impersonal dd u miaulc*na 

The subordinating element -na also makes a subordinate clause out 
of a -f participle (see 76): 

gwi na t na, 5 ga a ldi naga n how-he-looked (gwi naV how-look 
ing) that all he-was-called 60.5; (cf. 78.3) 
yapla ga na t*na that number of people 110.15 

Also adjectives and local phrases may be turned into subordinate 
clauses by the suffixing of -na : 

xilam-na f when she was sick 188.10 

aga, dd u k gwelda-na 5 this log under-it when ( = while he was under 
this log) 190.20 

Examples will now be given of constructions illustrating the use 
of subordinate forms. It is artificial, from a rigidly native point of 
view, to speak of causal, temporal, relative, and other uses of the 
subordinate; yet an arrangement of Takelma examples from the 
view-point of English syntax has the advantage of bringing out 
more clearly the range of possibility in the use of subordinates. 
The subordinate clause may be directly attached to the rest of the 
sentence, or, if its temporal, causal, or other significance needs to 
be clearly brought out, it may be introduced by a relative adverb 
or pronoun (WHEEE, WHEN, HOW, WHO). Both constructions are 
sometimes possible; e. g., a sentence like i DO NOT KNOW WHO KILLED 
HIM may be rendered either by NOT I-IT-KNOW WHO IIE-HIM-KILLING 
or NOT I-WHOM-KNOW HE-HiM-KiLLiNG. Subordinate constructions 
with causal signification are: 

ts lolx (1) u s i (2) t!umuxda (3) give me (2) dentalia (1), for you 

have struck me (3) (cf. 15.8) 
a nl (1) gel-gulu xi (2) gayawa nda (3) he does not (1) like me 

(2), because I ate it (3) 
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 13 70 


guxde (1) gayawana (2) goyo* (3) yap. a (4) aldl (5) he -l- 
leme JcHf (6) you killed off (6) all (5) the people (4), because 
shamans (3) ate (2) your wife (1) 146.11 

a ntf (1) ya s (2) gi< (3) me s -wd u Vde e da (4) ga cfl (5) he did not 

(1) go (2), because I (3) came (4); ga cfl (on account of, for) 
is employed to render preceding subordinate unambiguously 

a ra* (1) s in-~ho Vwal (2) yu Vna (3) ga (4) ga al (5) slln a (6) 
xa m-hi (7) loip Y (8) not (1) being (3) nose-holed (2), for 
(5) that (4) (reason) Beaver (6) got to be (8) under water (7) 
A temporal signification is found in : 

ha a -yewe i (1) aldll (2) t!omoma nma (3) they all (2) returned 

far off (1), after (many of them) had been slain (3) 146.22 
goyo (1) gel-loJioigwa nma (2) when shamans (1) are avenged 

(2) 148.2 

la-i-k!iyi (1) p im (2) gayawa nda* (3) he came (1) when I 

was eating (3) salmon (2) 
al-xi fi gi n (1) gwi ne (2) ya a da (3) I saw him (1) when (2) he 

went (3) 

Relative clauses of one kind and another, including indirect ques 
tions, are illustrated in : 

a m e (1) nek (2) yoJc!oya f n (3) lege xina* (4) I do not (1) 

know (3) who (2) gave me to eat (4) (literally, not I-whom- 

know he-giving-me-to-eat) 
yok!oya e n (1) neY (2) laga f ximina (3) I know (1) who (2) 

gave us to eat (3) 
man (1) mi xal (2) 7ia-lo7io u nana f (3) he counted (1) how 

many (2) he had trapped (3) 100.8 
a f nl (1) yoklol (2) gwi (3) giniyagwa nma 5 (4) he did not (1) 

know (2) where (3) she had been taken to (4) 13.12 
ga hi (1) duk* (2) dl-t!ugm (3) wa-Hc!ododi nma (4) they wore 
(3) the same (1) garments (2) with which they had been 

buried (4) 96.16 
gl* (1) na nagalt* e e da e (2) na na (3) do (future imperative) (3) 

what I (1) am doing (2) 
l-Vwe e xi (1) ulum (2) waik*anda (3) they awoke me (1) who 

(or while, when I) before (2) was sleeping (3) 74.5; 75.6 

Purpose may be implied by the subordinate in : 

p im (1) gayawana f (2) laga Vi (3) he gave them (3) salmon 

(1) to eat (2) 30.11 

The subordinate serves very frequently as a clause of indirect dis 
course after such verbs as KNOW, SEE, DISCOVER. With a regular 


verb of saying, such as na(g)-, it is nearly always necessary to report 
the exact words of the speaker. 

al-xl ri gi n (1) xebeyigi Ywana? (2) I saw him (1) hurt him (2) 
yok!oya n (1) p im (2) galk na? (3) I know (1) that he has 

been eating (3) salmon (2) (literally, I-know-him salmon he- 


al-xl^xi (1) t!omoxanbanda (2) he saw me (1) strike you (pi.) (2) 
dL-xl fi gi s n (1) dal-yewe ida (2) I saw him (1) run away (2) 

Not infrequently an adverb is to be considered the main predicate, 
particularly when supported by the unanalyzable but probably 
verbal form wala si(na ), while the main verb follows as a subordi 
nate clause. Compare such English turns as IT is HERE THAT i SAW 
HIM, instead of HERE i SAW HIM : 

erne? (1) wata si (2) elt e e da (3) I am (3) right (2) here (1) 

(literally, here it-is really [ ? ] that-I-am) 
eme (1) wala f si (2) eida s (3) you are (3) right (2) here (1) 
ml* (I) wala si (2) $-lc!umanana nhik na s (3) he had already 

fixed it for him (literally, already (1) it-was-really (2) that- 

he-had-fixed-it-f or-him (3) ) 

Examples of subordidates depending on predicatively used adverbs 
without wala si are: 

a m e (1) wana (2) eme (3) ne ida? (4) fit is] not (1) even (2) here 
(3) that they did (4) (probably = even they did not get here) 
7u>p!e e n (1) p!af a s (2) M\s (3) lop!ot a (4) it used to snow long 

ago (long ago [1] that snow [2] almost [3] stormed [4]) 
all (1) Titf-Trleme Tclinda? (2) [it is] right here (1) that I destroy 

them (2) 108.20 

An example of a subordinate depending on a demonstrative pro 
noun is: 

I daga (1) yapla (2) s as inlfa? (3) that man is standing (literally, 

[it is] that [1] man [2] that is standing [3]) 

The form wala fe sina e is in all probability a third personal aorist 
transitive subordinate form in -na , as is shown by its use as a sub 
stantive verb for the third person when following an adverb, appar 
ently to supply the lack of a third person in the regular substantive 
verb ei-: 

erne* (1) wala sina (2) afkla (3) he (3) is right (2) here (!) 

(literally, something like: [it is] here that-it-really-is he) 
ge (1) wala fs s ina (2) he is over there (literally, [it is] there [1] 
that-he-really-is [2]) 



Most astonishing is the use of wala / s ina as a modal prefix of a 
subordinate verb (of the movable class treated above, see 34) to 
assert the truth of an action in the manner of our English DID in 
sentences like HE DID GO. Thus, from dak -da-Jialsbi HE ANSWERED 
YOU, is formed the emphatic dak -da-wala re sina -halsbina HE DID 
ANSWER YOU. The only analysis of this form that seems possible 
is to consider the verbal prefixes daV-da- as a predicative adverb upon 
which wala sina is syntactically dependent, the main verb -Jialsbina* 
itself depending as a subordinate clause on its modal prefix. The 
fact that dak -da- has as good as no concrete independent existence as 
adverb, but is idiomatically used with the verbal base hal- to make 
up the idea of ANSWER, is really no reason for rejecting this analysis, 
strange as it may appear, for the mere grammatical form of a sen 
tence need have no immediate connection with its logical dismem 
berment. The above form might be literally translated as (IT is) 




Conditionals differ from other subordinate forms in that they are 
derived, not from the full verb-form with its subject-affix, but, if 
intransitive, directly from the verb-stem; if transitive, from the verb- 
stem with incorporated pronominal object. In other words, the con 
ditional suffix -k*i e (-gi s ) is added to the same phonetic verbal units 
as appear in the inferential before the characteristic -F, and in the 
periphrastic future before the second element -gulug w -. The phonetic 
and to some extent psychologic similarity between the inferential 
(e. g., dtimxik* HE EVIDENTLY STRUCK ME) and the conditional (e. g., 
dumxigi IF HE STRIKES, HAD STRUCK ME) makes it not improbable 
that the latter is a derivative in -i of the third personal subjective 
form in -F of the latter. The conditional, differing again from other 
subordinates in this respect, shows no variation for pronominal sub 
jects, the first and second personal subjective forms being periphras- 
tically expressed by the addition to the conditional of the third per 
sonal subjective of the appropriate forms of ei- BE. From verb-stem 
yana- GO, for example, are derived: 

Singular : 

First person, yana Vi* eit e 
Second person, yana ~k i elt* 
Third person, yana Yi* 



First person, yana Yi* e bW 

Second person, yana /fc*i eit p* 
Impersonal: yanayauYi 

The conditional is used not merely, as its name implies, to express 
the protasis of a condition, but as the general subordinate form of 
unrealized activity ; as such it may often be translated as a temporal 
or relative clause, an introductory adverb or relative pronoun serving 
to give it the desired shade of meaning. Examples of its use other 
than as a conditional, in the strict sense of the word, are: 

yok!oya f n (1) neli (2) laxbigi* (3) I know (1) who (2) will give 

you to eat (3) 
dewe nxa (1) al-xl Tclin (2) gwi ne (3) yana Vi* (4) I shall see him (2) 

to-morrow (1), when (3) he goes (4) 
al-xl f xinV (1) gwi ne (2) yana Vi* elt*e (3) he will see me (1) 

when (2) I go (3) 
gwen-t f ga a - bo Vdanda (1) ts !o u t!igi (2) ya a (3) Jie e ne (4) ya a (5) 

xe e l)agwa n (6) just (3) A when they touch (2) the eastern 

extremity of the earth (1), just (5) then (4) I shall destroy 

them (6) 144.15 

It has a comparative signification (AS THOUGH) in: 

p!l* (1) de-gu Jc!alxgi (2) na naga i (3) it was (3) as though fire 
(1) were glowing (2) 142.1 

Conditional sentences are of two types: 

(1) Simple, referring to action of which, though unfulfilled, there 
yet remains the possibility of fulfillment. 

(2) Contrary to fact, the hypothetical activity being beyond the 
possibility of fulfillment. 

Both types of condition require the conditional form in the protasis, 
but differ in the apodosis. The apodosis of a simple conditional sen 
tence contains always a future form (or inferential, if the apodosis is 
negative) , that of a contrary-to-fact condition, a potential. Examples 
of simple conditions are: 

ga (1) na nak i elt" (2) haxada (3) if you do (2) that (1), you ll 

get burnt (3) 
aV (1) yana fci* (2) gl* (3) Jiono e (4) yana f t*e e () if he (1) goes (2), 

I (3) go (5) too (4) 
wede (1) yana Yi* (2) gl* (3) Jiono (4) wede (5) yana V a? (6) if he 

does not (1) go (2), I (3) won t (5) go (6) either (4) 
gwalf (1) maJiai (2) wo Fi (3) ga (4) na a gi e Jc* (5) if a great (2) 

wind (1) arrives (3), say (5) that! (4) 196.19 

1 Just when = AS SOON AS. 



The apodosis of such conditions is sometimes introduced by the de 
monstrative pronoun ga THAT, which may be rendered in such cases 


aga (1) xa a -sgo u sgi (2) ga (3) loho t e e (4) if this (1) string parts 
(2), in that case (3) I shall be dead (4) 59.10, (11) 

Of this type are also all general conditions referring to customary 
action that is to take place in time to come, such as are often intro 
duced in English by words like WHENEVER, WHEREVER, and so on. 1 
Examples of such general conditions are : 

wi lau (1) Jclemniyatik*i e (2) wa-fba a gamdina (3) whenever peo 
ple will make (2) arrows (1), they (arrows) will be backed 
(literally, tied) with it (3) (with sinew) 28.2 

wa a dl fi (1) du (2) ~ba-i-ginak*wi 2 (3) goy<? (4) he ne (5) do u - 
mana f (6) whenever a shaman (4) goes out with 3 (3) one 
whose body (1) is good (2), then (5) he shall be slain (6) 146.6 

goyo (1) gel-lohogwiauVi e (2) he s ne (3) ya a s i (4) yapla (5) 
gama xdi (6) p!e f (7) whenever one takes vengeance for (2) 
a shaman (1), just (4) then (3) ordinary (6) people (5) will 
lie (7) (i. e., be slain) 146.8 

wede (1) hono (2) neW (3) al-xl VwaV (4) yapla (5) loho W (6) 
no (1) one (3) will see him (4) again (2), when a person (5) 
dies (6) 98.10 

gana ne^x (1) yo f t" (2) yapla (3) gaik*i (4) thus (1) it shall be (2) 
as people (3) grow, multiply (4) 146.15 

Examples of contrary-to-fact conditions are: 

aldl (1) yuYya W elt e (2) mala xbi n (3) if I knew (2) all (1), 

I should tell it to you (3) 162.5 
nek* (1) yo i (2) dak*-limxgwa (3) if it were (2) anyone else (1), 

it (tree) would have fallen on him (3) 108.11, 13 
i daga (1) ge (2) yu Vi* (3) wede (4) do u ma s n (5) if that one (1) 

had been (3) there (2), I should not (4) have killed him (5) 
gl* (1) ge (2) yu Vi elt*e (3) bo u (4) yana /e (5) Jiaga^ (6) if I (1) 

were (3) there (2), he would have gone (5) in that event (4) 

In the last example, Jiaga" is a demonstrative adverb serving to 
summarize the protasis, being about equivalent to our IN THAT EVENT, 
UNDER THOSE CIRCUMSTANCES. This word may be the adverbialized 

1 General conditions, however, that apply to past time, or that have application without reference to 
time-limit, are constructed by the use of the subordinate for the protasis, and aorist for the apodosis, both 
verbs being, if possible, frequentative or continuative in form : ts- Hxi (1) k ewe tk awalda* (2) h^ne (3) yap. a 
(4) aWayalk (5) WHENEVER THE DOG (1) BARKED (2), THEN (3) HE FOUND (5) A PERSON (4). 

= -ginak w + -k i f . 

8 Causes the death of. 



form of the demonstrative pronoun Jia ga THAT ONE; it is used also 
with persons other than the third: 

yana t*e e liagcf I should have gone in that event 


The potential and inferential modes differ from the aorist in the 
negative particle with which they may be combined. An indicative 
non-future statement, such as is expressed by the aorist, is negatived, 
without change of the verb-form, by means of the negative adverb 
a ni : 

yant e I went; a m yant e I did not go 

An imperative or future form, however, can not be directly negatived, 
but must be expressed by the potential and inferential respectively, 
the non-aoristic negative adverb wede being prefixed. Thus we have: 

Negative future: 

yana f he will go : wede yancftf he will not go 

yanada you will go : wede yana lclett you will not go 

yana t e e I shall go : wede yana f lc a I shall not go 

domxbin I shall kill you : wede domxbiga I shall not kill 

178.15 you (cf. 178.15) 

do u ma^nJc* he will kill him : wede (1) ne Y (2) yapla (3) 

gama xdi (4) do u mY (5) no 
(1) one (2) will slay (5) a 
person (3) who is no shaman 
(4) 146.16 
Negative imperative: 

yana^ go! (sing.) : wede yancft do not go! 

yana^np* go! (pi.) : wede yanaYp do not go! (156.9) 

do u m kill him! : wede do u maY do not kill him! 

ga na ncf do that ! : wede ga na naY do not do that ! 

The particle wede is used with the inferential and potential, not 
only to form the negative future and imperative, but in all cases in 
which these modes are negatived, e. g., wede do u ma f n i SHOULD NOT 
HAVE KILLED HIM, i WOULD NOT KILL HIM. There is thus no morpho- 
logic distinction between a prohibitive DO NOT GO ! and a second person 
subject negative apodosis of a contrary-to-fact condition, YOU WOULD 
NOT HAVE GONE. It is probably not a mere accident that the negative 
particle wede is phonetically identical with the verb-stem wede- TAKE 
AWAY. This plausible etymology of wede suggests that the origin of 



the negative future and imperative constructions lies in such peri 
phrastic sentences as : 

Remove (all thought from your mind) that I (inferentially) go 

(i. e., I shall not go) 
Remove (all thought from your mind) that } T ou might, would 

go (i. e., do not go!) 

The inferential, as we have seen above (see 59), is used primarily 
to indicate that the action is not directly known through personal 
experience. An excellent example ofhow such a shade of meaning 
can be imparted even to a form of the first person singular was given 
in 70; S e i l -k*we f e xi ulum walk*anda* THEY WOKE ME UP WHILE i 
WAS SLEEPING! 74.5 In the myth from which this sentence is taken, 
Coyote is represented as suffering death in the attempt to carry out 
one of his foolish pranks. Ants, however, sting him back into life; 
whereupon Coyote, instead of being duly grateful, angrily exclaims 
as above, assuming, to save his self-esteem, that he has really only 
been taking an intentional nap. The inferential form walYanda? 
is used in preference to the matter-of-fact aorist wayant*e e da e i 
SLEEPING, because of the implied inference, i WASN T DEAD, AFTER ALL, 


HAVE BEEN SLEEPING. Closely akin to this primary use of the 
inferential is its frequent use in rhetorical questions of anger, sur 
prise, wonder, and discovery of fact after ignorance of it for some 
time. Examples from the myths, where the context gives them 
the necessary psychological setting, are: 

geme di (1) gi* (2) wayatixagwaf (3) yu a (4) how (1) should 

I (2) be (4) daughter-in-lawed (3) (i. e., how do I come to have 

any daugher-in-law?) 56.10 I didn t know that you, my son, 

were married ! 
gtf (1) dV (2) ha miVban (3) do u ma (4) did I (1) kill (4) your 

father (3) ? (2) 158.2 
s -gwi dl r (1) le mkliauY (2) where (1) have they all gone (2), 

any way? 90.25, 27 says Coyote, looking in vain for help 
6 + (l) mi* (2) di (3) s amgicfuk* (4) Oh! (1) has it gotten to 

be summer (4) already (2) ? (3) says Coyote, after a winter s 

sleep in a tree-trunk 92.9 
ga (1) di (2) xepT (3) ga (4) di (5) gu u xde (6) gallc" (7) 

so it is those (1) that did it (3) ? (2) those (4) that ate (7) 

my wife (6) ? (5) 142.18 

i s s - merely marks the Coyote (see footnote. 2). 



e me* (1) daba x (2) di (3) el a (4) yuW (5) are (5) canoes (4) 
(to be found) only (2) here (1) ? (3) 114.7 (i. e., why do you 
bother me about ferrying you across, when there are plenty of 
canoes elsewhere?) 

ga (1) di (2) p!a a nt* (3) galk*a e (4) so that (1) was their 
livers (3) that I ate (4) ? (2) 120.14 says Grizzly Bear, who 
imagined she had eaten not her children s, but Black Bear s 
children s, livers, on discovering her mistake 

A peculiar Takelma idiom is the interrogative use of gwl ne WHEN, 
HOW LONG followed by wede and the inferential, to denote a series of 
repetitions or an unbroken continuity of action. Examples are : 

gwl ne (1) di (2) wede (3) walk* (4) he kept on sleeping 

(literally, when[l] did he not [3] sleep [4] i[2]) 142.11; 152.24 
gwi ne (1) di (2) wede (3) JioW (4) he ran and ran (literally, 

how long [1] did he not [3] run [4] ? [2]) 78.14. 
gwl ne (1) di (2) wede (3) dak* am (4) he kept on being found, 

they always stumbled upon him again (literally, when[l] was 

he not [3] found [4] ?[2]) 110.15 

Similar psychologically is the non-negative future in: 

ge me e di (1) Jiono (2) al-da a gVnV (3) they never found him 
again (lit., when[l] will they find him [3] again? [2]) 190.25 

6. Nominal and Adjectival Derivatives ( 73-83) 


Although such derivatives from the verb-stem as infinitives and 
nouns of agency should logically be treated under the denominating 
rather than the predicative forms of speech, they are in Takelma, as 
in most other languages, so closely connected as regards morphology 
with the latter, that it is much more convenient to treat them imme 
diately after the predicative verb-forms. The number of nominal 
and adjectival forms derived from the Takelma verb-stem is not 
very large, comprising infinitives or verbal nouns of action, active 
and passive participles, nouns of agency, and a few other forms whose 
function is somewhat less transparent. The use made of them, how 
ever, is rather considerable, and they not infrequently play an 
important part in the expression of subordinate verbal ideas. 


Infinitives, or, as they are perhaps better termed, verbal nouns, 
may be formed from all verbs by the addition of certain suffixes to 
the stem or stem + pronominal object, if the verb form is transitive. 



Inasmuch as infinitives, being nothing but nouns in form, may take 
possessive affixes, forms may easily result that combine a transitive 
object and a possessive pronoun; e. g., domxbiyat Y MY (-t Y scheme 
in 92) KILLING YOU (-5i-), FOR ME TO KILL YOU (cf. ijexbiyaxdek 
MY BITING YOU 116.9; -x-de scheme n 92). The classification of 
verbs into classes is reflected also in the infinitive forms, each of the 
three main classes being distinguished by a special infinitive suffix. 
The suffixes are: 

Intransitive I -(a^)x. 

Intransitive II -Ywa (-gwa). 

Transitive -ia (-ya). 

The peculiar sub-classes that were grouped together as Class IV 
all form their infinitives in -wa (-gwa). Besides these three main 
suffixes, -(d)epx- (-apx-) with possessive suffixes is employed to form 
infinitives from reflexives in -gwi-, while active intransitives in -xa- 
form their infinitives by employing the bare stem-form with verbal 
derivative -xa. Infinitives in -xa Vwa also occur. The infinitive 
often shows the stem in a purer form than the non-aorist finite 
forms; in particular the non-aoristic -p*- of Class II intransitive verbs 
regularly disappears before the -gwa of the infinitive. 

Examples of infinitives are : 

1. From Class I intransitives: 

walxde your sleeping yana^x to go 

ba a -dawi^x to fly up hoida^x to dance 

Jiogwa^x to run lo u x to play 31.7 

t!e e wa^x to play shinny na ne*x doing 94.10; 72.4; 


ne*x saying 108.16; 184.10 gina^x to go (176.8) (from sim 

ple base gin-; contrast third 
person future ging-a H*) 

Stems ending in long diphthongs either take -x or -ax. Thus we 
have either ha-yeu-x-da a da or Jia-ye e w-a x-da a da IN THEIR 

RETURNING 124.15. 

2. From Class II intransitives: 

wa ae xgwa to wake up (in- t gelxgwa to run around, roll 


geiwa lxgwa to eat la-i-di n xgwa to march 

latfwa to become s a s ank wa to stand 

plala Vwa to tell a myth sana Vwa to fight 



3. From Class IV verbs: 

l-he e gwa Vwa (= -he e g w hag w - al-we TdaWwa to shine 

Jc wa) to work da-WTcla xgwa, to bubble 

under water (observe verb- 
suffix -x- of infinitive; but 
da-boklobafYncfn I make 

4. From -xa- verbs : 

lu f xwcf ( = luk!-xcf) to trap p e lxa to go .to war (but also 

5. From reflexives: 

t"gwa a xa f nt gwidepxdagwa to se e la mt*gwidepxdeV to paint 

tattoo himself myself 

lu xagwant"gwiapxdeWtotTa,p han-se e gwa f ngwiapxdek to 

for myself paddle myself across 

From non-reflexive verbs are derived : 

gariwiapxdeW my eating wuxiapxda a his coming to get 


6. From transitives: 

plcda xbiya, to tell you a myth i-gaxga xgwia to scratch one s 


tl-Tc*wa a lc!wia to wake him i-gi s gis ia* to tickle him 

\l-k*we e xiyatowake me (164.20) wayanagwicf to run after him 
dd a -agania^ to hear about it ld u gwi< to play with it 

wa s -i-doxia to gather them domfrwia 3 to kill him 

The syntactical usage of verbal nouns of action is illustrated in the 
following examples: 

JiuH nfcwat* F Tclemncfnk* he will make me tired (literally, my- 

tiredness he-will-make-it) 
t!omoxd a da wiyina s n I help him kill (literally, his-killing[no ob 

ject] I-aid-it) 

Jio gwax gel-gulugwa f n I like to run (lit., running I-like-it)(196.8) 
ofnl s yoklol nexdeW he does not know what I said (literally, not 

he-knows-it my-saying) 
xi- ugwia ga a^l in order to drink water (literally, water-drinking 

ba-i-lc!iyi f lc* al-xl xbiya ga a^l he came to see you (literally, he- 

came seeing-you for) 

1 Infinitives in -k wa seem sometimes to be formed from other Class I intransitives, e. g., wisma k wa 
TO MOVE; haxa k wda TO BURN (also haxa xgwaa). 
. * TJmlauted from *i-gi s ga.ria. 

3 -k wi- here represents objective -k wa- umlauted by infinitive ending -(y)a (see 8). Similarly s-umt ia 
TO BOIL IT 170.16 from -t aya. 

S 70 


The normal method of expressing purpose, as the last two examples 
show, is by the use of an infinitive followed by the general locative 
postposition ga a^l TO, AT. FOR. The infinitive, as its inclusion of the 
object shows, preserves its verbal character almost completely, and 
may itself govern another infinitive : 

Tc lemma? al-we f fc!alwd a to make it shine (literally, to-make-it 

Not a few infinitives have become more or less specialized as 
regular nouns, though it is extremely doubtful if the transparently 
verbal origin of such nouns is ever lost sight of. Such nouns are : 

plala Vwa myth 50.4; 172.17 ts !ip*ncfx speech, oration (cf. 

ts H p nan I shall make a 
speech to them [146.11]) 

t*ge e mt ga mxgwa darkness sana Ywa fight, battle 

gincfx passage-way 176.9 ts !e e mcfx noise (cf. dd a -ts!em- 

xde s I hear a big noise 90.21) 

ye l sgwix sweat (cf. ye l sgwade e 
I shall sweat [140.1]) 

75. General Remarks 

Participles are either active or passive, and may be formed with 
considerable freedom from all verbs. They have not been found with 
incorporated pronominal objects, the active participles being more 
adjectival than verbal in character, while the passives naturally hardly 
allow of their incorporation. The passive participle is often provided 
with possessive affixes that correspond to the transitive subjects of 
the finite verb; the active participle, on the other hand, undergoes 
no modification for person, but, like any adjective, is brought in con 
nection with a particular person by the forms of the copula ei- BE. 

76. Active Participle in -f 

This participle is formed by simply appending a - , one of the 
characteristic adjectival suffixes, to the verb-stem. Inferential and 
imperative -p*- of Class II intransitives disappears before this ele 
ment (e. g., se nsant" WHOOPING), but not the non-aoristic -p*-, which 
is characteristic (see 42, 1) of some of the verbs of the same class; 
e. g., sana^p* FIGHT T NG (from *sana^p^) . Participles in -t* never 
denote particular action, but regularly indicate that the action predi- 



cated of a person is one that in a way marks him off from others, and 
that may serve as a characteristic attribute. Not infrequently, there 
fore, a -- participle has the value of a noun of agency; the fact, how 
ever, that it never appears with pronominal elements, but is always 
treated as an adjective, demonstrates its attributive, non-substantival 
character. It is possible to use it with a preceding nominal object, 
so that sentences may result that seem to predicate a single act 
definitely placed in time ; yet an attributive shade of meaning always 
remains. For example, wihin domf eie (literally, MY-MOTHER HAV- 
ING-KILLED i- AM) and wiJiin t!omomaf s n both mean i KILLED MY 
MOTHER, but with a difference. The latter sentence simply states 
the fact, the emphasis being on the act itself; the former sentence, 
on the other hand, centers in the description of the subject as a matri 
cide, i AM ONE WHO HAS KILLED HIS MOTHER. The latter sentence 
might be a reply to a query like WHAT DID YOU DO? the former, to 


Examples of -t* participles are : 

(gwi-ncft* how constituted, of what kind? (gwi- [how, where] 
+ naY[from no- do, act]) 14.4, 9, 10; 15.6 
ga-ncft* of that kind, so in appearance 63.12; 192.7 
w&nt* k!eme n I make him old (cf. wuntint*e I grow old) 
t ga a Jiaxcft* burnt field (not passive, but really = field that has 

at one time burned) 92.29 

Ti&lt* eit e s I know how to sing (literally, singing I am) 
yapta lohont* elt*e s I have killed (many) people (literally, people 

causing [ or having caused]-to-die I am) 
I6ho\" having died, dead 148.13 
Ji-awa x-xivriSt* (it is) rotting 
xuda mC elt*e s I am whistler 

ni xa yi^lt having copulated with his mother (insulting epithet 
applied to Coyote) 86.5, 6, 16 

Examples of participles with lost -t* have been given above (see 

77. Passive Participle in -(a)X -/v^ w 

Nominal participial forms in -& w of passive signification can be freely 
formed from all transitive verb-stems, the stem invariably undergoing 
palatalization (see 31). The suffix -& w ordinarily requires a pre 
ceding connective -a- replaced, as usual, by an instrumental -i- in 
such passive participles as are derived from verb-forms themselves 
provided with -i-. Participles in -ok*" tend to be accented on the 

S 77 


syllable immediately preceding the suffix, in which case an inorganic 
-h- generally appears before the -a-} -TiaY w is also regularly used with 
preceding fortis (see 19). It is not unlikely that the suffix is organ 
ically -liak w , the -ha- implying continuity (see 43, 5). Instrumental 
passives in -iY v> ) on the other hand, are generally accented, with raised 
pitch, on the -i- of the suffix. For example, dtimkdk* 1 " (ALWAYS) 


KILLS (literally, KILLED- WITH thing). Inasmuch as -k w - participles, 
differing in this respect from active participles in -t", are distinctly nom 
inal in character, they may be provided with possessive suffixes; e. g., 
dumhaV w -de MY STRUCK ONE. Forms thus arise which, like -t* -par 
ticiples supplemented by forms of ei- BE, have independent predicative 
force. What we have seen to apply to -f -participles, however, in 
regard to particularity of action, applies with equal if not greater force 
"to predicatively used passives in -& <w . While a sentence like I daga 
tlomoma n (domk am) THAT ONE WAS SLAIN, with finite passive, 
implies the fulfillment of a single act, a sentence whose predicate is 
supplied by a passive participle (like I daga dumhaY THAT ONE is 
[REGULARLY] SLAIN, STRUCK) necessarily refers to habitual or regularly 
continued activity: I daga dumhaV w de^Y THAT ONE is MY (REGU 
LARLY) STRUCK ONE thus approaches in signification the finite 
frequentative I daga t!omo amda n THAT ONE i (ALWAYS) STRIKE, 
but differs radically in signification from both I daga t!omoma n 
i KILLED THAT ONE and I daga domt" elt e* i AM ONE THAT HAS KILLED 


Examples of -V w - participles are: 

gwen-sgu u t 6k w (those) with their necks cut off (21.2, 4, 5) 
xa-l-sgl i p*sgiUk w (bodies) cut in two 21.2; 22.3 
(ml*) gela p*ak w 1 something which is (already) twisted 
guJiak w na ne^x like something planted, sown 
wa e -i-duxik w de I have been gathering them (literally, my 

gathered ones) 

datf-wa-p^ti Hik^ (manzanita) mixed with (sugar-pine nuts) 178.5 
fan t gwll gut 6k^dd a squirrel has been burying (go u d-) hazel- 

nuts (literally, squirrel hazel-nuts [ are] his-buried-ones) 2 
88k*ak* w deW I (always) shoot (sd a g-) him (literally, my shot one) 
deV I love her (literally, my loved one) 

1 Cf. galaba s n I TWIST IT; -a - above is inorganic, hence unpalatalized to -e-. 

*t gwll (HAZEI^NUTS) is the grammatical subject; gut ok wdaa predicates the subject; fan (SQUIRREL) is 
outside the main core of the sentence, being merely in apposition with the incorporated -da* (HIS) of the 
nominal predicate. 



As the last example shows, the indirective -s- of verbs with indirect 
object is preserved in -TiaY w participles (contrast mlla^-Y HE LOVED 
HER [inferential]). 

Participles of instrumental signification in -W v are freely employed 
to make up instrumental nouns, such as names of implements. 
Examples are: 

dd u fc-sgu u t!ik* v log-cut- with ( = saw) 

se e l-wa-se e la mdik w black paint (writing) - therewith - painted 

(written) ( = pencil) 

i-smi lsmiliJc w (thing) swung ( = swing) 
duk w -wa-sgu u t!ik w dress-therewith-cut ( = scissors) 
~k!wal-ba a -sgek s(jigiY w grass-up-pitched-with ( = pitchfork) 
yap!a-wa-do u miW w people- therewith-killed, e. g., arrow, gun 
da ma f xau al -wa-xl fi k!ik* t far therewith-seen, e. g., telescope 
iliW w something to stir (mush) up with 

It is interesting to note that forms in -Tc" v may be formed from 
the third person possessive of nouns, chiefly terms of relationship. 
These are shown by the palatalized form of the stem to be morpholog 
ically identical with passive participles in -F". Examples are: 

Noun Participle 

ts lele i his eye 86.7, 9 ts lele ik** eye-having 27.9 

ni xa his mother 17.11 ; 126.7 ni xak w he has a mother 
ma xa his father 17.12; 126.6 me zak w he has a father 
fcV Za j/iZ^ hk woman (178.8) Fe^le p UcHk* he has a wife 

142. 6 
tn^la piklV her husband 46.1 t!i i U p ik!ik* she has a hus 


Such forms in -k w may well be compared to English adjectives of 
participial form in -ed; e. g., LEFT-HANDED, FOUR-CORNERED. They 
may be further adjectivalized by the addition of -at" (see below, 
108) ; e. g., me xagwat* FATHER-HAVING. 

78. Passive Participles in -xap* (-so/? ) 

Less common than passive participles in -(a)F w are certain forms 
in -xap" (-sap ), which, like the former, show a palatalized form of 
the stem, and seem to be identical in function with them. Like 
-k w - participles, again, they may be provided with possessive pro 
nominal suffixes, though these belong to another scheme of endings : 

gel-gula l^ak^-de Y my liked one, I like him ( = gel-gula xab-aY} 
gel-gula alc w -da they like him ( = gel-gula xap*) 



Forms in -xap* are in particular use as names of articles of clothing. 
Examples are: 

gwen-wl fis xwp handkerchief, neckerchief 188.5 (cf. gwen-wi fi ~k!an 

I shall wind it about my neck) 
dak*-wl i xa,p something wound about one s head 
xd a -le e s&p ( = -t!-xa,p*) belt (cf. xd a -ld a t!an I shall put it about 

my waist) 

gwen-pftx&p* pillow (cf. gwen-p!lk*wan I shall lie on pillow) 
/KZ-foZ /tt xap shirt (cf. ha-ld u Jc! w in I shall put on shirt) 
Jia-ya-u-fge n ssnp* ( = -ts!-xap*) vest (cf. lia-ya-u-t ge ntslan I shall 

put it about my middle, ribs) 
s</e /e xap man s hat 


79. Introductory 

Four suffixes have been found that are employed to form nouns 
of agency from verb-stems, - s, -sd a , -si 1 , and -xi. The first of these 
is more strictly verbal in character than the other three, being capable, 
unlike these, of incorporating the pronominal object. -sd a and -si 1 , 
probably genetically related suffixes, are used apparently only with 
intransitive stems (including, however, such as are partly transitive 
in form, i. e., that belong to Class IV). - s and -xi are used with both 
transitive and intransitive stems. 

80. Nouns of Agency in -(a x ) s 

This suffix is used to form agentives with more freedom than the 
others seem to be. The ending - s is added directly to the verb-stem, 
with connective -a!- (instrumental -i-} if phonetically necessary. No 
examples have been found of agentives in - s from intransitives of 
Class II. Examples are (49.4; 60.10) : 

7ioida s dancer hdpxi-t d a ga s child-crier ( = 


Jie e la s singer xut*ma s whistler 

p!d a ga s bather 7c*aiwi f wa -l-doxi s one who 

gathers everything 
yd a da f s swimmer xuma-Jc!emna / s food - maker 

( = cook) 54.4 

ts!a-uya s fast runner 138.2 domxbi e s one who kills you 

ei-sd a gwa e s canoe paddler mdla/ximi e 8 one who tells us 

The last two examples show incorporated pronominal objects; the 
first personal plural object -am- is, as usual, followed by the connec- 


tive -i-. The strongly verbal coloring of the agentive in - s is perhaps 
best indicated by its employment as a final clause. Examples of 
this use are : 

ba-i-lc!iyi Jc*de al-xl i xbi s s I came to see you (literally, as one- 


me s -gini F al-xi i xi s he came to see me 

Jioida s di me -giniga^ did you come to dance? (i. e., as dancer) 
afnl me -gini lc*de lo us s I did not come to play, as player 31.6 
(cf. 74 for another method of expressing this idea) 

81. Nouns of Agency in -s7*, -sa<* 

These, as already observed, are less distinctly verbal in force than 
the preceding. Some verbs have agentives in both - s and -sa a ; e. g., 
he e la s and Jielsa a SINGER. Not infrequently there is a distinct feel 
ing of disparagement in a -sa a - agentive as compared with one in - s s; 
e. g., 7iog w a f s GOOD RUNNER, but lio f sa a ONE WHO ALWAYS RUNS 
(BECAUSE or FEAR). Both of these suffixes are added directly to the 
stem without connecting vowel. If stressed, they have the falling 
accent. -sa a is the regular agentive ending of Class II intransitives; 
-p - is or is not retained before it under the same conditions as in 
the case of the participial -f (see 76). 

Further examples of agentives in -si 1 and -sa a are : 

l-he e gwa f Jc w sl { worker 

da-lds i liar (but non-disparaging lo u s player) 
u ^s I 1 (^u ^s -s l 1 ) k!eme n I make him laugh (literally, laugher) 
av t wa sl 1 blinker 

go-between (settler of feud) 178.11 

^-pIiyawisB, 9 - one going, dancing by side of fire ( = medicine 

/a ( = yims -s a fa ) dreamer ( = medicine-man) 
big sleeper 
,* big sneezer 
se nsanssi* one knowing how to whoop 
sana p^ssi* one knowing how to fight 
s*aV(msa a one always standing 
s u^alssL 9 - one always sitting 
notsfadam yu s& a e e l)iY we are neighbors (literally, neighboring- 

to-us being [ stem yu-] we-are) 
tlobaga sa,* ( = -a s-sa a ) eit you are always lying like dead 

A few nouns in -si 1 , in which an agentive meaning can not well 
be detected, nevertheless doubtless belong here: lo u sV PLAYTHING 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 - 14 81 


(110.6,11) (cf. verb-stem lo u - PLAY); less evidently, le e psi^ FEATHER 
28.2; ala TcsV HIS TAIL (86.21, 23) 

82. Nouns of Agency in -xl 
Only a few verbal derivatives in -xi have been obtained. They are : 

al-huyUxi ( = -x-xi) hunter 

ye e xi" needle, awl (literally [ ?], biter [cf. verb-stem ye e g w - bite]) 


gel-dula yS eit e s I am lazy, one who is lazy 
gel-he * xi stingy (cf. verb-stem 7ie is x- be left over) 
S umxi" paddle stirrer (cf. s u^m-t a- boil) (170.16) 
el tf grgZxI 1 wagon (literally, canoe one-that-rolls) 

83. FORMS IN -I ya 

Two or three isolated verb-forms in -i ya 1 have been found that 
appear to be of a passive participial character. There are not enough 
such forms available, however, to enable one to form an idea of their 
function. The few examples are: 

ga a (1) haxani ysi (2) ml* (3) al-t!ayaW (4) then (3) he dis 
covered (4) a burnt-down (2) field (1) 92.26 
yapla (1) do^mi ya (2) al-t!ayaW (3) he discovered (3) killed 

(2) people (1) 

Both of these forms in -i ya, it will be observed, are derived from 
transitive stems (haxani ya from causative Tiaxa-n- CAUSE TO BURN, 
BURN), and would seem to be best interpreted as attributive passives 
corresponding to the attributive actives in -t\ To these forms 
belongs probably also: 

dl i - hefliy& (1) wa-iwl * (2) girl (2) who sleeps on a raised board 
platform (1) (literally, perhaps, up-boarded girl [cf. 7ie e la*m 
board]) 13.2 

H. The Noun ( 84-102) 

84. Introductory 

Despite the double-faced character of some of the nominal deriva 
tives of the verb-stem (e. g., the passive participles), there is formally 
in Takelma a sharp line of demarcation between denominating and 
predicative elements of speech. This is evidenced partly by the 
distinct sets of pronominal suffixes peculiar to noun and verb, partly 
by certain nominal elements appearing before the possessive affixes 
and serving, perhaps, to distinctly substantivize the stem. Only a 

i Not to be confused with transitive infinitives in -ia\ 


small number of stems have been found that can, without the aid of 
nominal (or verbal) derivative elements, be used as both nouns and 
verbs. Such are: 

Noun Verb 

se e l black paint, writing se e l-a md-a n I paint it 

Jie e lsoug 106.7; (164.16) Ml sing! (170.12) 

liw-a fa naga i he looked (per- liwila f u-t*e I looked (152.17) 

haps = his-look he-did) 55.6 (imperative liu 14.11; [60.2]) 

duV w shirt 96.16 dl-du w wear it! (55.9; 96.16) 

tOTl gambling-sticks in grass- tlu ltlal-siniba? let us gamble 

game at grass-game 31.9 

xle fes p* dough-like mass of l-xlep!e xlib-i s n I mash it into 

camass or fat dough (94.11) 

xan urine xala xam-t*e I urinate 

A number of cases have been found of stem + suffix serving as noun 
and verb (e. g., wu^lha^m MENSTRUAL "ROUND" DANCE 100.10, 16: 
wuHliafmPe* i SHALL HAVE FIRST COURSES 162.7, 8); but in these it 
is probable that the verb is a secondary derivative of the noun. 
Even in the first two examples given above, a difference in pitch- 
accent serves to distinguish the noun from the verb-stem: 7iel-guluW w 
HE WILL SING, but he e l gel-gulu Y HE LIKES, DESIRES, A SONG. The 
use of a stem as both noun and verb in the same sentence may 
lead to such cognate accusative constructions as the English TO LIVE 


se e l-se e la msi write to me! 

du u gwi fi dl-du u gwa^nk* she shall wear her skirt 55.9 

If we analyze noun forms like t!ibagwcfnY MY PANCREAS and 
da a nxdeW MY EAR, we find it necessary to consider five more or less 
distinct elements that go to make up a noun with possessive suffix, 
though all of these but the radical portion of the word may be absent. 

First of all we have the stem (tliba-; dd a -) which may or may 
not be similar in form to a verbal base, and which occurs either as 
an absolute noun unprovided with a pronominal suffix (body-part 
nouns and terms of relationship, however, do not ordinarily appear in 
their naked stem-form) , or as an incorporated noun; e. g., tliba-wesin 


Appended to the stem are the purely derivational or formative 
elements of the noun. Takelma is characterized rather by a paucity 
than an abundance of such elements, a very large proportion of its 
nouns being primitive, i. e., non-derivative, in character. Of the 



two nouns that we have chosen as types da a nxdeW shows no forma 
tive element in the proper sense of the word, while the -gw- of tliba- 
gwa^nW is such an element (cf . from stem llu- LOOK Uu-gw-ax~deW 

More characteristic of the Takelma noun than derivational suffixes 
is a group of elements that are never found in the absolute form of 
the noun, but attach themselves to it on the addition of a pronominal 
suffix or local pre-positive. The -n- and -(a)n- of dd a nxdeW and 
tlibagwcfnt" F, respectively, are elements of this kind (cf. 7ia-da-n-de 
IN MY EAR; Jia-tlibagw-an-de IN MY PANCREAS), also the -a- of dancft Jc* 
MY ROCK (cf. 7ia-dan-a^ IN THE ROCK [from da^n rock]), and the -u of 
Jia-t gau IN THE EARTH 33.7 (from t gd EARTH). The function of these 
elements, if they have any and are not merely older formative suffixes 
that have become crystallized in definite forms of the noun, is not 
at all clear. They are certainly not mere connective elements serv 
ing as supports for the grammatical suffixes following, as in that 
event it would be difficult to understand their occurrence as absolute 
finals in nouns provided with pre-positives ; nor can they be plausibly 
explained as old case-endings whose former existence as such was 
conditioned by the preceding pre-positive, but which now have 
entirely lost their original significance, for they are never dependent 
on the pre-positive itself, but vary solely with the noun-stem: 

lia-dan-a? in the rock; dd a -dan-a^ beside the rock; dal-dan-a? 
among the rocks; dan-cf-fk* my rock; dak -dan-a-de over my 
rock (with constant -a- from dcfn rock 16.12) 

ha-gwa a l-a^m in the road 62.6; dd a -gwd a l-cfm along the road; 
gwa a l-cfm-W my road (96.8) ; dak -gwd a l-am-de over rny road 
(48.6, 8) (with constant -am- from gwdn road 148.7) 

For want of a better term to describe them, these apparently non 
significant elements will be referred to as noun-characteristics. 
Not all nouns have such characteristics : 

Jia-gelcfm in the river (from gela^m river 21.14) as opposed to xd a - 
gulm-a^n among oaks (from gulu^m oak 22.10, 11) 

Whether such nouns were always without them, or really preserve 
them, but in a phonetically amalgamated form, it is, of course, 
impossible to decide without other than internal evidence. 

A fourth nominal element, the pre-pronominal -x-, is found in a 
large number of nouns, including such as possess also a characteristic 



(e. g., da a -n-x-deW) and such as are not provided with that element 
(e. g., sal-x-de^V MY FOOT) ; a large number, on the other hand, both 
of those that have a characteristic (e. g., tlibagw-cf fr-tW) and of 
those that lack it (e. g., lem-t*d a HIS STICK) do without the -z-. A 
considerable number of nouns may either have it between the 
characteristic and the pronominal ending or append the personal 
endings directly to the characteristic, no difference in signification 
resulting. In such doublets, however, the pronominal suffixes be 
long to different schemes: 

bilg-an-x-deW and ~bilg-cfn-t V my breast 
se e ns-i-x-da and se e ns-i - t* your hair 
wa a d-i -x-da (92.24) and wd a d-l H his body 146.6 

The characteristic -a- never tolerates a following -x-. Where doublets 
occur, these two elements seem to be mutually equivalent: ey-cf-Y 
(112.6) and ei-x-deW MY CANOE (from el CANOE 114.3). Such doublets, 
together with the fact that nothing ever intervenes between it and the 
personal suffix, make it possible that this -x- is a connective element 
somewhat similar in function to, and perhaps ultimately identical 
with, the connective -x- of transitive verbs. This, however, is con 
fessedly mere speculation. What chiefly militates against its inter 
pretation as a merely connective element is the fact of its occurrence 
as a word-final in phrases in which no possessive element is found : 

dagax wd Je f i s head without 

ha-da a -n-x molhW in-ear red (i. e., red-eared) 14.4; 15.13 

If the local phrase involves a personal pronominal element, the -x- 
disappears : 

da a -n-x-deW my ear, but ha-da-n-de in my ear 
This treatment marks it off sharply from the noun-characteristics. 

Fifthly and lastly, in the integral structure of the noun, conies 
the possessive pronominal suffix (the first person singular of terms 
of relationship, however, is a prefixed wi-) . The following tabulated 
summary shows the range of occurrence of the various elements of 
the noun: 

1. Stem. Occurs as absolute noun (gwan), or incorporated in verb 


2. Derivative element. Occurs as ending of absolute form of 

noun whose stem appears only in incorporation: t!ibcf-k* w 




[BULL. 40 

3. Noun characteristic. Occurs with all increments of absolute 

form of noun; i. e., with pronominal suffix (gwa a l-a^m-t* V}, 
with pre-positive (Jia-gwa a l-cfm) , and with pre-positive and 
pronominal element (ha-gwa a l-am,-de} . 

4. Pre-pronominal -x-. Occurs with pronominal suffix (dd a -n-x- 

de^Y} and pre-positive (ha-dd a -n-x) , but never with pre-positive 
and pronominal element. 

5. Pronominal suffix. Occurs in two distinct forms: one for 

nouns without pre-positives (da a -n-x-deW) , and one for nouns 
accompanied by pre-positive (Jia-da-n-de} . 
A tabulated analysis of a few typical words follows: 







(ha-) wax.- J 


in the creek 

le r - 



t k 

my anus 

da-uya o- 

k w.- 


my medicine-spirit 





my ear 

bo k d- 




my neck 


la p a.-k!- 


t k 

my woman 



t k 

my plaything 

sge ee- 



my hat 

li u- 




my face 


Jia m- I 


on his back 

ts: e f k ts-. ig- 




my backbone 

(ha-) yaw- 



in my ribs 



t k 

my testicles 


a m- 

t k 

my urine 





my hand ) 

(Aa*-) l- 



in my handj 

1 A point (.) shows the absolute form of the word. 

1. Nominal Stems ( 85, 86} 


The stem is in a very large number of cases parallel in form to 
that of a verbal base (e. g., with da^n ROCK, s om MOUNTAIN, mex 
CRANE, cf. t!an- HOLD, s om- BOIL, he e m- WRESTLE). An extensive 
number of noun-stems, however, are apparently amplifications of a 
simpler monosyllabic base, and have all the outward appearance of 
an aorist stem in the verb. It becomes, then, not only possible, but 
fundamentally important, to classify noun-stems into types that seem, 
and ultimately doubtless are, entirely analogous in form to cor 
responding verbal types. The noun-stem will- HOUSE, for example, 
can be conceived of as formed from a base wil- in the same manner 



as the aorist naga- is formed from the verb-stem nd a g- SAY TO SOME 
ONE. Similarly, the noun yele^x BURDEN-BASKET is phonetically 
related to a hypothetical base *yelx-j as is the aorist leme-Jc!- to the 
non-aorist lem-k!-. A small number of nouns appear in two forms, 
one corresponding to the aorist stem, the other to the verb-stem of a 
verb: gulu^m OAK, but with characteristic -(a)n-:gulm-an-(ihe non- 
aorist gulaSm with inorganic -a- also occurs). Similarly, yulu^m and 
yula^m EAGLE. In such variable nouns we have a complete morpho 
logic analogy to Type 2 (or 3)) verbs like aorist xudwn- WHISTLE, 
verb-stem xut m- (with inorganic -a-: xudam-) . In both gulu^m and 
xudum- the -m- is almost certainly a suffixed element. It must be 
carefully noted, however, that, while in the verb we very often have 
both the aorist stem and the base (as verb-stem) in actual existence, 
in the case of nouns we rarely can go beyond the stem as revealed in 
an absolute or incorporated form. It is true that sometimes a 
hypothetical noun-base phonetically coincides with a verbal base, but 
only in the minority of cases can the two be satisfactorily connected. 
Thus, yut!-, abstracted from yutlu^n DUCK, is very probably identical 
with the yut!- of aorist yuHuyad- SWALLOW GREEDILY LIKE HOG OR 
DUCK. On the other hand, little is gained by comparing the yul- of 
yulu^m EAGLE with the yul- of aorist yuluyal- RUB; the p!iy- of 
pli yin DEER and pli yax FAWN with the aorist -pHyin-Qc wa-) LIE 
ON PILLOW (cf. gwen-p! ixap* PILLOW), unless the deer was so called, 
for reasons of name-taboo, because its skin was used for the making 
of pillows (or, more naturally, the reverse) ; x the way- of way a? KNIFE 
with way- SLEEP ; or the noun-stem yaw- RIB (occurring as ya-u- when 
incorporated) with the verb-stem yaw- (yiw-} TALK. It is not justi 
fiable to say that noun-stems of apparently non-primitive form are 
necessarily amplified from the bases that seem to lie back of them 
(e. g., will- from wil-; yulu-m from yul-), but merely that there is a 
strong tendency in Takelma for the formation in the noun of certain 
typical sound-groups analogous to those found in the verb. 


Though it is probably impossible to duplicate all the various types 
of aorist and verb stem found in the verb, most of those that are at 
all frequent occur also in the noun. 

^Improbable, however, if aorist p. eyen- HE and p. iyin-k wa- LIE ON PILLOW are radically connected (see 31). 




[BULL. 40 

1. The most characteristic type of noun-stem in Takelma is the 
monosyllabic group of consonant (less frequently consonant-cluster) + 
vowel (or diphthong) + consonant (less frequently cluster). This 
type may be considered as corresponding to the normal monosyllabic 
verb-stem. Out of a very large number of such primitive, underived 
noun-stems are taken a selection of examples. 

Occurring as naked stems only when incorporated: 

s-in- nose , 

dd a - ear 

gel- breast 

gwen- neck 

dag- head 

S al- foot 

Occurring as absolute nouns: 

nox rain 90.1 

p ft fire 62.10; 78.13 

le sun 54.3; 122.15; 160.20 

~bem tree, stick 25.5; 48.7 

xi" water 15.1; 57.14 

fga land 49.12; 73.9 

t gwa^ thunder 55.8 

p!a a s snow 90.2, 3; 152.16 

2> i v m salmon 17.12; 30,10 

Ian salmon-net 31.2; 33.4 

mat salmon-spear shaft 28.7 

t gwa^n slave 13.12 

gwan trail 148.7 


del yellow-jacket 73.7, 10 

mex crane 13.1 

xe m raven 162.8, 12 

s-em duck 55.2; 166.10 

sel kingfisher 

mel crow 144.9; 162.7 

yak* w wildcat 42.1; 46.9 

xcfmk" grizzly bear 106.14 

dip* camass 108.18; 124.12 

Iclwdl grass 31.8 

MX roasted camass 178.4 

o u p* tobacco 194.1 

Tclwal pitch 88.13; 158.9 

yup" woman s basket-cap 178.3 


gwel- leg 

yaw- rib 

I- hand 

xd a - back 

de e - lips, mouth 

Jia- woman s private parts 

mo x grouse 

t*gweW w rat (sp.?) 

t*l fi 8 gopher 78.4, 7 

sbin beaver 112.1; 166.12 

s-ux bird 22.4; 166.10 

dcfn rock 13.6; 16.12 

ld a p" leaves 

s lx venison 16.6; 55.1 

xln mucus 

Za u excrement 122.2 

J gra raelk 158.4; 196.6 

tldY mussel 26.7 

bo u n acorn-hopper 

a x fir 24.10; 54.6 

hulk* panther 42.1 

ll w skunk 164.2 

fan squirrel 94.2, 4 

S om mountain 43.6 

xdn urine 

do u m testicles 130.20 

do u m spider 

hou jack-rabbit 108.8 

ga l bow 

hdl cloud 13.3 

llu grasshopper 92.28, 29 

xnW acorn dough 16.12 

gul thick brush 71.1 

t gwll hazelnut 116.5, 11, 14 


Occurring generally with possessive suffix: 

! , wa a d- body 92 24; 130.24; 

[father 17.12; 70.7; 158.3 146 6 

fiam-) 7 . 

xu u l- brains 

se e n- skin 
17.9; 76.10, 13; ^_ b uttoc k s 45>9 . 72.10; 

172 17 94.15 

ife 13.2; 45.3; 64.5; 142.12 Ulg- breast 
Vtf- male, husband 45.14; 126.14 Yu u l- hair 24.8; 162.4 
nl*- teats 30.14 (ni* found as a-is-- property 23.2; 154.13 

absolute form 130.9) 
p!a a n- liver 120.15 (plan found 
as absolute form 57.9, 13) 

These lists might be very greatly increased if desired. It will be 
noticed that a considerable number of the nouns given are such as 
are generally apt to be derivative or non-primitive in morphology. 

In regard to accent monosyllabic nouns naturally divide themselves 
into two classes: those with rising or raised accent, embracing the 
great majority of examples, and those with falling accent. Of the 
latter type a certain number owe their accent to a glottal catch of 
the stem. Besides ga l e t already given above, may be cited: 

t*go /ie leggings 
fc.Wssinew27.13; (28.1) 
p!e e l s basket-plate 168.15 
Tc~o e x tar- weed seeds 26.15 

These offer no special difficulty. There is a fairly considerable num 
ber of monosyllabic nouns, however, in which the falling accent can 
not be so explained, but appears to be inherently characteristic of 
the nouns. Besides d u p , p!a a s, t*i fi s, and la fa p\ may be mentioned: 

ne *l song 106.7 </e fc w yellowhammer 90. 18; 194.15 

se e l black paint, writing t*be e ~k w shinny-ball 

ge e t* xerophyllum tenax a f W silver-side salmon 

ye e tears p!e e s (with derivative -sf see 87, 

wa a s bush (sp.?) 25.12 8) flat rock on which acorns are 

pounded 74.13; 75.2; 118.17 

For two of these nouns (he e l and se e l) the etymology is obvious. 
They are derived from the verb-stems Jie e l~ SING and se e l-(amd-) 
PAINT; it may well be that the falling accent here characterizes sub 
stantives of passive force (THAT WHICH is SUNG, PAINTED). Possibly 
lo! a p and o u p* are to be similarly explained as meaning THOSE THAT 

1 Most nouns of relationship show monosyllabic stems; none can be shown to be derivative in character. 




stems la a l}- CARRY and o u b- DIG UP). 

2. A very considerable number of noun-stems repeat the vowel of 

the base, corresponding to aorist stems of Type 2 verbs. Such are: 
wi li house 13.1; 14.8; 192.6 gwit!\-(n}- wrist 

te /i sidog fc a&a- son 23.2; 128.5; 138.14 

moxo buzzard 105.23 za#a- maternal aunt 

sg\ s\ coyote 13.1; 70.1; 108.1 xli wi war-feathers 110.18 
sgwini" raccoon wa?/a r knife 73. 3; 144.20; 172.12 

&/a ma spit for roasting 170.17 #oyo x shaman47.11;142.7;188.7 
yap/a v person 14.12; 96.2; 128.2 w o u p!u-(n)- eyebrows 
yana" acorn 15.16; 16.9; 58.9 

With probably derivative final consonant are : 
lege^m- kidney d&g&^n turtle 

Zap am frog 102.10; 196.3 te-/aza /a ?i blue-striped lizard 

yulu^m eagle 77.2; 122.15;164.8 wigln red lizard 
gulu jn oak 22. 10 li bin news 108.20; 194.9 

fc uZumfish (sp.?) yi win speech 126.10; 136.12 

loxo m manzanita 126.17; 178.5 te /araaZ mouse 102.10; 104.9; 


yutlu^n white duck 55.5 s-imiV dew 

pH yindeeT 17.1; 42.2; 54.2 (k!el}melid-l fi basket for cook- 

g& Jcl&n ladder 176.8 ing 178.4 

Here again it will be observed that the rising or raised accent is 
the normal one for the second syllable of the stem. But here also a 
well-defined, if less numerous, group of noun-stems is found in which 
the repeated long vowel bears a falling accent. Examples are: 
t gw&lsi * hooting owl 194.9 t!iUs l fi ant 74.4; 75.5 

M u s u u chicken-hawk 142.6 da,-uysi fa shaman s spirit (? from 

dawy- fly) 164.14 
s uhu u quail 70.2, 5; 71.4 maya^-fc 1 "- orphan 154.5 

Compare also Honors below (Type 3); ts HWk!- and t*bele s (Type 
3) owe their falling accent to the presence of a glottal catch. 

Very remarkable is the stem formation of the noun tluxu i DRIFT 
WOOD 75.5. It is evidently formed from the verb-stem do u x- (aorist 
stem tloxox-} GATHER (WOOD) according to aorists of Type 7b, at the 
same time with vowel ablaut (cf. theoretic t!uxU-xi HE GATHERS ME) 
and falling accent, perhaps to give passive signification (see 86, 1); 
its etymologic meaning would then be THAT WHICH is GATHERED. 
No other noun of similar stem formation has been found. 

1 If this etymology of o up is correct, Pit River dp TOBACCO must be borrowed from Takelma. 



3. It is not strictly possible to separate noun-stems corresponding 
to aorists of verbal Type 2 from those that are to be compared with 
aorists of Type 3. The doubt that we found to exist in the verb as 
to the radical or suffixal character of certain consonants is present 
also in regard to the final consonant of many dissyllabic nouns. 
The following nouns with repeated vowel show final consonants that 
are not thought to be elements of derivation. If this view is correct, 
they are to be compared with Type 3 aorist stems. 

libis crawfish 30.2 u Ziifc/- hair 27.1; 140.6; 158.1 

nihwiW black bear 116.1; deges 1 - sifting basket-pan 

118.1 196.13 

ts !ili fi lc!- elbow Jc!&ba?s porcupine-quills 

S idib-i- (house) wall 176.4, 9 t gw&y& m lark 22.1; 160.3 

lep!es cat-tail rushes hulun ocean 60.8; 154.14 

t bele e s pine-nuts olio^p" black shells (sp. ?) 55.9 

tlewex flea motlo^p" seed-beater 

pestle 56.1 yuklum- salmon-tail 198.9 

* cricket dugv^m baby 126.9 
Z/o?i6 /u s- humming-bird (per 
haps with derivative -s) 

4. Analogous to aorist stems of Type 4 verbs (e. g., yewei-) are a 
few nouns with repeated vowel and following -4- to form a diphthong. 
Of such nouns have been found: 

ts- /eZei- eye 27.8 ; 86.7 ; 92.20 da-kldo i-da-x- cheek 

k wedei- name 100.21 raa/iaH (adjective) large. 196. 10 
&/eZei- bark 54.6 (cf. plural mahmi 130.4 for 

Jclolol storage basket 61.5; base) 


That the final -i- of these nouns is not an added characteristic, 
but an integral part of the noun-stem, is proven by the facts that no 
examples have been found of vowels followed by noun-characteristic 
-i- (ordinarily -n- or -m- is employed), and that ts lelei- has been 
found incorporated in that form. 

5. A few nouns are found that show a repeated initial consonant; 
they may be compared to Type 10 aorist stems. Examples are: 

se e ns- hair 136.28 (cf. se e ^- boy alder (94.17) 

lu fi l- throat 25.2 ( ? cf . aorist ts \u n e s (ts- lunts /-) deer- 

lomol choke) skin cap embroidered with 


1 Absolute form dega^s 178.4; cf. yula^m 164.3 alongside olyulvfm 77.8? 



suns thick, deep (of snow) 90.3 ts \e n e s (ts lents l-) wild-rose 

berry 92.23 
bebe^-n rushes bap seeds (sp.?) (34.1; 79.9; 


bu u b-a"n arm 23.2, 4; (172.4) ts Ia^V 1 bluejay (onomato- 

poetic) 22.14; 102. 10; 166.11 

sens bug (sp.?) help* 2 swan 102.10; 104.14 

Here may also be mentioned k!a mak!a a HIS TONGS (also lc!a f ma, a }. 
6. Reduplicated nouns are not frequent in Takelma, particularly 
when one considers the great importance of reduplication as a gram 
matical device in the verb. Examples corresponding in form to Type 
12 aorists (i. e., with -a- [umlauted to -i-] in second member) are: 

gwi nt*gwin-i- shoulder (also ts !e ~k ts !ig-i- backbone 112.4; 

t*gwi fi nt gw-i-) 198.6 

gelgcfl fabulous serpent (cf. gi xgap* medicine, poison 

aorist gelegal-amd- tie hair (irreg.) 188.12 

into top-knot 172.3) 

stfnsa^n decrepit old woman gwi sgwas chipmunk 

yuYya Yw-a (place name) p d fp id-i- salmon-liver (with 

188.13 dissimilated catch) 120. 19,20 

t ga Wgil-i- belly ~bo u bid-i- orphans (also&ctf &a) 

Also wa-iwl fi GIEL 55.7; 96.23 doubtless belongs here; the -wl fi of the 
second syllable represents a theoretic -wi y, umlauted from -wa y, the 
falling accent being due to the inorganic character of the repeated a. 
A very few nouns repeat only the first consonant and add a, leaving 
the final consonant unreduplicated. Such are: 

ba ba a red-headed woodpecker (onomatopoetic) 92. 2, 6 

ha f Jc l d a ( = *7idk!-Jia a ) goose 102.10; 106.2, 5 

boba a orphan 122.1, 5 

A few nouns, chiefly names of animals, show complete duplication 
of the radical element without change of the stem-vowel to -a- in the 
second member. This type of reduplication is practically entirely 
absent in the verb. Examples are: 

ts !e e ts !e e small bird (sp.?) aL-Tcloklo^ (adj.) ugly-faced 


daldcfl dragon-fly 21.1; 28.6 bolo^p screech-owl 194.1 

p abd a p* manzanita-flour fga nt gan fly (upper dialect) 

Even all of these are not certain. Those with radical -a- might 
just as well have been classified with the preceding group (thus 

* is felt to be equivalent to -ts ! is shown by Bluejay s song: ts- la its- !l-a gwa tca gwatca 104.7. 
>bel-is felt as the base of this word, cf. Swan s songbeleldo+ wa inha 104.15, which shows reduplication 
of bel- like aorist held- of hel- SING. 


ddldcfl may be very plausibly connected with aorist tlalatlal- from 
Halal-, non-aorist da a ldal from dd a l- CRACK); while p*aba a p l and 
may, though improbably, show Type 1 reduplication 
- like p!db-ab- CHOP). This latter type of reduplica 
tion seems, however, to be as good as absent in the noun (but cf. 
sgwogwoW w ROBIN; mdelx BURNT-DOWN FIELD 92.27 may be morpho 
logically verbal, as shown by its probably non-agentive -x). The 
fullest type of reduplication, that found exemplified in the aorists 
of Type 13 verbs, has not been met with in a single noun. 

2. Noun Derivation ( 8V, 88) 


The number of derivative suffixes found in the noun, excluding 
those more or less freely employed to form nominal derivatives from 
the verb-stem, are remarkably few in number, and, for the most part, 
limited in their range of application. This paucity of live word- 
forming suffixes is, of course, due to a great extent, to the large num 
ber of nominal stems in the language. The necessity of using such 
suffixes is thus greatly reduced. The various derivational affixes found 
in the Takelma noun will be listed below with illustrative examples. 

1. (a)-. This is the only derivational prefix, excluding of course 
such considerably individualized elements as the body-part prefixes 
of the verb, found in Takelma. It is employed to form the words 
for the female relationships corresponding to ELDER BROTHER and 


waxa his younger brother 54.1, 5 t awaxa his younger sister 55.2 
wi- $ obl my elder brother 46.10 wi-t oll my elder sister (55.14) 

2. -la p*a(k!-). This suffix is found only in a number of nouns 
denoting ranks or conditions of persons; hence it is not improbable 
that it was originally a separate word meaning something like PER 
SON, PEOPLE. That it is itself a stem, not a mere suffix, is shown by 
its ability to undergo ablaut (for- le p*i- see 77). -k!- is added to it 
in forms with possessive or plural affix. For example, homt!i i la p*a 
178.7 MALE, HUSBAND are formed t!i is lafp*ik!iY MY HUSBAND 
(142.7) and t!l u lafp ak!an HUSBANDS, MEN (130.1, 7). The fact that 
the stem preceding -la p a appears also as a separate word or with 
other elements indicates that words containing -la p*a may be best 
considered as compounds. 



Examples are: 

J/Ma p a male, husband 178.7 (cf. ill 1 - husband, male) 
&V la p a woman 25 9, 12; 108.4, 5 (cf. fcWo fc da girl who has 

already had courses) 

rao%ola p a old woman 26.14, 16; 56.3 (cf. mologo^l old woman 
168.12; 170.10) 

a p afc/owi orphans (cf. lot" la orphan and lo^lid-i-t Y 
my orphaned children) 

p afc/an old men 128.11; 130.1 (cf. lomtll fi old man 24.11; 
os o^la/p a poor people 

3. -& . A number of place-names with suffixed -V have been found : 

La mhik Klamath river 

Sblnk Applegate creek (cf. sbin beaver) 

Gwen-p unk village name 114.14 (cf. p*v?n rotten 140.21) 

Ha-t!onk village name 

Dak -t gamlk village name (cf. fga^m elk) 

Gel-yolk* village name 112.13; 114.8 (cf. yal pine) 

Somolu^k * village name 

Dal-dani^k village name (cf . da^n rock) 

4. -a s (n). Nouns denoting PERSON COMING FROM are formed by 
adding this suffix to the place-name, with loss of derivative -F. 
Examples are: 

Ha-gwd a lsi person from Ha-gwal, Cow creek 

Lamli% i y& e person from La mhik , Klamath river 

SWns! s person from Sbink , Applegate creek 

Dal-sa lsansf person from Dal-salsan, Illinois river 

Di -lomiysi s person from DlMomi 

Gwen-p*u n& person from Gwen-p unk 

Dal-daniy& s person from Dal-dani v k 

S omolo, 5 person from S omolu v k (see footnote) 

Ha-t!o u no, /s person from Ha-t!onk 

La-t*ga a wa, person from La-t gau, uplands 192.14 

DaJc*-t*gamiya, f person from Dak -t gamik 

Hor-ftfla, 6 person from Ha-t il 

Gel-ya a lsi person from Gel-yalk 

Dak*-ts!d a wan& s person from dak -ts !a a wa x n, i. e., above the 

lakes (= Klamath Indian) 
DaV-ts!d a malsi 

1 The -u*- of this word is doubtless merely the pitch-accentual peak of the -1-, the -u- resonance of the 
liquid being due to the preceding -o-. The word is thus to be more correctly written as Somolk (similarly, 
wulx EXEMY was often heard as wulu^x), as implied by S~omola s ONE FROM SOMOLK . In that event 
s-omol-ls very probably a frequentative in v+l (see 43, 6) from s-om MOUNTAIN, and the place-name 



Da a -gelmei u person from Da a -gela v m, Rogue river ( = Takelma 

Di-dalam& u person from Didalam, Grant s Pass 

Judging from the material at hand, it seems that -af n is used only 
when the place-name ends in -m, though the ease with which -af n 
may be heard as -a s (see first footnote 60) detracts from the cer 
tainty of this generalization. 

5. -yw-. This element occurs as a suiiix in a number of terms 
relating to parts of the body. Examples are : 

t!iba^k w pancreas 47.17; t!ibagw-cfn-f my pancreas (47.5, 6, 7, 

13) (incorporated tliba- 46.1, 9) 
li ugw-ax-dek* my face (cf . verb-stem Im- look) 
da s madagw-cfn-t*F my shoulder 
da-uya fa ]z w -dek* my medicine-spirit (incorporated da-uya a - 


Ze kV-6Mi-f Y my rectum (cf. Za v excrement 122.2) 
ma p!agw-a-t*lc* my shoulder-blade 

6. -(a)n- (or -m-, --). There are so many nouns which in their 
absolute form end in -(a)n or its phonetic derivatives -(a)m- and -(a) l- 
(see 21) that there is absolutely no doubt of its suffixal character, 
despite the impossibility of ascribing to it any definite functional value 
and the small number of cases in which the stem occurs without it. 
The examples that most clearly indicate its non-radical character will 
be conveniently listed here : 

Tie e ltfiL board 176.5 (cf. dtf-he liya sleeping on board platform 13.2) 

fe /eZa m hail 152.12, 16 (cf. verb-stem ts ld- rattle) 

pH yin deer 13.10; 42.2 (cf. pli yax fawn 13.11; 49.11) 

yi wiu speech 126.10; 138.4 (cf. verb-stem yiw- talk) 

li bin. news 194.9 (? cf. verb-stem laba- carry) 

yutlu^n white duck 55.5 (cf. verb-stem yut!- eat greedily) 

do lk* a,m-a- anus (also do W-i- as myth form 106.4, 8) 

do f lim-i- 

doWm-i- 106.6, 9 

xdau eel (cf . reduplicated 7ia -xda a xdagwa n I throw away some- 

thing slippery, nastily wet [49.7]) 
s ugw^u root basket 124.5 (cf. s ugwidl it lies curled up like 

bundled roots or strings) 
dan ye^wald-m-l 1 rocks returning-to- them, myth name of Otter 

160.10, 13 (cf. verb-stem ye e w-ald- return to) 

Other examples, etymologically untransparent, will be found listed 
in 21. The difference between this derivational -n (-m) and 



noun-characteristic ~n- (-m) lies in the fact that the former is a neces 
sary part of the absolute form of the word, while the latter appears 
only with grammatical increments. Thus the -am of he e la*m BOARD 
can not be identified with the -am of ha-gwd a la^m IN THE ROAD, as 
gwa a la*m has no independent existence. The exact morphologic cor 
respondent of gwd a l-am- is he e lam-a- (e. g., 7ie e lam-a*-tW MY BOARD). 
A doubt as to the character of the -n- can be had only in words that 
never, or at least not normally, occur without possessive suffix: 

lege^m-t Jc my kidneys 

wd u p!u?n-t* my eyebrows 1 

7. -a. There are a rather large number of dissyllabic nouns or 
noun-stems with final -a, in which this element is to outward ap 
pearance an integral part of the radical portion of the word. 
The number of instances in which it occurs, however, is considerable 
enough to lead one to suspect its derivational character, though it 
can be analyzed out in an even smaller number of cases than the 
suffix -n above discussed. The most convincing proof of the exist 
ence of a suffix -a is given by the word xu ma FOOD, DRY FOOD, 54.4; 
188.1, a derivative of the adjective xu^m DRY 168.15 (e. g., p im xu^m 
DRIED SALMON; cf. also xumu fcde? i AM SATED [132.1]). Other pos 
sible examples of its occurrence are: 

yoW fox (? cf. verb-stem yul- rub) 70.1, 4, 5; 78.2, 3, 9 

mensS bear 72.3; 73.2, 3, 4, 5; 106.7, 10 

pleld^ slug 105.25 

noxwa? small pestle 

fe lma, small pestle 62.1; 116.18, 19; 118.2 

ma xla, dust 172.3; 184.5, 9 
? grass for string (sp. ?) 

shinny-stick (? cf. verb-stem t!eu- play shinny) 
louse (? cf. verb base tlel- lick) 116.3, 6, 7, 8, 11 

t!ib&- pancreas 46.1, 9; 49.7 

eZa- tongue (characteristic -a-T) 

dolsi" old tree 24.1 

yano? oak 22.11; 168.1, 2,3, 6, 7 (cf. yangwa^s oak sp.; with 

-gwas cf . perhaps al-gwa s-i- yellow) 

It is of course possible that some of the dissyllabic nouns in -a 
listed above ( 86, 2) as showing a repeated vowel (e. g., ya pla) really 
belong here. 

i These seem to be parallel to gwit.Vn-t k MY WRIST, in which -n-, inasmuch as it acts as the equivalent 
of the characteristic -& (cf. gwit!iuxde"k MY WBIST with luxdeW MY HAND), is itself best considered 
characteristic element. 



8. -s. This element is in all probability a derivational suffix in 

a fairly considerable number of words, as indicated particularly by 

the fact of its frequent occurrence after a consonant. Examples are: 

p!e *s mortar-stone fastened in ground (cf. verb-stem p!e- lie) 

74.13; 120.17 

la^ps blanket (? cf. base lab- carry on shoulder) 98.14, 15, 19, 21 
p!e*ns squirrel 

gums (adj.) blind 26.14 (? cf. gomhaW" rabbit) 
bels moccasin 

letups worm (? cf. verb-stem go u l-, aorist Tclolol- dig) 
yols steel-head salmon (? cf. yolcf fox) 
moss 43.16; 44.1; 47.15 

sky 79.7 (cf. verb-prefix bam- up) 
Mis (adj.) long 14.5; 15.12, 15 (? cf. da-balni -xa [adv.] long time) 

Also some of the dissyllabic nouns in -s with repeated vowel listed 
above ( 86, 3) may belong to this set. 

A few other stray elements of a derivational aspect have been 
found. Such are: 

-ax in pti yax fawn 13.11; 16.8; 17.1, 2 (cf. pli yin deer) 
-xi 1 in bomxi* otter 13.5; 17.13; 154.13; 156.14; u xi seed-pouch; 
M a pxi^ child 13.8, 13 (cf. hap" da his child 98.13 and ha a p*- 
incorporated in 7id a p*-lc!emna s Children-maker 172.15) 
pluralic -x- in Jiapxda his children 16.3; 118.1, 14 
-x- varies with -s- in adjective Tiapsdi small; Jia a pxi Jiapsdi 

little children 30.12 

A large number of dissyllabic and polysyllabic nouns still remain 
that are not capable of being grouped under any of the preceding 
heads, and whose analysis is altogether obscure: 
laxdis wolf 13.1; 16.10; 17.10 
domxa^u Chinook salmon 
yik aY red deer 
yiba xam small skunk 
bixa^l moon 196.1 

lc!a f nak!as basket cup (probably reduplicated and with deriva 
tive -s) 


Of compounds in the narrower sense of the word there are very 
few in Takelma. Outside of personal words in -ld p*a, which we 
have suspected of being such, there have been found : 
lomttf* old man 24.11, 12; 126.19 (cf. ill 1 - male) 
Tc*a, is s m o Tc*da girl who has had courses (cf. Jc*a is la p*a woman) 

i Cf. -xi above, 82. 
3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 15 88 


Independent nouns may, however, be juxtaposed without change of 
form to make up a descriptive term, the qualifying noun preceding: 

Jiapxi-t!l ri t a a child male-person ( = boy) 14.1, 6; 17.3,6; 156.10 

liapxi-wa-iwl ri child female-person ( = girl) 29.7; 30.1; 71.3 

Jiapxi-t a a ga s child crier ( = cry-baby) 

da n mologo^l rock old-woman 170.10, 15, 20; 172.1 

dan ~hapxi-t!i fi t d a rock boy 17.8 

dan wtfll * his rock knife 142.20 

gwa s will brush house (for summer use) 176.14 

ydx wili graveyard house 14. 8, 9; 15.5, 6 

will* lie e la?m house boards 176.5 

xamV wa-iwi fi grizzly-bear girl 124.10; 130.6, 7, 26 

mena dap!a la-ut*an bear youths 130.11 

yap! a goyo^ Indian doctor 188.12 

Examples of compounds in which the first element is modified by a 
numeral or adjective are: 

wili Tia lgo f yaplc? house nine people ( = people of nine houses) 

yapla alt gu ie s goyo^ person white doctor ( = white doctor) 188. 1 1 

A certain number of objects are described, not by a single word, 
but by a descriptive phrase consisting of a noun followed by an 
adjective, participle, or another noun provided with a third personal 
possessive suffix. In the latter case the suffix does not properly indi 
cate a possessive relation, but generally a part of the whole or the 
fabric made of the material referred to by the first noun. Such are : 
lasgu m-luxgwaY snake handed ( = lizard) 196.4 
fgvD&ts HfWda hazel its-meat ( = hazel-nut) 
t gwa he e lama a thunder its-board ( = lumber) 55.8, 10 
pliyin sge e xa bd a deer its-hat (not deer s hat, but hat of deerskin) 
pfiyin ts lu nts W deer its-cap-embroidered-with woodpecker- 
Tcai mologold p*axda a what its- woman ( = what kind of woman?) 


wi li gwala* houses many ( = village) 
ts li xi malia^i dog big ( = horse). 

p*im s inlxdc, salmon its-nose ( = swallow) (perhaps so called 
because the spring run of salmon is heralded by the coming of 

mena* alt guna^px bear + ? ( = dormouse [ ? ]) 
xi lam sebeY dead-people roasting ( = bug [sp. ?]) x 98.13, 15 
p un-yiW rotten copulating- with ( = Oregon pheasant) 

i See Appendix B, note 2 of first text. 



89. 3. Noun- Characteristics and Pre-Pronominal -x- 

As noun-characteristics are used four elements: -(a)n (including 
-am and -aT), -a-, -i-, and -u-. Although each noun, in so far as it 
has any noun-characteristic, is found, as a rule, to use only one of 
these elements, no rule can be given as to which of them is to be 
appended to any given noun. Nouns in suffixed -(a)n, or -(a)m, for 
example, are found with characteristic -i- (bu u bin-i- [from l>u u -l)cfn 
ARM]), -a- (he e lam-a- [from lie e la?m BOARD]), ~(a)n (gulm-an- [from 
gula^m OAK]), and without characteristic (bo Ydan-x-dek MY NECK 
[homlo Vdan 15.12, 15]). 

1. ~(a)n. Examples of this characteristic element are : 
gwit!i-n- wrist (cf. variant gwit!l-u-) 

tlibagw- an- pancreas 45.15; 46.5 (absolute t!ibaW w 47.17) 
da s madagw-&n- shoulder 
leJc w-an- rectum 

da a -Ji-x- ear 14.4; 15.13 (incorporated dd a -) 

ts!d a w-sm- lake, deep water 59.16 (absolute ts!au 162.9; 166.15) 
gulm-&u- oak (absolute gula^m) 
&o&-in- * alder 94.17 (absolute bo^p*) 
Its phonetic reflexes -al and -am occur in : 

s-d u m-al- mountain 124.2; 152.2 (absolute s-om 43.6; 122.16) 

do u m-al- testicles 130.8 (absolute do u m 130.20) 

ts!a a m-&\- (in Dak -ts!a a mala s Klamath Indian, parallel to 

Dak -is !d a wana f ) 

gwa a l-a,m- trail 48.6, 8; 96.8, 9 (absolute gwan 148.7) 
xa a /-am- urine (absolute xan) 

-am- is also found, though without apparent phonetic reason, in xd a - 
Jiam- BACK (incorporated xd a -) . Certain nouns add -g- before taking 
-an- as their characteristic: 

wax-gun- creek (absolute wa^x) 

dd-gan-(x-) anus 45.9; 72.10; 94.15 

bil-gan-(x-) breast 

gel-gan- breast (cf . variant gel-x-) 

2. -a-. More frequently occurring than -(a)n- is -a-, examples of 
which are: 

dan&- rock (absolute da^n 17.8; dal-am- as possible variant in 

place-name Dl-dala^m over the rocks [?]) 
ey-&- canoe 112.6; 114.5, 13; 156.2 (cf. variant ei-x-) 
t gwan-o,- slave (absolute t gwa^n 13.12) 
Jie e lam-&- board 55.8, 10 (absolute Jie e la^m 176.5) 
bone 186.1; 196.17 (absolute yo u w ) 

i This word happened to occur with following emphatic ya a, so that it is probably umlauted from bob-an-. 



p im-a,- salmon 31.1; 32.4 (absolute p^m 30.10, 11; 31.3.) 

do lam-Si- rectum (cf. variant do f lk im-i-} 

ma p!agw-&- shoulder blade (absolute ma f p!alc* w ) 

yaw-a,- rib 194.10 (incorporated ya-u-} 

xiy-Si- water 58.6; 156.19; 162.13 (absolute xi" 162.7, 8, 14) 

p. !iy- a- fire 118.4; 168.19 (absolute p!l 88.12, 13; 96.17) 
All nouns in -xab- take -a- as their characteristic, e. g., sge f e xab-a-W 
MY HAT (from sge fe xap* HAT) 

3. -i-. Examples of nouns with -i- as their characteristic are: 

du u gw-i- shirt 13.4; 96.26; 192.4 (absolute duY w 96.16) 

lu u lin-i- arm 31.4; 172.4, 5, 6 (absolute lu u lcfn 23.2, 4, 9) 

t gwi r nfgwin-\- shoulder 

ts !ugul-\- rope (cf. absolute ts fufr) 

Yu u l-i- hair, skin 24.8; 160.6 

uluk!-\- hair 27.1, 4; 126.11; 136.20; 158.1; 188.4, 5; 194.7. 

Jc!alts!-i- sinew 28.1 (absolute Jc!a f l s 27.13) 

la a l-\- seeds (sp.?) 34.1; 79.9; 94.19 (absolute lap} 

Jc!elw-i- basket bucket 170.14, 16, 18, 19 (absolute Jcle^l 186.17) 

ma a l-i- spear-shaft 156.1 (absolute mat 28.7, 9, 10) 

du u l-\- spear-point (absolute dul 28.8, 9; 156.19, 20) 

luH-\-(x-} throat 25.2 

mu u l-i- lungs 

t!egilix-i- skull 174.3 

t*galt gil-\-(x-} belly 

ts !ek*ts !ig-\-(x-} backbone 112.4 

Jiam-i- father 158.3 (e. g., Jiam-i - t* your father, but wi-ha^m my 

father 138.19) 

A number of terms of relationship show an -i- not only in the second 
person singular and plural and first person plural but also, unlike 
Jiam-i- FATHER, in the first person singular, while the third person in 
-xa(-a) and the vocative (nearly always in -a) lack it. They are: 

wi-k abal my son (23.2, 3) 

\wi -oll my elder brother 

[wi-t obi my elder sister 

wi-k!a f si my maternal 
grandparent 14.2; (15.12) 

wi-xddl my paternal uncle 

wi-Jiasi 1 my maternal uncle 

wi-t adi" my paternal aunt 

wi-xagal my maternal aunt 

wi-ts!al my (woman s) 

his son 138.16 
o ^-xa his elder brother 48. 3; 62.2 

fo r >-xahiseldersister55.14;56.6 
fc/a s-a his maternal grandparent 

16.1, 2; (154.18) 

his paternal uncle 
ha s-& his maternal uncle 
t a d-a, his paternal aunt (63.9; 


xaga -x& his maternal aunt 
fe/a -xa her brother s child; his 

brother s child 22.1 ; 23.8, sister s child 

10; my (man s) sister s 
child 148.19; 150.4 


Still other terms of relationship have an -i- in all forms but the voca 
tive. It is probable, though not quite so certain for these nouns, that 
the -i- is not a part of the stem, but, as in the preceding group, an 
added characteristic element. Such nouns are: 


gamdi -xa his paternal grand- gamdd 

parent (170.21; 188.13) 
siwi -xa her sister s child; his siwa 

brother s child 
wad\ -xa his mother s broth- wak dd 77 A 

er sson77.6;88.14; (188.9) 
t!omxi -xa l his wife s parent tlomxd 

lamts!\ -xa her brother s wife lamtsld 

yidi -xa her husband s sister yidd 

nanbi f -xa his brother s wife; nanbd 

his wife s sister 
ximni -xa his relative by mar- ximnd 

riage after linking member 

has died 

The -i- has been found in the vocative before the -a (but only as a 
myth-form) \nobiya o ELDER BROTHER! 59.3; 62.4 (alongside of o&a), 
so that it is probable that the vocative -a is not a mere transfor 
mation of a characteristic vowel, but a distinct element that is 
normally directly appended to the stem. Other examples of myth 
vocatives in -d appended to characteristic -i- are tslayd o NEPHEW! 
23.1 (beside ts!a) and wo Ydicf o COUSIN! 88.14, 15 (beside wok" da). 
The stem ham- with its characteristic -i- is used as the vocative: 
Jiaml o FATHER! 70.5; 71.7; also o SON! Quite unexplained is the 
not otherwise occurring -i- in the vocative of mot"- SON-IN-LAW: 
mot la" 166.6, 7. As already noted (see 88, 2), nouns in -la p a 
regularly take an -i- after the added -Jc!- of possessive forms: -la p*ik!-i-. 
4. -u-. Only a few nouns have been found to contain this element 
as their characteristic. They are : 

i-u-x- hand 58.2; 86.13 (incorporated 1-) 
gwit!i-u-x- wrist 2 (cf. variant gwit!i-n-) 

Jia-u-x- woman s private parts 108.4; 130.8 (incorporated Jia-) 
t gd-u- earth, land 55.3, 4; 56.4 (absolute t gd 73.9, 11, 13) 
-Homxa^u wife s parent (cf. Homxi xa his wife s parent 154.16; 
164.19; see footnote, sub 3). 

1 The first person singular shows -u as characteristic: wi-t!omxefu. 

2 It is highly probable that this word has been influenced in its form by lux- HAND, which it resembles in 
meaning, if it is not indeed a compound of it. 



The pre-pronominal element -x- is in some words appended directly 
to the stem or stem + derivational suffix; in others, to one of the 
noun-characteristics -(a)n, -i, and -u (never -a) . A considerable num 
ber of words may or may not have the -x- after their characteristic; 
a few show variation between -a- and -x-; and but a very small 
number have -x- with or without preceding characteristic (e. g., gel-x-, 
gel-gan-, and gel-gan-x- BREAST) . Examples of -x- without preceding 
characteristic are: 

(%-ax-head 1 90.12, 13; 116.8; 188.4, 5 (incorporated 

s<zZ-x- foot 120.18 (incorporated sal-) 

gwel-x- leg 15.15; 86.18; 122.10; 160.17 (incorporated form 


de -x- lips (incorporated^ 6 -) 186.18 
gwen-ha-u-x.- nape (incorporated gwen-ha-u-) 
ei-x- canoe (absolute el) 
dl mo-x- hips (incorporated dffmo-) 
liugw-SiX.- face 

boJc*dan-x- neck (absolute lo k^dari) 
M a n-x- 2 brothers 136.7 

Rather more common than nouns of this type seem to be ex 
amples of -x- with preceding characteristic, such as have been 
already given in treating of the noun-characteristics. A few body- 
part nouns in -x- seem to be formed from local third personal pos 
sessive forms (-da) ; e. g., di alda-x-deJc MY FOREHEAD from dl alda 
AT HIS FOREHEAD (but also dl i cfl-Y with first personal singular pos 
sessive ending directly added to stem or incorporated form dl i al-) ; 
da-lclolo ida-x-deY MY CHEEK is evidently quite parallel in formation. 
Body-part nouns with pre-pronominal -x- end in this element when, 
as sometimes happens, they occur absolutely (neither incorporated 
nor provided with personal endings). Examples of such forms fol 

TiaUx woman s private parts 130.19 

da gax head 

yu lclalx teeth 57.4 

dayawa ntfixi m^x other hand 86.13 

gwelx dayawa ntHxi other leg 86.18 

i-ai- contains inorganic -a-, and is not to be analyzed as characteristic -a- + -x- (parallel to -i- + -x-). 
This is shown by forms in which -x- regularly disappears; e. g.,dak -de OVER ME (not *dag-a-de as parallel 

2 Perhaps with pluralic -x- as in hdflp-x- CHILDREN, p. 225. 





4. Possessive Suffixes ( 90-93) 


The possessive suffixes appended to the noun embrace elements 
for the first and second persons singular and plural and for the third 
person; the form expressing the latter is capable of further ampli 
fication by the addition of an element indicating the identity of the 
possessor with the subject of the clause (corresponding to Latin suus 
as contrasted with eius). This element may be further extended to 
express plurality. Altogether four distinct though genetically related 
series of possessive pronominal affixes are found, of which three are 
used to express simple ownership of the noun modified; the fourth is 
used only with nouns preceded by pre-positives and with local adver 
bial stems. The former set includes a special scheme for most terms 
of relationship, and two other schemes for the great mass of nouns, that 
seem to be fundamentally identical and to have become differentiated 
for phonetic reasons. None of these four pronominal schemes is 
identical with either the objective or any of the subjective series 
found in the verb, though the pronominal forms used with pre- 
positives are very nearly coincident with the subjective forms found 
in the future of Class II intransitives : 

Tia-wilide in my house, like s afs-anVe* I shall stand 
ha-will fi da in his house, like s afs ana a he will stand 

The following table gives the four possessive schemes, together with 
the suffixes of Class II future intransitives, for comparison: * 

Terms of relation 

Scheme II 

Scheme III 

With pre- 

Future in 
transitives II 


First person . . . 



-Yfc 1 



Second person . . . 

- f *t 


- *? 

-da s 

-da s 

Third person . . . 

-xa, -a 


- , - ? 

- da 



First person . . . 

-da m 

-da m 

-da m 

-da m 

-(p )igam 

Second person . . . 

*t ban 

-daba s n 

- efban 

{-daba e n 
- tfban 

l-daba s 

Singular reflexive: 
Third person . . . 

-xagwa, -agwa 


- t gwa 

{- dagwa 
- t gwa 

Plural reflexive: 
Third person . . . 

-xagwan, -agwan 


- t gwan 

{- dagwan 
- t gwan 

1 A complete comparative table of all pronominal forms is given in Appendix A. 




[BULL. 40 

It will be observed that the main difference between the last two 
schemes lies in the first person plural; the first scheme is entirely 
peculiar in the first person singular and third person. The first person 
plural possessive suffix (-da m) resembles the endings of the sub 
jective future of the same person (-iga m, -anaga m) in the falling 
accent; evidently there is a primary element -a m back of these 
various endings which has amalgamated with other suffixes. As 
seen from the table, reflexive suffixes exist only for the third person. 
The plural reflexive in -gwan has often reciprocal significance : 

wu lxdagwan their own enemies ( = they are enemies) 

The suffixes of the first and second person plural may also have 
reciprocal significance : 

wulxda m e e biW we are enemies (lit., our enemies we are) cf. 


ham- (ma-) FATHER, Jiin- (ni-) MOTHER, Idas- MATERNAL GRAND 
PARENT, and beyan- DAUGHTER may be taken as types of the nouns 
that form this group. 1 


First person .... 




wibeya n 

Second person . . . 

Twmi ct* 

hi n/t 

k. asi ef 

beya ntf 

Third person . . . 

ma xa 

ni xa 

k. a sa 

beya n 


First person .... 

hamida m 

hinda m 

k. asida m 

beyanda m 

Second person . . . 

hami e t ban 

hi n t ban 

k. asi efban 

beya n t*ban 

Singular reflexive: 

Third person .... 

ma xagwa 

ni xagwa 

k. a sagwa 

beya nt gwa 

Plural reflexive: 

Third person .... 

ma xagwan 

ni xagwan 

k. a sagwan 

beya nt gwan 




k. asa 


The first two of these are peculiar in that they each show a double 
stem; the first form (ham-, hin-) is used in the first and second 
persons, the second (ma-, ni-) in the third person. Despite the 
phonetically symmetrical proportion ham- : ma- = Jiin- : ni- } the two 
words are not quite parallel in form throughout, in that Jiin- does not 
show the characteristic -i- found in certain of the forms of ham-. 

i Out of thirty-two terms of relationship (tabulated with first person singular, third person, and vocative 
in American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, pp. 268, 269) that were obtained, twenty-eight belong here. 



Of the other words belonging to this group, only that for FRIEND 
shows, or seems to show, a double stem: wik!u*ya?m MY FRIEND 
and fc/tZ yam o FRIEND! 31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 but lc!u u ya pxa HIS FRIEND 
190.2, 4 and Tcluyaba H" (with inorganic rather than characteristic a) 
YOUR FRIEND 198.2. Irregular is also wi-k!o u xa t MY SON S WIFE S 
PARENTS: Jc!d u xa m-xa HIS SON S WIFE S PARENTS 178.9, in which 
we have either to reckon with a double stem, or else to consider 
the -m- of the latter form a noun-characteristic. Other terms of 
relationship which, like hin~, append all the personal endings 
without at the same time employing a characteristic are: 

wa a - younger brother 42.1; 64.4 (also t awa a - younger sister 

58.1, 5; 188.10) 
Jc!e e b- husband s parent 
way au- daughter-in-law ([ ?] formed according to verb-type 11 

from way- sleep) 56.8, 9 

S iya s p*- woman s sister s husband or husband s brother 
Jiasd- 1 man s sister s husband or wife s brother 152.22 

Tc!uya^ l ~\ friend 180.13; 196.19; 198.2 

beyan- DAUGHTER 13.2; 70. 1, 4; 118.1, 4 belongs, morphologically 
speaking, to the terms of relationship only because of its first per 
sonal singular form; all its other forms (the vocatives really belong 
to Jiin~) are built up according to Scheme III. 

As far as known, only terms of relationship possess vocative forms, 
though their absence can not be positively asserted for other types of 
nouns. The great majority of these vocatives end in -a, which, as in 
wa o YOUNGER BROTHER! may be the lengthened form with rising 
accent of the final vowel of the stem, or, as in Jcfasa o GRANDMOTHER! 
16.3, 5, 6; 17.2; 154.18 added to the stem, generally with loss of the 
characteristic -i-, wherever found, wayau- and s-iya s p*-, both of which 
lack a characteristic element, employ as vocative the stem with rising 
accent on the a- vowel: wayau o DAUGHTER-IN-LAW! and s iya p* 
o BROTHER-IN-LAW ! (said by woman) . This method of forming the 
vocative is in form practically equivalent to the addition of -a. S na 2 
MAMMA! and Jiaik!a o WIFE! HUSBAND! are vocatives without corre 
sponding noun-stems provided with pronominal suffixes, beyan- 
DAUGHTER and Jc aba- SON, on the other hand, have no vocative 

1 wiha^st MY WIFE S BROTHER is the only Takelma word known that terminates in -st . 
3 Inasmuch as there is hardly another occurrence of s i n- in Takelma, it is perhaps not too far-fetched to 
analyze s~na into s - (cf. second footnote, p. 8) +na (vocative of ni- in ni xa HIS MOTHER). 



derived from the same stern, but employ the vocative form of MOTHER 
and FATHER respectively. Of other vocatives, klu yam l o FRIEND! 
31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 is the bare stem; tiaml 70.5; 71.7, the stem with 
added characteristic -i- ; Jiinde o MOTHER! DAUGHTER! 56.7; 76.10, 
13; 186.14 is quite peculiar in that it makes use of the first personal 
singular ending (-de) peculiar to nouns with possessive suffix and pre 
ceding pre-positive. Only two other instances of a nominal use of 
-de without pre-positive or local adverb have been found: mo e e MY 
SON-IN-LAW! (as vocative) 164.19; and lc*wi f naxde MY FOLKS, RELA 
TIONS, which otherwise follows Scheme II (e. g., third person 

The normal pronominal suffix of the third person is -xa; -a is found 
in only four cases, Ida sa HIS MATERNAL GRANDPARENT, Jia sa HIS 


IN-LAW. The first two of these can be readily explained as assimi 
lated from *Jc!a sxa and *Jia sxa (see 20, 3); *t adxa and *liasdxa, 
however, should have become *t*a sa and * Jia sa respectively. The 
analogy of the first two, which were felt to be equivalent to 
stem + -a, on the one side, and that of the related forms in -d- 
(e. g., V add and Jiasda) on the other, made it possible for t a da and 
Tiafsda to replace *t a sa and * Jia sa, the more so that a necessary 
distinction in form was thus preserved between Jia sa HIS MATERNAL 
UNCLE and Jia sda (instead of *ha sa) HIS BROTHER-IN-LAW. 

The difference in signification between the third personal forms in 
-xa and -xagwa (similarly for the other pronominal schemes) will be 
readily understood from what has already been said, and need not be 
enlarged upon: 

ma xa wa a -JiimiV he spoke to his (some one else s) father 
ma xagwa wafi-lwrnV he spoke to his own father 

There is small doubt that this -gwa is identical with the indirect 
reflexive -gwa of transitive verbs with incorporated object. Forms 
in -gwan seem to refer to the plurality of either possessor or object 

Tc dba xagwan their own son or his (her) own sons 

elxdagwan their own canoe or his own canoes 

The final -n of these forms is the indefinite plural -an discussed 
below ( 99). Plural (?) -gwan is found also in verb forms (144.12; 

i k. uyam- is perhaps derived, by derivational suffix -(a)m, from verb-stem k. duy- GO TOGETHER WITH ONE. 




1 As examples may be taken dagax- HEAD, which follows Scheme II, 
and wili- HOUSE, dana- ROCK, tlibagwan- LIVER, and xa a ham- BACK, 
which follow Scheme III. 


1st person 

da gaxdek* 


danaYk 1 

tObagwafnt k 

xdaha^mt k* 

2d person 

da gaxdez 

wili n 

dana s t* 

t!ibagwa n t 

xdaha m s C 

3d person 

da gaxda 

wlll i 

dand a 

t. ibagwa n 

xdaha m 


1st person 

da gaxdam 

wilida m 

danada m 

tUbagwa ndam 

xdaha mdam 

2d person 

daga xdaba n 

wili t ban 

dana s t ban 

t!ibagwa n t ban 

xdaha m s t ban 

Singular reflex 


3d person 

daga xdagwa 

wili t gwa 

dana t gwa 

t. ibagwa nt gwa 

xdaha mt gwa 

Plural reflex 


3d person 

daga xdagwan 

ivili t gwan 

dana t gwan 

tfibagwa nt gwan 

xdaha mt gwan 

A third person plural -dan also occurs, as in dumhak w dan HIS 


Scheme II is followed by the large class of nouns that have a pre- 
pronominal -x-, besides a considerable number of nouns that add the 
endings directly to the stem. Noun-characteristics may not take the 
endings of Scheme II unless followed by a -x- (thus -cfnt Y and 
-anxdeW; -iYF and -ixde^Y}. Examples of Scheme II nouns with 
out preceding -x- are : 

a-is de Y my property (though -- may be secondarily derived 

from -s-x- or -tx-} 23.2, 3; 154.18, 19, 20; 158.4 
mo t eY my son-in-law (152.9) (incorporated mot -) 
se e lek* my writing, paint (absolute se e l) 
he e lt*ek* my song (164.16; 182.6) (absolute Jie e l 106.7) 
ts-!l fi de my meat (44.3, 6; 170.6) 
wilcb ut ek my arrow (45.13; 154.18) (absolute wila^u 22.5; 28.1,2; 


ga UW my bow (154.19; 190.22) (absolute ga!V) 
la psdeV my blanket (absolute Icfps 98.14, 15, 19, 21) 
ts lixi-maha it eY my horse (absolute is- !i f xi-malicfi) 

Scheme III is followed by all nouns that have a characteristic 
immediately preceding the personal suffix or, in nearly all cases, 
whose stem, or stem + derivative suffix, ends in -a- (e. g., HelaW 
MY SHINNY-STICK [from t!elcf]), -i-, -ei- (e. g., ts ldelW MY EYE 
[from ts lelei-]), -n (e. g., sent Y MY SKIN), -m, or -Z 1 (e. g., 

1 In most, if not all, cases the -n, -m, or -I is a non-radical element. It is not quite clear in how far stems 
ending in these vowels and consonants follow Scheme II or Scheme III. 



MY FOREHEAD [from di is al-]) . The third person is, at least super 
ficially, without ending in all nouns of this group whose pre-pro- 
nominal form is not monosyllabic. The third personal form is 
characterized by a falling accent on the final syllable, -a- and -i- 
being lengthened to -a a and -l ri respectively. Other forms are : 

ts-lele i his eye 27,8; 86.7, 9; (cf. 54.6) 

do u ma f l his testicles 130.8; 136.5 

xd a la f m his urine 

gwitli n his wrist 

There is no doubt, however, that these forms without ending origi 
nally had a final -<*, as indicated by the analogy of third personal 
forms in -da in Scheme II, and as proved by the preservation of the 
- - before the reflexive suffix -gwa and in monosyllabic forms : 

p!a a nf his liver 120.2, 15 

nl H* her teats 30.14; 32.7 

t!l fi t* her husband ( 17.13) 

sa a t" his discharge of wind 166.8 

Though the conditions for the loss of a final -f are not fully under 
stood, purely phonetic processes having been evidently largely inter 
crossed by analogic leveling, it is evident that the proportion will * 
HIS HOUSE: nl fi t* HER TEATS = s-as-ini HE STANDS: wit HE TRAVELS 
ABOUT represents a by no means accidental phonetic and morphologic 
correspondence between noun and verb (Class II intransitives) . 
The falling pitch is peculiar to the noun as contrasted with the verb- 
form (cf. Tie e l SONG, but Jiel SING!). Monosyllabic stems of Scheme 
III seem to have a rising accent before -t gwa as well as in the first 
person. Thus: 

Idt gwa his own excrement 77.1 

t!tfgwa her own husband (despite tWH*) 45.14; (59.16; 60.2); 

Nouns with characteristic -i- prefer the parallel form in -4 -x-dagwa 
to that in -i -t gwa. Thus: 

bu u bini xdagwa his own arm, rather than bu u bini t*gwa, despite 

&tt"&miYfc t MY ARM 

The limitation of each of the two schemes to certain definite pho 
netically determined groups of nouns (though some probably merely 
apparent contradictions, such as gafl-H ek* MY BOW and di ie cfl-fk* 

1 -t k always requires preceding rising or raised accent. As gal- BOW seems to be inseparably connected 
with a falling accent (very likely because of the catch in its absolute form), it is, after all, probably a phonetic 
reason that causes it to follow Scheme II rather than III. 





MY FOREHEAD, occur), together with the evident if not entirely sym 
metrical parallelism between the suffixes of both, make it practi 
cally certain that they are differentiated, owing to phonetic causes, 
from a single scheme. The -a- of -da (-dagwa) and -daba n (as con 
trasted with -t* and -*t l ban) may be inorganic in origin, and intended 
to support phonetically difficult consonant combinations : 

guxda his wife (from *gftx-f) 13.2; 43.15; 49.6, like l-lasgcf touch 
it (from stem lasg-} 

The -e-j however, of -dek* 32.6 and -de s 31.1; 59.3 can not be thus 
explained. It is not improbable that part of the endings of Scheme 
III are due to a loss of an originally present vowel, so that the 
primary scheme of pronominal suffixes may have been some thing like: 

Singular: First person, -d-ek*; second person, -d-e ; third person, -t\ 
Reflexive : Third person, -t*-gwa. Plural : First person, -d-a m; second 
person, -t*-ba e n. 

It can hardly be entirely accidental that all the suffixes are char 
acterized by a dental stop; perhaps an amalgamation has taken place 
between the original pronominal elements and an old, formerly 
significant nominal element -d-. 


As examples of possessive affixes attached to nouns with pre- 
positives and to local elements may be taken dak - OVER, wa- 1 TO, 
Jiaw-an- UNDER, and ~ha- iu- IN HAND. 


First person .... 

dak de over me 

wade to me 

hawande under me 

ha-mde in my hand 

Second person . . . 

dalt dae 

wada s 

hawanda e 

ha e i uda s 

Third person . . . 

da k daada 

wa ada 

hawa nda 

ha^l uda 


First person .... 

dak da m 

wada m 

Jiawanda m 

Jia s luda m 

Second person . . . 

da Kdabafin 

w& atfban 

Uawa n s L ban 

Jiaei utfban 

Singular reflexive: 

Third person . . . 

da k dagwa 

wa t gwa 

hawa nfgwa 

ha s l ut gwa 

Plural reflexive: 

Third person . . . 

da k dagwan 

wa fgwan 

hawa nfgwan 

ha*l ut*gwan 

The apparently double ending -da a da of the third person of dalc*- 
is not entirely isolated (cf . ha-ye e wa x-dd a da IN THEIR TIME OF RETURN 
ING; 7ie eS -da a da .BEYOND HIM), but can not be explained. The use of 

1 It is possible that this wa- is etymologically identical with the verbal prefix wa- TOGETHER. The forms 
of wa- given above are regularly used when reference is had to persons, the postposition ga-a^l being 
employed in connection with things: wa ada gini s k HE WENT TO HIM (56.11); 148.6; s-om ga-a l gini W 




-dagwa and -daba s n on the one hand, and of -t gwa and - t*ban on the 
other, is determined by the same phonetic conditions as differentiate 
Schemes II and III. A third personal plural in -f an (apparently = -d- 
+ -Tian) is also found: de e t*an IN FRONT OF THEM 190.13 (but de e da 
BEFORE HIM 59.14); xa a -s ogwl fi t an BETWEEN THEM (see below, p. 
240); wa a t*an TO THEM 160.15. A form in -xa seems also to occur 
with third personal plural signification : wa xa ts !inl fi ts !anx HE GOT 


The number of local elements that directly take on possessive suf 
fixes seems fairly considerable, and includes both such as are body- 
part and local prefixes in the verb (e. g., dak*-) and such as are used 
in the verb only as local prefixes (e. g., wa-, dal-)] a few seem not to 
be found as verbal prefixes. Not all adverbially used verbal pre 
fixes, however, can be inflected in the manner of dak de and wade (e. g., 
no *hade can be formed from Tia-} . A number of body-part and local 
stems take on a noun-characteristic: 

Jiaw-an- under (from Jia-u-) 
xau-ham-de 1 about my waist (from xd a -} 

The local elements that have been found capable of being followed 
by pronominal affixes are : 

dak*de over me (56.9; 110.18); 186.4, 5 

wade to me (56.15; 60.1; 63.14; 88.13; 150.18; 194.1) 

xd a liamde about my waist 

gwelda" under it 190.17 

gwe nda (in Gwenda yu sa a = being at its nape, i. e., east of it) 

dl ri da close in back of him, at his anus 138.2 

dinde behind me ( ? = verb-prefix dl - anus, behind + noun-char 
acteristic -n-) (86.9; 138.3; 170.1) 

Jiawande under me (71.1, 5, 12) 

gelde in front of me, for (in behalf of) me 

dede in front of me (59.14; 124.20) 

Jid^yade around me 

he es da a da beyond him 148.9 

lia nda across, through it 

da lt gwan among themselves 98.2 

gwen-Tm-ude at my nape; gwen-Tiaufgwa in back of his own neck 

di-Jia-ude after I went away, behind my back (132.10; 186.8; 

i It is only the different schemes of personal endings that, at least in part, keep distinct the noun xaaham- 
BACK and the local element xaaham- ON BACK, ABOUT WAIST: xdaJia m HIS BACK, but xaaha mda ON HIS 



dl i -a lda over his eyes, on his forehead (172.3) 
no tsladam neighboring us (= stem note!- next door + noun- 
characteristic -a-) (98.13) 

When used as local pre-positives with nouns, these local stems drop 
their characteristic affixes, and thus appear in the same form in which 
they are found in the verb (e. g., xd a -gwelde BETWEEN MY LEGS), 
except that ha-u- UNDER as pre-positive adds an -a-: Tiawa- (e. g., 
Jiawa-salde UNDER MY FEET). The various pre-positives found pre 
fixed to nouns with possessive suffixes are : 

ha- in * 

Tiawa- under 

dak - over 

dtf- above 

dd a - alongside 

al- to, at 

de-j da- in front of 

xa a - between, in middle of 

gwen- at nape, east of 

dl s - at rear end, west of 

dal- away from 

Tian- across (?) 

gel- facing 

gwel- under, down from 

The noun itself, as has already been seen, appears with its charac 
teristic, t* ga EARTH, however, perhaps for some unknown phonetic 
reason, does not retain its characteristic -u- before the possessive 
suffixes (Jia-t gdu IN THE COUNTRY 33.7, but 7ia-t*ga a de IN MY COUNTRY 
194.4) Examples of forms of the type Jia s lude IN MY HAND are: 

Jia-dl ^gwa in back of him, in his anus (incorporated dl -) 94.11 

da a -yawade * aside from me (literally, alongside my ribs) 

dak* -s- aide on top of my feet 198.6; (cf. 44.8) 

hawa-lifilide under my throat 

dalc*-S inl fi da over his nose 144.11 

al-guxwida m wdk* we have enough of it (literally, to-our-hearts 

it-has-arrived) 128.1 

ha-wilide in my house (64.2; 88.18; 120.14) 
7ia-ye e waxde in my returning (= when I return) (124.15) 
dl-delga n gwa behind himself, at his own anus (72.10) 
al-wa a di t*gwan at one another (literally, to each other s bodies; 

wd a d-i- body) (96.22; 146.2; 190.19) 

1 Also dal-yawadS ASIDE; FROM ME (with verb of throwing) (=literally, AWAY FROM MY RIBS). 



ha-sa lda (thinking) of her (literally, in her footsteps) 142.13 

dV-dande over my ear 

dV-ts leleide over my eyes 

ha-dede in my mouth (170.2; 182.17) 

gwen-boJc dande at my nape 

xd a -S inide resting on my nose (like spectacles) 

gwel- wa a dide down from my body 198.4 

Several such forms with apparently simple local signification contain 
after the pre-positive a noun stem not otherwise found : 

xd a -S ogwida m between us 

7ia- winide inside of me (73.1; 92.17) 

di-bo u wide at my side 

da oldide close to me (124.9) (cf. adverb da o^l near by 102.6) 

Such a non-independent noun is probably also Jia-u- in gwen-ha-u- 
and di-Jia-u-, both of which were listed above as simple local elements. 

Instances also occur, though far less frequently, of pre-positives 
with two nouns or noun and adjective; the first noun generally 
stands in a genitive relation to the second (cf., 88, the order in 
juxtaposed nouns), while the second noun is followed by the third 
personal possessive -da. Such are : 

gwen-t gd a -bo k dan-da at nape of earth s neck (= east) 79.6; 


di-t ga a -yu k!umd a -da at rear of earth s tail (= west) 146.1; 198.9 
Jia-t*ga a -yawa a -da in earth s rib (= north) (cf. 194.9) 
da a -xi-ts-!ets !igl fi -da alongside water s backbone (= not far 

from shore) 
xa a -xi-ts !ek*ts !igi H da in middle of water s backbone (== equally 

distant from either shore) 112.4 

Ha-ya a l-ba ls-da l in its long (i. e., tall) (bals) pines (yal) (== place- 
name) 114.9 
Dl-p!ol-ts!i f l-da over (dl l ) its red (tsliT) bed (plol ditch) 

( = Jump-off Joe creek) 
Al-dan-JcIolo i-da 1 to its rock (da^n) basket (klolol) ( = name of 


Rather difficult of explanation is de-de-will fi -da DOOR, AT DOOR OF 
HOUSE 63.11; 77.15; 176.6, which is perhaps to be literally rendered 
IN FRONT OF (first de-) HOUSE (will) ITS (-da) MOUTH (second de-) 
(i. e., IN FRONT OF DOORWAY). The difficulty with this explanation 
is that it necessitates the interpretation of the second noun as a 
genitive in relation to the first. 

1 Observe falling accent despite rising accent (bals, k!olol)ol independent noun, -da with pre-positives, 
whether with intervening noun or noun and adjective, consistently demands a falling accent before it. 



5. Local Phrases ( 94-96) 


Local phrases without possessive pronouns (i. e., of the type IN THE 
HOUSE, ACROSS THE RIVER) may be constructed in three ways. 

A local element with third personal possessive suffix may be used 
to define the position, the noun itself appearing in its absolute form 
as an appositive of the incorporated pronominal suffix: 

dafn gwelda^ rock under-it (i. e., under the rock) 

dafn handa through the rock 

dan.ha ae ya a da around the rock 

dan da s oldl fi da near the rock 

dan ge lda in front of the rock 

dan di nda behind the rock 

There is observable here,, as also in the method nearly always employed 
to express the objective and genitive relations, the strong tendency 
characteristic of Takelma and other American languages to make the 
personal pronominal affixes serve a purely formal purpose as substi 
tutes for syntactic and local cases. 

The second and perhaps somewhat more common method used to 
build up a local phrase is to prefix to the noun a pre-positive, the 
noun itself appearing in the form it assumes before the addition of 
the normal pronominal suffixes (Schemes II and III) . Thus some of 
the preceding local phrases might have been expressed as : 

gwel-dana^ under the rock 

Jian-dana^ through the rock 

Jia a ya-dana^ around the rock 

gel-dana* in front of the rock 

dl -dana^ behind the rock 

These forms have at first blush the appearance of prepositions fol 
lowed by a local case of the noun, but we have already seen this 
explanation to be inadmissible. 

A third and very frequent form of local phrase is the absolute 
noun followed by a postposition. The chief difference between 
this and the preceding method is the very considerable amount 
of individual freedom that the postposition possesses as contrasted 
with the rigidly incorporated pre-positive. The majority of the 
postpositions consist of a pre-positive preceded by the general 
demonstrative ga- THAT, dafn gadcfk* OVER THE ROCK is thus really 
to be analyzed as ROCK THAT-OVER, an appositional type of local 
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 16 94 


phrase closely akin in spirit to that first mentioned: dan daf~k dd a da 
ROCK OVER-IT, drik* -dancf , according to the second method, is also 



The pre-positives employed before nouns without possessive suf 
fixes are identical with those already enumerated ( 94) as occurring 
with nouns with possessives, except that Jiawa- UNDER seems to be 
replaced by gwel-. It is doubtful also if Tie cs - BEYOND (also han- 
ACROSS ?) can occur with nouns followed by possessive affixes. 
Examples of pre-positives in local phrases are : 

Jian-gela^m across the river 

Jian-waxga^n across the creek 

Jian-pHya" across the fire 168.19 

ha -waxga^n in the creek 

Jia-xiya" in the water 58.6; 60.3; 61.11; 63.16 

tia-UnV in the middle 176.15 (cf. de-Wn first, last 150.15) 

Jia-plolcf in the ditch 

7ia-gwd a la^m in the road 62.6; 158.19 

Jia-s-ugwan in the basket (cf. 124.18) 

xa -s-o u ma^l halfway up the mountain 

xd a -gulma^n among oaks 

xa a -xo (ya a } (right) among firs (cf . 94.17} 

gwel-xi ya under water 156.19 

gwel-t gdu clown to the ground 176.8 

dd a -ts!d a wa^n by the ocean 59.16 

dd a -t*gau alongside the field 

gwen-t gdu east of the field 55.4; 56.4 

gwen-waxgcfn east along the creek 

Gwen-p unk place-name ( = east of rotten [p u^n]) 114.14 

de-will in front of the house ( = out of doors) 70.4 

dak*-s d u mcfl on top of the mountain 188.15 

daV-will over the house 59.2; 140.5 

dak^-pliycf over the fire 24.6, 7 

7ie e -s-d u ma"l beyond the mountain 124.2; 196.13 

al-s-d u maV at, to the mountain 136.22; 152.8; 192.5,7,8 

Jia ya-p!iya* on both sides of the fire 176.12 

7id f ya-s d u ma^l on both sides of the mountain 152.2 

di-t gdu west of the field 55.3 

dl-waxga^n some distance west along the creek 

dl-s d u ma^l at foot ([ ?] =in rear) of the mountain 

Dl il -ddla^m place-name ( = over the rock [ ? ]) 

Gel-yaW place-name ( = abreast of pines) 112.13 

1 Perhaps really Di--daWm WEST OF THE ROCK (?). 



A f ew cases of compound pre-positives occur : 

ha-gwel-p !iya? under the ashes (literally, in-under-the-fire) 


Tia-gwd-xiya* at bottom of the water 60.12, 14 
Jia-gwel-t ge e mt*gam down in dark places 196.7 

An example of a pre-positive with a noun ending in pre-pronominal 
-x is afforded by Tia-da a nx molliiY IN-EAR RED 14.4; 15.13; 88.2 
(alongside of da a molJiiY RED-EARED 15.12; 86.6). It is somewhat 
doubtful, because of a paucity of illustrative material, whether local 
phrases with final pre-pronominal -x can be freely used. 


Not all pre-positives can be suffixed to the demonstrative ga- to 
form postpositions; e. g., no *gaha^, *gaha*n, *gagwe"l are found in 
Takelma. Very few other words (adverbs) are found in which what 
are normally pre-positives occupy the second place: me al TOWARD 
THIS DIRECTION 58.9; ye Ydal IN THE BRUSH 71.3. Instead of -Jia IN, 
-na^u is used, an element that seems restricted to the postposition 
gana^u IN. The ^-postpositions that have been found are: 

gadaW on 48.15; 49.1 

gid-i* (= ga-dV) on, over 49.12 

gidl f (=ga-dl f ) in back 

gana^u in 47.2 ; 61.13; 64.4; 110.9 

gada^l among 94.12 

ga a"l to, for, at, from 43.6; 44.4; 55.6; 58.11 

gadd a by, along 60.1 

gaxd a between 

gede in front (?) 28.8, 9 

arid possibly : 

gasal in adverb gasa lhi quickly 28.10; 29.14; 160.1 
Examples of their use are : 

wi li gadcflc* on top of the house 14.9; 15.5 

da n gadcfY on the rock 

t gd a gidl upon the land 49.12 

p!l* gadcfl in between the fire 94.12 

da n gadcfl among rocks 

da n gada alongside the rocks (cf. 60.1) 

wu^lJiam-Tioidigwia gada a gini Jc* he went right by where there 

was round-dancing (literally, menstruation-dancing-with by 

he-went) 106.13 
el gana^u in the canoe 96.24; 112.3 



dola gana^u in the old tree 24.1 

wa-iwl H t a ga a^l to the female 15.14 

ga ga a"l for that reason 50.2; 124.6; 146.20, 21; 188.6; 194.11 

Uxal wi in-wi ga al ya f he goes every month (literally, month 

different-every at he-goes) 
da f n gaxd a between the rocks 
din gede* right at the falls 33.13 
YuYya Ywa, gede 1 right by Yuk ya k wa 188.17 

Postpositions may be freely used with nouns provided with a pos 
sessive suffix; e. g., ela fk* gadcfV ON MY TONGUE; will 1 gana^u IN 
HIS HOUSE, cf. 194.7. There is no ascertainable difference in significa 
tion between such phrases and the corresponding pre-positive forms, 
dak -elade and Jia-will fi da. Sometimes a postposition takes in a 
group of words, in which case it may be enclitically appended to the 

Tcliyl x gan^au ba-igina xdd a smoke in its- going- out ( = [hole] in 
which smoke is to go out) 176.7 

Although local phrases involving a postposition are always pro 
nounced as one phonetic unit, and the postpositions have become, 
psychologically speaking, so obscured in etymology as to allow of 
their being preceded by the demonstrative with which they are them 
selves compounded (cf. ga ga a^l above), they have enough individu 
ality to render them capable of being used quasi-adverbially without 
a preceding noun : 

gada Y s u willt*e I sat on him 

gadaV ts!a a Vts!a Vde I step on top of it (148.17) 

gidi 1 galxgwa thereon eating ( = table) 

gidl f -hi closer and closer (literally, right in back) 

gadd a yeweyaW he got even with him (literally, alongside he- 
returned-having-him) 17.5 

mat yaxa aba^i dul gede^ salmon-spear-shaft only in-house, spear- 
point thereby 28.7, 9 

gl l gana^u I am inside 

ga nau naga i wiliYJc* he went through my house (literally, in 
he-did my-house[for naga is see 69]) cf. 78.5 

Other postpositions than those compounded with ga- are : 

da o^l near (cf . da ol- as pre-positive in da oldide near me) : 

wili t lc* da o^l near my house 
wa with (also as incorporated instrumental wa-, 38) 25.5; 47.5 

1 Yuk ya k wa gadawas said to be preferable, whence it seems possible that gede is not really equivalent 
to g-i THAT + de- IN FRONT, but is palatalized as adverb (see below, 104) from gadaa. 

S 96 


ha-bini^ in the middle: will ha -bini^ 1 in the middle of the house; 
ha-le e -tini^ noon (literally, in-sun [ = day]-middle) 126.21; 
-di^s away : eme f dis away from here ; dedewill fi dadi^s ( ? outside of) 

the door 176.6 

It is peculiar that mountain-names generally have a prefix al- and 
a suffix -dis: 

al-dauya a lc wa-dis (cf. daw/a W" supernatural helper) 172.1 

al-wila mxa-dis 

That both al- and -dis are felt not to be integral parts of these 
mountain-names is shown by such forms as he e -wila mxa BEYOND 
Alwila mxadis 196.14 and al-dauya a Y w . In all probability they are 
to be explained as local phrases, AT, TO (al-) . . . DISTANT (-dis), 
descriptive of some natural peculiarity or resident supernatural 

Differing apparently from other postpositions in that it requires 
the preceding noun to appear in its pre-pronominal form (i. e., with 
final -x if it is provided with it in Scheme II forms) is wa Jc*i WITH 
OUT, which would thus seem to occupy a position intermediate 
between the other postpositions and the pre-positives. Examples are : 

ts lelei wafk*i & without eyes 26.14; 27.6 
dagax wa Yi without head 
yuklalx wa Yi without teeth 57.4 
nixa wa Jc i* motherless 

As shown by the last example 1 , terms of relationship whose third 
personal possessive suffix is -xa (-a) use the third personal form as 
the equivalent of the pre-pronominal form of other nouns (cf. also 
108, 6), a fact that casts a doubt on the strictly personal character 
of the -xa suffix. No third personal idea is possible, e. g., in maxa 
wa Yi elt*e i AM FATHERLESS. wak*i is undoubtedly related to wa 
WITH; the -Yi may be identical with the conditional particle (see 71). 

On the border-line between loosely used preposition and inde 
pendent adverb are nogwa^ BELOW, DOWN RIVER FROM (? =no u DOWN 
RIVER + demonstrative ga THAT) : nogwa will BELOW THE HOUSE 
76.7; arid Jiinwa" ABOVE, UP RIVER FROM (cf. Jiina^u UP RIVER) : Jd nwa 

will ABOVE THE HOUSE 77.1. 

i Properly speaking, ha-bini* is a pre-positive phrase from noun-stem 6m- (cf. de-bin FIRST, LAST, and 
[?] bilgan-x- BREAST f ? = middle part of body-front]) with characteristic -i-. bee-bin- SUN S MIDDLE is 
compounded like, e. g., t g&a- bok dan- EARTH S NECK above ( 93). 



6. Post-nominal Elements ( 97-102} 


Under the head of post-nominal elements are included a small 
group of suffixes which, though altogether without the distinct indi 
viduality characteristic of local postpositions, are appended to the 
fully formed noun, pronoun, or adjective, in some cases also adverb, 
serving in one way or another to limit or extend the range of appli 
cation of one of these denominating or qualifying terms. The line 
of demarcation between these post-nominal elements and the more 
freely movable modal particles discussed below ( 114) is not very 
easy to draw; the most convenient criterion of classification is the 
inability of what we have termed POST-NOMINAL elements to attach 
themselves to verb-forms. 

98. EXCLUSIVE -fa 

The suffix -fa is freely appended to nouns and adjectives, less fre 
quently to pronouns, in order to specify which one out of a number 
is meant; the implication is always that the particular person, object, 
or quality mentioned is selected out of a number of alternative and 
mutually exclusive possibilities. When used with adjectives -t a has 
sometimes the appearance of forming the comparative or superlative ; 
e. g.,aga (1) t!os d u t a (2) THIS (1) is SMALLER (2), but such an inter 
pretation hardly hits the truth of the matter. The sentence just 
quoted really signifies THIS is SMA^L (NOT LARGE LIKE THAT) . As a 
matter of fact, -t a is rather idiomatic in its use, and not susceptible 
of adequate translation into English, the closest rendering being 
generally a dwelling of the voice on the corresponding English word. 
The following examples illustrate its range of usage : 

hapxit /i *t a child male (not female) (i. e., boy) 14.1; 156.8 

wa-iwl fi t si ga al yewe i the-woman to he-turned (i. e., he now 
proceeded to look at the woman, after having examined her 
husband) 15.14 

maha ii a, q!nl* gwl na naga i the-big (brother) not in-any-way 
he-did (i. e., the older brother did nothing at all, while his 
younger brother got into trouble) 23.6; (58.3) 

aga waxat*& xebe n this his-younger-brother did-it (not he him 

k. wa lt a, younger one 24.1; 58.6 


d fc da cMt a gtf-s i 8 l f lts!a w elt e he (ok*) (is) handsome (du) 

I-but ugly I-am 
yfs-i naxdek" al-ts!i f li*& 3 - give-me my-pipe red-one (implying 

others of different color) 
waga f t ~& a di which one? 
aga t!os d /u t*B, I daga yaxa maha it si this (is) small, that but 

large (cf 128.7) 
I daga s o u maJia it*& that-one (is) altogether-big ( = that one 

is biggest) 

It seems that, wherever possible, -t a keeps its intact. To prevent 
its becoming -da (as in a Yda above) an inorganic a seems to be 
added in: 

t a a soft 57.9 (cf. Jclu^ls worm; more probably directly from 
JcfulsaY 130.22) 

99. PLURAL (-fan, -han, -k!an} 

As a rule, it is not considered necessary in Takelma to specify the 
singularity or plurality of an object, the context generally serving to 
remove the resulting ambiguity. In this respect Takelma resembles 
many other American languages. The element -(a)n, however, is 
not infrequently employed to form a plural, but this plural is of 
rather indefinite application when the noun is supplied with a third 
personal possessive suffix (compare what w^as said above, 91, in 
regard to -gwan). The fact that the plurality implied by the suffix 
may have reference to either the object possessed or to the possessor 
or to both (e. g., beya nhan HIS DAUGHTERS or THEIR DAUGHTER, 
THEIR DAUGHTERS) makes it very probable that we are here dealing, 
not with the simple idea of plurality, but rather with that of reci 
procity. It is probably not accidental that the plural -(a)n agrees 
phonetically with the reciprocal element -an- found in the verb. In 
no case is the plural suffix necessary in order to give a word its full 
syntactic form; it is always appended to the absolute noun or to the 
noun with its full complement of characteristic and pronominal affix. 

The simple form -(a)n of the suffix appears only in the third per 
sonal reflexive possessive -gwa-n (see 91) and, apparently, the third 
personal possessive -t an of pre-positive local phrases (see p. 238). 
Many absolute nouns ending in a vowel, or in Z, m, or n, also nouns 
with personal affixes (including pre-positives with possessive suffixes) 
other than that of the third person, take the form -Jian of the plural 



suffix; the -Ti- may be a phonetically conditioned rather than mor 
phologically significant element. Examples are: 

Noun Plural 

slnsan decrepit old woman slnsanhan 

ts li xi dog ts lixi h&n 

ya p!a person 176.1, 12 yap/o/han 32.4 

el canoe 13.5; 112.3, 5 ertian 

wik!u u ycfm my friend wi7:/w M ?/1//mhan 

wits !al my nephew 22.1 wits Ialhan 23.8, 10; 150.4 

bd u fbidifk* my orphan child bd u fbidifhnn 

no ts lade neighboring to me nd ts!ade e \i&T]. 

Mnde O mother! 186.14 Tiindeh&n O mothers! 76.10, 13 

A large number of chiefly personal words and all nouns provided 
with a possessive suffix of the third person take -fan as the plural 
suffix; the -fan of local adverbs or nouns with pre-positives has 
been explained as composed of the third personal suffix -f and the 
pluralizing element -Jian: nd ts!a a fannis NEIGHBORS. In some cases, 
as in wa-wl tfan GIRLS 55.16; 106.17, -fan may be explained as 
composed of the exclusive -fa discussed above and the plural -n. 
The fact, however, that -f an may itself be appended both to this 
exclusive -fa and to the full third personal form of nouns not pro 
vided with a pre-positive makes it evident that the -fa- of the plural 
suffix -fan is an element distinct from either the exclusive -fa or 
third personal -f. -fa a fa-n is perhaps etymologic ally as well as 
phonetically parallel to the unexplained -dd a da of da Tc*da a da OVER 
HIM (see 93). Examples of -fan are: 

Noun Plural 

lomtll * old man 112.3, 9; 114.10; ZoraWt an 


molog<fl old woman 168.11; mologo lt* an 


wa-iwl ri girl 124.5, 10 wa-iwl H i ax\ 55.16; 60.2; 


a i-hP just they (cf.49.11; 138.11) a it an they 

ts m Hxi-maTwfi horse ts !ixi-maha it*&u 

lo u sl fi his plaything 110.6, 11 Z6"sS *Van 

mo *fa a his son-in-law mo ^ aH an their sister s 

husband 1 150.22; 152.4, 9 

tlek? louse (116.3, 6) */eZa t an 

7iapxi-t!l /i fd a boy 14.6; 156.8, 10 Jiapxi-t!i fi a a i*&n 160.14 

\dap!a la-u youth 132.13; 190.2 dap!a la-ut*&u 132.12 

wala^u young lala ut*&n 

wo u na V w old 57.1; 168.2 wd*na lc* w d&n 

1 mot - seems to indicate not only the daughter s husband, but also, in perhaps a looser sense, the rela 
tives gained by marriage of the sister. 



The plural form -klan is appended to nouns in -la f p*a and to the 
third personal -xa(-a) of terms of relationship. As -Jc!- 1 is appended 
to nouns in -la p^a also before the characteristic -i- followed by a 
possessive suffix, it is clear that -klan is a compound suffix consisting 
of an unexplained -Jc!- and the plural element -(a)n. Examples of 
-klan are: 

ttfla paklsLU men 128.11; 130.1,7,25; 132.17 

fcV a p ak!an women 184.13 

mologold p akl&ii old women 57.14; 128.3, 10 (also mologo lfari) 

o pxak\ an her elder brothers 124.16, 20; 134.8; 138.7 

Jc aba xakl&u his, their sons 132.10; 156.14 

raa mklan their father 130.19, 21; 132.12 

Vawaxakl&n their younger sister 148.5 

Jcla saklan their maternal grandmother 154.13; 156.8, 15, 18, 21 

100. DUAL -fit 

The suffix -dll(-dl^l) is appended to a noun or pronoun to indicate 
the duality of its occurrence, or to restrict its naturally indefinite or 
plural application to two. It is not a true dual in the ordinary sense 
of the word, but indicates rather that the person or object indicated 
by the noun to which it is suffixed is accompanied by another person 
or object of the same kind, or by a person or object mentioned before 
or after; in the latter case it is equivalent to AND connecting two 
denominating terms. Examples illustrating its use are: 

<7d u mdf 1 we two (restricted from go u m we) 

gadll go u m ihemxinigam we two, that one and I, will wrestle 

(literally, that-one-and-another [namely, I] we we-shall- 

wrestle) 30.5 

sgi f si<\\ two coyotes (literally, coyote-and-another [coyote]) 
waxad?\ two brothers (lit., [he] and his younger brother) 26.12 
sgisi m xadri Coyote and his mother 54.2 

The element -dll doubtless occurs as an adjective stem meaning 
ALL, EVERY, in oldll ALL 134.4 (often heard also as aldl 47.9; 110.16; 
188.1); Jiadedllt a EVERYWHERE 43.6; 92.29; and hat ga a dilt a, IN 

EVERY LAND 122.20. 

101. -wi s every 

This element is freely appended to nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, 
but has no independent existence of its own. Examples are : 

&e e wi every day (literally, every sun) 42.1; 158.17 
xu f nwi every night (xu f n, xu f ne^ night, at night) 

1 It was found extremely difficult, despite repeated trials, for some reason or other, to decide as to whether 
-ft/- or -g- was pronounced. -k!i- and -k!an may thus be really -gi- and -gan. 



bixdl wi inwi / ~ba-i-wili ue month comes after month (literally, 

moon different-each out-goes) 

gwel- wak*wiwi every morning (gwel- wak*wi morning 44.1) 
da-Jio u xawi every evening 
7ia-l)e e -l)iniwi / every noon 

lc*aiwi e everything, something (k a-, Yai- what, thing) 180.5, 6 
ada t wi* everywhere, to each 30.12; 74.2; 120.13 

As illustrated by 7c aiwi , the primary meaning of -wi is not so 
much EVERY as that it refers the preceding noun or adverb to a 
series. It thus conveys the idea of SOME in: 

dal wi sometimes, in regard to some 57.12 
xa newi f sometimes 132.25 

With pronouns it means TOO, AS WELL AS OTHERS: 

<7$ l wi /e I too 
raa a wi / you too 58.5 

Like -dll, -wi may be explained as a stereotyped adjectival stem 
that has developed into a quasi-formal element. This seems to be 
indicated by the derivative wi i^n EVERY, DIFFERENT 49.1; 160.20; 


102. DEICTIC -e^ 

It is quite likely that the deictic - cr is etymologically identical 
with the demonstrative stem a- THIS, though no other case has been 
found in which this stem follows the main noun or other word it 
qualifies. It differs from the exclusive -t a in being less distinctly a 
part of the whole word and in having a considerably stronger con- 
trastive force. Unlike -fa, it may be suffixed to adverbs as well as 
to words of a more strictly denominative character. Examples of 
its occurrence are extremely numerous, but only a very few of these 
need be given to illustrate its deictic character: 

roaV you ([I am ,] but you - ) 26.3; 56.5; (cf. 49.8, 13) 

maha i a,^ big indeed 

ga a,^ ge will 1 that one s house is there (literally, that-one there 

his-house [ that house yonder belongs to that fellow Coyote, not 

to Panther, whom we are seeking]) 55.4; cf. 196.19 
&o tt a v but nowadays (so it was in former days, but now things 

have changed) 50.1; 194.5 
ge -hi gl i a? yok!oya n that-far I-for-my-part know-it (others may 

know more) 49.13; 154.7 
p i m sf gayau he ate salmon (nothing else. 


in. The Pronoun ( 103-105) 
103. Independent Personal Pronouns 

The independent personal pronouns of Takelma, differing in this 
respect from what is found to be true of most American languages, 
show not the slightest etymological relationship to any of the various 
pronominal series found incorporated in noun and verb, except in so 
far as the second person plural is formed from the second person sin 
gular by the addition of the element -p* that we have found to be 
characteristic of every second person plural in the language. The 
forms, which may be used both as subjects and objects, are as 
follows : 

Singular: First person, gl 56.10; 122.8; second person, ma x (ma a ) 
26.7; 98.8; third person, d 27.5; 156.12. Plural: First person, 
go u m 30.5; 150.16; second person, map ] third person di 49.11; 
xilamana? 27.10; 56.1 

Of the two third personal plural pronouns, di is found most fre 
quently used with post-positive elements; e. g., dyd a JUST THEY 
(= ai yd a ) 160.6; a e ya? THEY (= di-V) 49.11. When unaccom 
panied by one of these, it is generally pluralized: of it* an (see 99). 
The second, xilamana^, despite its four syllables, has not in the 
slightest yielded to analysis. It seems to be but little used in normal 
speech or narrative. 

All the pronouns may be emphasized by the addition of -wi e (see 
101), the deictic -V (see 102), or the post-positive particles yd a 
and enclitic -Tii and -s i (see 114, 1, 2, 4): 

mayd a just you 196.2 

ma hi you yourself 

aih? they themselves 104.13 (cf. 152.20) 

gtfs i * I in my turn 47.14; 188.8; (cf. 61.9) 

A series of pronouns denoting the isolation of the person is formed 
by the addition of -da x or -da xi ( = -da x + -hi) to the forms given 
above : 

gtfda /s x(i) only I 

ma a da e x(i) you alone 

dVda x(i) all by himself 61.7; 90.1; 142.20; 144.6 

go u mda x(i) we alone 

mdp da s x(i) you people alone 

dida e x(i) they alone 138.11 



The third personal pronouns are not infrequently used with pre 
ceding demonstratives: 

hd ga (or I dago) ak dcfx that one by himself (a used here 
apparently as a peg for the suffixed element -da x by one s self) 
hd d it an and vdafa ifan those people 

Tid - and Ida-, it should be noted, are demonstrative stems that occur 
only when compounded with other elements. 

The independent possessive pronouns (IT is) MINE, THINE, HIS, 
OURS, YOURS, are expressed by the possessive forms of the substan 
tival stem ais - HAVING, BELONGING, PROPERTY: a-is deW IT is MINE 
23.2; 154.18, 19, 20; a-is de f YOURS; a -is da HIS 23.2, 3; (156.7) 
and so on. These forms, though strictly nominal in morphology, 
have really no greater concreteness of force than the English transla 
tions MINE, THINE, and so on. 

104. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverts 

Four demonstrative stems, used both attributively and substan- 
tively, are found: a-, ga, Ida-, and ~hd a ~-. Of these only ga THAT 
occurs commonly as an independent word ; the rest, as the first ele 
ments of composite forms. The demonstratives as actually found 

Indefinite, ga that 60.5; 61.2; 110.4; 194.4,5 
Near first, a! go, this 44.9; 186.4; all this here 110.2; 188.20 
Near second. I daga that 116.22; Idall that there 55.16 
Near third. lid a ga that yonder 186.5; 7ia e ll that over there 

a- has been found also as correlative to ga- with the forms of na(g}~ 

ana ne^x like this 176.13 (ga-na e ne*x that way, thus 114.17; 

ana na H it will be as it is now cf. 152.8 (ga-na na t it will be 

that way) 
perhaps also in: 

ada t wi everywhere C = adcft this way, hither [see 1 12, 1] + -wi 

every) 30.12; 74.2; 120.13 

Ida- (independently 46.5; 47.5; 192.6) seems to be itself a compound 
element, its first syllable being perhaps identifiable with I- HAND. 
ida d it*an and hd a d it f an, referred to above, are in effect the sub 
stantive plurals of I daga and Jid a ga. Tid a - as demonstrative pro 
noun is doubtless identical with the local hd a - YONDER, BEYOND, 
found as a prefix in the verb. 


By far the most commonly used of the demonstratives is that of 
indefinite reference, ga. It is used as an anaphoric pronoun to refer 
to both things and persons of either number, also to summarize a pre 
ceding phrase or statement. Not infrequently the translation THAT 
or THOSE is too definite; a word of weaker force, like IT, better 
serves the purpose. The association of I daga and Jia a ga with spa- 
cial positions corresponding to the second and third persons respec 
tively does not seem to be at all strong, and it is perhaps more accu 
rate to render them as THAT RIGHT AROUND THERE and THAT YONDER. 
Differing fundamentally in this respect from adjectives, demonstra 
tive pronouns regularly precede the noun or other substantive ele 
ment they modify: 

a ga sgi si this coyote 108.1 

I daga yapla" that person 

ga aldll all that, all of those 47.12 

A demonstrative pronoun may modify a noun that is part of a local 
phrase : 

I daga Jie e s o u md"l beyond that mountain 122.22; 124.1 
Corresponding to the four demonstrative pronoun-stems are four 
demonstrative adverb-stems, derived from the former by a change 
of the vowel -a- to -e-\ e-, ge, ide-, and Tie e -. Just as ga THAT was 
found to be the only demonstrative freely used as an independent 
pronoun, so ge THERE, alone of the four adverbial stems, occurs outside 
of compounds, e-, Ide-, and 7ie e -, however, are never compounded 
with ge, as are a-, Ida-, and Jid a - with its pronominal correspondent 
ga; a fifth adverbial stem of demonstrative force, me (HITHER as 
verbal prefix), takes its place. The actual demonstrative adverbs 
thus are: 

Indefinite, ge there 64.6; 77.9; 194.11 
Near first. eme here 112.12, 13; 194.4; me - hither 
Near second. l deme right around there 46.15 
Near third. he e me yonder 31.13 

Of these, me -, the correlative of 7ie e -, can be used independently 
when followed by the local -al : me al ON THIS SIDE, HITHER WARDS 
58.9; 160.4. he e - AWAY, besides frequently occurring as a verbal 
prefix, is found as a component of various adverbs : 

lie e dada , Jie e da over there, away from here, off 46. 8; 194.10 

Jie ne" then, at that time 120.2; 146.6; 162.3 

Jie daY on that side, toward yonder 104 


me - can be used also with the adverb ge of indefinite reference pre 
ceding ; the compound, followed by di, is employed in an interroga 
tive sense: geme di WHERE ? WHEN? 56.10; 100.16; 190.25. The 
idea of direction in the demonstrative adverbs seems less strong 
than that of position: he e me baxa m HE COMES PROM OVER THERE, 
as well as Tie e me gini Y HE GOES OVER THERE. me - and Tie e - (lia a -} , 
however, often necessarily convey the notions of TOWARD and AWAY 
FROM the speaker: me -yewe i Jia a -yewe i HE CAME AND WENT BACK 


Demonstrative adverbs may take the restrictive suffix -da x or 
-daba x (cf. -da x with personal pronouns, 103): 
eme da x 114.4, 5 

.-,,,, , here alone 

eme ddba x 114.14] 

lOo. Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns 

As independent words, the interrogative and indefinite stems occur 
with adverbs or adverbial particles, being found in their bare form 
only when incorporated. The same stems are used for both inter 
rogative and indefinite purposes, a distinction being made between 
persons and things: 

ne who? some one 86.2, 23; 108.11 
Vai what? something 86.5; 122.3; 128.8 

As independent adverb also PERHAPS: 

Itai HumUxi perhaps he ll strike me 23.3 

As interrogatives, these stems are always followed by the interroga 
live enclitic particle di, Yai always appearing as Ya- when di imme 
diately follows : 

nefV-di who? 46.15; 86.4; 142.9 
Fa -^what? 47.9; 60.11; 86.8 

Jc a i . . . di occurs with post-positive ga s a^l: 

Va iga aldV what for? why? 71.15; 86.14; 98.8 
As indefinites, they are often followed by the composite particle 
-8 i e wa Jc*di: 

neV-s i wa Vdi I don t know who, somebody 22.8 
Yai-s i wa Ydi I don t know what, something 96.10 

As negative indefinites, neV and Yai are preceded by the negative 
adverb a ni or wede, according to the tense-mode of the verb (see 



a ntfne^V nobody 63.4; 90.8, 25 

a ntflc Vino thing 58. 14; 61.6; 128.23 

we de nek* u s iY nobody will give it to me (cf. 98.10) 

we de 7c*ai u s dam do not give me anything 

With the post-nominal -wi f EVERY, Vai forms Yaiwi EVERYTHING, 
SOMETHING. No such form as *nek*wi , however, occurs, its place 
being taken by aldll, aldl ALL, EVERYBODY. In general, it may be 
said that Jc ai has more of an independent substantival character 
than neY ; it corresponds to the English THING in its more indefinite 
sense, e. g., Fo/i gwala MANY THINGS, EVERYTHING 96.15; 102.11; 

The adverbial correspondent of Yai is gwi HOW? WHERE? 46.2; 
78.5. In itself gwi is quite indefinite in signification and is as such 
often used with the forms of na(g}- DO, ACT 47.11 ; 55.7: 

gwi di nagalt* how are you doing? (e. g., where are you going?) 
86.17; (138.25) 

As interrogative, it is followed by di: 

gwi dihow 1 * where? 44.5; 70.6; 73.9; 190.10 
as indefinite, by -s tfwa Ydi (cf. 190.4) : 

gwis i s wafVdi in someway, somewhere 54.7; 96.8; 120.21 (also 
gwi liap* somewhere) 

as negative indefinite, it is preceded by a ni or wede: 

afnl e gwi 1 in no way, nowhere 23.6; 62.11; 192.14 
we de gwi naY do not go anywhere! 

As indefinite relative is used gwl Tia WHERESOEVER 140.9, 13, 15, 19. 
IV. The Adjective ( 106-109) 
106. General Remarks 

Adjectives can not in Takelma without further ado be classed as 
nouns or verbs, as they have certain characteristics that mark them 
off more or less clearly from both; such are their distinctly adjectival 
suffixes and their peculiar method of forming the plural. In some 
respects they closely approach the verb, as in the fact that they are 
frequently preceded by body-part prefixes, also in the amplification 
of the stem in the plural in ways analogous to what we have found 
in the verb. They differ, however, from verbal forms in that they 
can not be predicatively used (except that the simple form of the 
adjective may be predicatively understood for an implied third per 
son), nor provided with the pronominal suffixes peculiar to the verb; 



a first or second personal relation is brought about by the use of 
appropriate forms of the copula ei- BE. They agree with the noun 
and pronoun in being frequently followed by the distinctly denomi 
native exclusive suffix -fa (see 98) and in the fact that, when 
forming part of a descriptive noun, they may take the personal end 
ings peculiar to the noun: 

ts Iixi-maha ifeY dog-big-my ( = my horse) 

As adjectives pure and simple, however, they are never found with 
the possessive suffixes peculiar to the noun; e. g., no such form as 
*ma"ha iek* alone ever occurs. It thus appears that the adjective 
occupies a position midway between the noun and the verb, yet with 
characteristics peculiar to itself. The most marked syntactic feature 
of the adjective is that, unlike a qualifying noun, it always follows 
the modified noun, even when incorporated with it (see 93) . Ex 
amples are: 

woriwl 1 du girl pretty 55.7; 124.5 
yap! a daldi^ person wild 22.14 

sgi si da-sga xif Coyote sharp-snouted 86.3, 20; 88.1, 11 
p im xu"m yele^x debu fs salmon dry burden-basket full ( = burden- 
basket full of dry salmon) 75.10 

Rarely does it happen that the adjective precedes, in which case 
it is to be predicatively understood : 

gwa la yaplcf many (were) the people 180.16 (but ya p!a gwalcf 
people many 194.10) 

Even when predicatively used, however, the adjective regularly fol 
lows the noun it qualifies. Other denominating words or phrases 
than adjectives are now and then used to predicate a statement or 
command : 

yu lclalx (1) wa tfi* (2), ga (3) ga al (4) deligia Wi (5) gwas (6) [as 
they were] without (2) teeth (1), for (4) that (3) [reason] they 
brought them as food (5) intestines (6) 130.22 

masi s (1) al-na a na s n (2) naga-ida f (3) [do] you in your turn (1) 
[dive], since you said (3) " I can get close to him " (2) 61.9 

107. Adjectival Prefixes 

Probably all the body-part prefixes and also a number of the 

purely local elements are found as prefixes in the adjective. The 

material at hand is not large enough to enable one to follow out the 

prefixes of the adjective as satisfactorily as those of the verb; but 



there is no reason to believe that there is any tangible difference of 
usage between the two sets. Examples of prefixes in the adjective 

1. dak -. 

ds^L-maJia^i big on top 
da,k*-dii l s big-headed 

2. da"-. 

da a -moZMY red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 96.13 
d&^-ho k wal with holes in ear 166.13, 19 
dvf-mahcfi big-cheeked 

3. S in-. 

s m-ho 7c wal with holes in nose 166.13, 18 
s-ia-M s gdl big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6 
s m-p i l s flat-nosed 

4. de-. 

de-ts !uguY, de-ts !iigu u sharp-pointed 74.13; 126.18 

de-t ulu e p* dull 

de- winiY proceeding, reaching to 50.4 

5. da-. 

darsga xi(t ) long-mouthed 15.13; 86.3; 88.1, 11 
i^ short 33.17 

l holed 176.7 
^i big-holed 92.4 
d&-t!os d u small-holed 

6. gwen-. 

gwen-xdi l s slim-necked 
gwen-fge^m black-necked 196.6 

7. 1-. 

l-ts !o p*al sharp-clawed 14.4; 15.13; 86.3 
l-ge wa x crooked-handed 
I-lc!oJc!oW ugly-handed 

8. oca a -. 

xa a -ma^a v i big-waisted, wide 

x& a -xdi l s slim-waisted, notched 71.15; 75.6 

9. dl 1 -. 

dP-klelix conceited 

10. dl s -. 

dl -maJia^i big below, big behind 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 17 107 


di -k!cfls lean in rump 

11. gwel-. 

ha-gwe\-lila^m empty underneath, like table (cf. Jia-lila^m 

gwel-ho lc wal holed underneath 43, 9. 

12. ha-. 

ha-Z>iZa v m empty (literally, having nothing inside, cf. bilcfm 
having nothing 43.6, 8, 14) 

13. sal-. 

s&\-t!a i narrow 
sal-te luna^px straight 

14. al-. (Referring to colors and appearances) 
al-^ m black 13.3; 162. 4 

B\-ts !i^l red 

&\-t<gu i s- white 55.2 ; 188. 1 1 

&\-sgenJiiY black 92.19 

&\-gwa si yellow 

&\-gisa\nt* green (participle of t*gisi e m it gets green) 

al-ldiyl x-nat* blue (literally, smoke-doing or being) 

8l-lc!o7c!oW ugly-faced 47.2; 60.5 

&\-t!e e s iY little-eyed 94.3; (94.6, 14) 

&\-t*geya px round 

al-f mila^px smooth 

15. han-. 

h&n-hogwa^l with hole running through 56.9, 10 
A few cases have been found of adjectives with preceding nouns in 
such form as they assume with pre-positive and possessive suffix: 

da 7c!oloi-ts !il red-cheeked 
gwit!lu-t!a i slim- wrist ed 

An example of an adjective preceded by two body-part prefixes has 
already been given (ka-gwel- bilcfm}. Here both prefixes are coordi 
nate in function (cf. ha-gwel-p!iya\ 95). In: 

xa a -sal-gwa si between-claws-yellow (myth name of Sparrow- 
Hawk) 166.2 

the two body-part prefixes are equivalent to an incorporated local 
phrase (cf. 35, 4) 

108. Adjectival Derivative Suffixes 

A considerable number of adjectives are primitive in form, i. e., 
not capable of being derived from simpler nominal or verbal stems. 
Such are: 




lio s au getting older 

mahtfi big 23.1; 74.15; 146.3 

bus wiped out, destroyed, used up 42.2; 140.19 

da good, beautiful 55.7; 58.7; 124.4; 146.6 

t u hot 57.15; 186.25 

p u^n rotten 140.21 

yo t i alive ([?] yoY being + enclitic -hi) (128.16) 

and many others. A very large number, however, are provided with 
derivative suffixes, some of which are characteristic of adjectives 
per se, 1 while others serve to convert nouns and pre-positive phrases 
into adjectives. Some adjectival stems seem capable of being used 
either with or without a suffix (cf. da-sgafxi and de-ts !uguY above, 
107) : 

maha^i and mahaW big 
al-gwa si and al-gwafsi yellow r 

1. -(/) . Probably the most characteristic of all adjectival suffixes 

is - , all -f participles (see 76) properly belonging here. 
Non-participial examples are: 

al-gwa siV yellow 

al-sgenhW black 92.19 

al-t!e e s-iV little-eyed 94.3 

(?) Jia nV half ([?] cf. Jian- through) 146.22; 154.9; 192.7 

tlolV one-horned 46.7; 47.7; 49.3. 

da a -molMV red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 88.2; 96.13 

de-ts lug&t* sharp-pointed 126.18 

UulsaV soft (food) (cf. TcWls worm) 130.22 

p!ala, 1c wa-goyd /u t elt e I am story-doctor (cf. goyo^ shaman) 

2. -al. Examples of adjectives with this suffix are: 

l-ts to p &l sharp-clawed 14.4; 86.3(cLde-ts !iigu^t sharp-pointed; 

for -p -: -g- cf. 42, 1, 6) 
tll fd thin 

(?) dth&l five ([ ?] = being in front 2 ) 150.19, 20; 182.21 
s in-ho Vwsil with holes in nose 166.13, 18; (56.9; 166.19; 176.7) 
s in-hu s-gsl big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6 
hi f p*a\ flat 

Imi xal how much, how many (used interrogatively and relatively) 
100.8; 182.13 
mix& llia numerous, in great numbers Q2.28; 94.1 

1 A few adjectives in -am (= -an) are distinctly nominal in appearance; bila^m HAVING NOTHING; xiltfm 
SICK (but also as noun, DEAD PERSON, GHOST). It hardly seems possible to separate these from nouns like 

^m BOARD; ts- Seldom HAIL. 

2 Cf. American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, p. 266. 



3. -di. A few adjectives have been found with this suffixed element: 

hapsdi" little 192.6; M pdi 24.12; 60.15; 61.5 (cf. M a pxi* child 


yapla daldi^ wild man (cf. dal- in the brush) 22.14 
^ama zdiraw 94.3, 6; 144.5; 182.4 
gweldi" finished (cf . gwel- leg) 34.1; 79.8; 94.18 

4. -ts!- (- s). In a small number of adjectives this element is doubt 

less to be considered a suffix: 

I ltslaV" bad, ugly 182.1; 186.22; 198.4 (cf. pi. Wa lsdk w ) 
s in-p f i f l e s flat-nosed 

xa a -xdi l s slim-waisted 71.15; 75.6 (cf. inferential passive xd-l- 
xdi lxdalk*am they have been notched in several places) 

A few adjectives in -s, evidently morphologically connected with 
the scattering nouns in -s, also occur: 

gums blind 26.14 
ftoZslong 14.5; 33.16; 158.1 
s uns thick 90.3 

5. -(a)x. This suffix disappears in the plural (see below, 109), 

so that no room is left for doubt as to its non-radical character. 
Whether it is to be identified with the non-agentive -x of the 
verb is somewhat uncertain, but that such is the case is by no 
means improbable; in some cases, indeed, the adjective in -x 
is connected with a verb in -x. The -cfpx of some of the 
examples is without doubt composed of the petrified -b- found 
in a number of verbs (see 42, 1) and the adjectival (or non- 
agentive) -x. 

al-t geys^p^ round (cf. al-t geye^px it rolls) 

sal-ts /ima^px straight 

(Zo-fe /amxsick 90.12, 13, 21; 92.5; 150.16 

al-t mila?px smooth 

da-p o a x crooked (cf. p owo x it bends) 

l-ge wafx. crooked-handed 

More transparently derivational in character than any of those 
listed above are the following adjectival suffixes: 

6. -gwat* HAVING. Adjectival forms in -gwaY are derived partly 

by the addition of the adjectival suffix -(a)Z to third personal 
reflexive possessive forms in - t gwa (-xagwa), or to palatalized 
passive participial forms in -W w , themselves derived from 
nouns (see 77), partly by the addition of -gwaY to nouns in 


their pre-pronominal form (-x) . The fact that these various 
-gwa t forms, despite their at least apparent diversity of origin, 
clearly form, a unit as regards signification, suggests an ultimate 
identity of the noun reflexive -gwa (and therefore verbal 
indirect reflexive -gwa-) with the passive participial -V w . The 
-gwa- of forms in -x-gwat is not quite clear, but is perhaps to 
be identified with the comitative -gwa- of the verb. An 
adjective like yu k!al-x-gwat TEETH-HAVING presents a parallel 
ism to a verbal participle like dak -llm-x-gwat* WITH (TREE) 
FALLING OVER ONE (from aorist dak*-limlm-x-gwa~de i AM WITH 
IT FALLING OVER ME, see 46) that is suggestive of morphologic 
identity. Examples of -gwaV adjectives are: 
waya uxagwsit having daughter-in-law 56.10 (cf. waya uxagwa 

her own daughter-in-law) 

t gwa,na t*gw&,t* slave-having (cf. t gwana t gwa his own slave) 
Da-t*dn-ela a t*gwa,t x Squirrel-Tongued (literally, in-mouth squirrel 
his-tongue having [name of Coyote s daughter]) 70.6; 72.4; 

m jcagwat* mother-having (cf. ni xak w mothered) 
me xagw&t* father-having (cf. me f xalc w fathered) 
k*e ie le f p*igigw&t* wife-having (cf. Jc e i U f p igik w wived 142.6) 
gvPxgwsft* wife-having 128.4 (cf. gu u -x-deW my wife 142.9) 
dagaxgweft* head-having (cf. da g-ax-dek* my head 90.13) 
te /tt Zxgwat* having Indian money (cf. ts lu^lx Indian money 

A form with -gwat and the copula ei- (for persons other than the 

third) takes the place in Takelma of the verb HAVE: 
is- tu lxgwat elt e s I have money (literally money-having or 

moneyed I-am 
ts !ulx-gwcft* he has money 

Aside from the fact that it has greater individuality as a distinct 
phonetic unit, the post-positive wa ~k* is WITHOUT is the mor 
phologic correlative of -gwat HAVING: 
dagax wa k*i elt* head without you- are 
da gaxgwat elt" head-having you-are 

Similarly : 

nixa wa Jc i 8 elt e mother without I-am 
ni xagwaC elt e mother-having I-am 

1 The fact that this form has a body-part prefix (da- MOUTH) seems to imply its verbal (participial) 
character, -t gwat in it, and forms like it, may have to be analyzed, not as -t gwa HIS OWN+ -f, but rather 
as -t ius+-gwa- HAVING-)--* . In other words, from a noun-phrase fan ela a (older eld at") SQUIRREL HIS- 
TONGUE may be theoretically formed a comitative intransitive with prefix: *da-t dn-eld at -gwade e I AM 
HAVING SQUIRREL S TONGUE IN MY MOUTH, of which the text-form is the participle. This explanation has 
ihe advantage over the one given above of putting forms In - t gwat and -xgwat on one line; cf. also 73.15. 



7. -imikH. A few adjectives have been found ending in this suffix 

formed from temporal adverbs: 

hop!e nimik\i (men) of long ago 168.1 (hop!e n long ago 58.4, 7, 1 1) 
&o tt i mik!i (people) of nowadays (lo u now 188.8; 194.5) 

8. -(i)7e!i. This suffix, evidently closely related to the preceding 

one, forms adjectives (with the signification of BELONGING TO, 
ALWAYS BEING) from local phrases. Examples are: 

ha-wili yikli belonging to good folks, not " common" (homTia-will 

in the house) 

m-&emik!i being between sticks 
lia-bami sik !i dwelling in air 

xa a -da nik\i belonging between rocks (e. g., crawfish) 
dak -p!i f yak\i s staying always over the fire 
7ia-p!i f yak\i s belonging to fire 

9. - xi. A few adjectival forms in - xi, formed from local phrases, 

seem to have a force entirely coincident with adjectives in-(i)fc/i: 

ha-p!i ya xi belonging to fire 

Tia-xi ya^i mink (literally, always staying in the water [from 
lia-xiycf in the water 33.4]) 

10. - l fi xi. This suffix seems to be used interchangeably with 

-(i)~k!i and - xi. Examples are: 

Jia-lami sa l fi xi belonging to the air, sky 
xa a -da / ni s i /i xi e belonging between rocks 
Jia-wili i fi xi belonging to the house 
ha-xi ya l fi xi belonging to the water 
ha-pliya 5 ! ^! belonging to fire 

The following forms in -%?, not derived from local phrases, doubt 
less belong with these: 

ge l n xi belonging there 160.24 

goyo l n xi belonging to shamans (used to mean: capable of wish 
ing ill, supernaturally doing harm, to shamans) 170.11 

109. Plural Formations 

A few adjectives form their plural or frequentative by reduplica 

Singular Plural 

de-M te full 49.14; 116.5 de-lu la?x (dissimilated from 

-M la x) 122.17 

l lts!a w bad 182.1; 198.4 ll a lsak fw (dissimilated from 

ll alts!-) 

maJia i large 23.1; 74.15 mahml 32.15; 49.10; 130.4 



Of these, the first two are clearly verbal in type. The probably non- 
agentive -x of de-bu ba*x (also singular de-bu fiis x from ^de-bu ^Tcl-x [cf. 
de-bu tiJdin i SHALL FILL ITJ) and the apparently passive participial 
-aY w of l f lts!ak w strongly suggest that the first two of these adjec 
tives are really adjectivally specialized verb-forms, mahml is alto 
gether irregular in type of reduplication. t!os o u LITTLE 56.15 ; 74.16 
forms its plural by the repetition of the second consonant after the 
repeated vowel of the singular: dak!oloi-t!os u s gwa HE HAS SMALL 
CHEEKS. In regard to t"Ut" 170.18. the plural of t U HOT 57.15, it 
is not certain whether the -t" is the repeated initial consonant, or 
the -t" characteristic of other adjective plurals. 

Most adjectives form their plural by repeating after the medial 
consonant the vowel of the stem, where possible, and adding to the 
amplified stem the element -it" (probably from -hit" , as shown by 
its treatment with preceding fortis), or, after vowels, -fit"; a final 
non-radical -(a)x disappears in the plural. Jio s au GETTING BIGGER 
(with inorganic -a-} forms its plural by the repetition of the stem- 
vowel alone, Jios d u 156.11; 158.11; similar is du s v? 58.10 which seems 
to be the plural of du PKETTY 58.8. yo t"i ([?] yot -hi) ALIVE forms 
the plural yofi Tii ([?] yot i-hi) 128.16. Examples of the peculiarly 
adjectival plural in ~(t")it" are: 

Singular Plural 

al-t geya^px round al-t* geye p*ii* 

al-t mila^px smooth al-fmili p^it 

sal-ts luncfpx straight sal-ts !u nup*ik* 

sal-t!a i narrow soU-tlafy&Vii* 

da-p o a x crooked (= -ak!-x) gwit*-p*o o*Jc*it" crooked- 


l-ge wa x crooked-handed l-ge we e fc it 
(= -ak!-x; cf. aorist gewe- 
k!aw- carry [salmon] bow- 

de-ts !uguY sharp-pointed 126. 18 de-ts !uguhit" 
de-ulu p dull de-t"ulu e p"it" 

al-ts- /iV red da JcIoloi-te Ii liVit he has red 

al-t gu is s white 55.2; 188.11 da Jcloloirfguyn s-it* he has 

white cheeks 
al-t ge m black 13.3; 162.4 da Jdoloi-t ge met it* he has 

black cheeks 

long 14.5; 15.12,15 s inlxdaH an ~ba a l& s\i* then- 

noses are long 




[BULL. 40 




n once 182.20; 188.13 

ga miin twice 

gamga man 
licflmi tsladcfn 
~ha lga f mada*n 

That these plurals are really frequentative or distributive in force 
is illustrated by such forms as da Tdoloi-ts li lit it RED-CHEEKED, 
which has reference not necessarily to a plurality of persons affected, 
but to the frequency of occurrence of the quality predicated, i. e., to 
the redness of both cheeks. 

V. Numerals ( 110, 111) 
110. Cardinals 


mi i sga I3.2; 192.8; ml f s 


tga f m 22.7; 110.11 i 

\ga p!ini^ 55.7 ; 12; 116.1J 

3. xi linV 150.8 

4. gamga m 148.5; 184.17 

5. dehal 150.19, 20; 182.21 

6. lia lml f s 150.12 

7. ha lgd / m 

8. JiaHxi^n 

9. ha igo* 150.14 

10. i xdll 13.1; 150.5; 182.22 

11. i xdll ml fis sga gadcfY 

ten one on-top-of 

12. i xdll gd m gadcfV 
20. yap!ami f s 182.23 
30. xi n ixdll 

40. gamgafmtin ixdl^l 

50. deJialdan ixdl^l 

60. ha lmi ts!adan ixdl^l 

70. Jia lgd f madan ixdl^l 

80. Jia lxi ndan ixdl^l 

90. Jia lgogada n ixdl^l 
100. t!eimi f s 23.2, 4, 9, 12, 13 
200. ga mtin t!eimi s 
300. xin t!eimi / s 
400. gamga mtin t!eimi c s 
1,000. i xdildant!eimi s 
2, 000. yap!ami ts!adan t!eimi e s 

ml fi sga is the usual uncompounded form of ONE. In compounds 
the simpler form ml f s (stem mlts!-} occurs as the second element: 

Jia lmi f s six ( = one[fingerl in the hand) 
yap!ami s twenty ( = one man) 



i Often heard as ga p^ini^ 5o.2, 5. 


t!eimi fs s one hundred (probably = one male[W-]) 

me e l t ga a ^mi ~s crows earth-one ( = land packed full of crows) 

144.9, 11, 12, 13 

de e ml f s in-front-one ( = marching in single file) 
almi s s all together 92.23, 24; 190.17 

Of the two forms for TWO, gafplinV seems to be the more frequently 
used, though no difference of signification or usage can be traced. 
gafplinV TWO and xi binV THREE are evident compounds of the 
simpler gaf s m and xFn (seen in 7ia e ixFn EIGHT) and an element -binV 
that is perhaps identical with -bini* of Jia -bini* IN THE MIDDLE. 
gamgafm FOUR is evidently reduplicated from ga m TWO, the falling 
accent of the second syllable being probably due to the former 
presence of the catch of the simplex. An attempt has been made 1 
to explain delial FIVE as an adjectival form in -al derived from de e - 
IN FRONT. The numerals six, SEVEN, EIGHT, and NINE are best con 
sidered as morphologically verbs provided with the compound prefix 
Twr Z- IN THE HAND (see 35, 4), and thus strictly signifying ONE 
HAND. No explanation can be given of -#O N in Jia s lgo^ NINE, except 
that it may be an older stem for FOUR, later replaced, for one reason 
or another, by the composite ga/rngofm TWO + TWO. i xdll TEN is 
best explained as compounded of l-x- HAND (but why not lux- as in 
lux-de F MY HAND?) and the dual -d/l, and as being thus equivalent 


It thus seems probable that there are only three simple numeral 
stems in Takelma, ml /is s ONE, gd m TWO, and xi^n THREE. All the 
rest are either evident derivations from these, or else (delial probably 
and i xdll certainly) descriptive of certain finger-positions. While the 
origin of the Takelma system may be tertiary or quinary (if -</0 N is 
the original stem for FOUR and delial is a primary element), the 
decimal feeling that runs through it is evidenced both by the break 
at ten and by the arrangement of the numerals beyond ten. 

The teens are expressed by TEN ONE ABOVE (i. e., ten over one), TEN 
TWO ABOVE ; and so on. gafcfl THERETO may be used instead of gadcfk* 
OVER. Twenty is ONE MAN, i. e., BOTH HANDS AND FEET. One hun 
dred can be plausibly explained as equivalent to ONE MALE PERSON. 2 
The other tens, i. e., thirty to ninety inclusive, are expressed by 

i American Anthropologist, loc. cit., where FIVE is explained as BEING IN FRONT, on the basis of the 
method of fingering used by the Takelma in counting. 
Loc. cit. 



multiplication, the appropriate numeral adverb preceding the word for 
ten. xi n ixdll THIRTY, however, uses the original cardinal xin, instead 
of the numeral adverb xint\ The hundreds (including two hundred 
and one thousand) are similarly expressed as multiplications of one 
hundred (t!eimi s), the numeral adverbs (xin instead of xFnt* in 
three hundred) preceding t!eimi / s. Numerals above one thousand 
( = 10X100) can hardly have been in much use among the Takelma, 
but can be expressed, if desired, by prefixing the numeral adverbs 
derived from the tens to t!cimi s; e. g., dehaldan ixdlldan t!eimi s 
5X10X100 = 5,000. 

As far as the syntactic treatment of cardinal numerals is concerned, 
it should be noted that the plural of the noun modified is never em 
ployed with any of them : 

wa-iwl * gaplini girl two (i. e., two girls) 55.2, 5, 7, 12 (wa-iwl fi - 

mologola p*aga p!ini old- woman two 26.14 (mologola f p^ak!an old 

women 138.10) 
Tia p da ga pHni his child two 154.17 (ha pxda his children) 

Like adjectives, attributive numerals regularly follow the noun. 
111. Numeral Adverts 

The numeral adverbs denoting so AND so MANY TIMES are derived 
from the corresponding cardinals by suffixing -an (often weakened 
to -tin) to ga e m TWO and its derivative gamga m FOUR; -f, to xin 
THREE; -dcfn, to other numerals (-adcfn, to those ending in - m and 
-is!- = - s). 7ia iga m SEVEN and Jia e lxi^n EIGHT, it will be observed, 
do not follow ga m and xin in the formation of their numeral adverbs, 
but add -(a)dcfn. 

It is not impossible that mu^x- in mu^xdcfn ONCE is genetically 
related and perhaps dialectically equivalent to ml i s-, but no known 
grammatic or phonetic process of Takelma enables one to connect them. 
7ia lgd u gada^n NINE TIMES seems to insert a -go- between the cardinal 
and the adverbial suffix -dan. The most plausible explanation of the 
form is its interpretation as NINE (Jia lgo^) THAT (go,) NUMBER-OF-TIMES 
(-dcfn), the demonstrative serving as a peg to hang the suffix on. 

From the numeral adverbs are derived, by prefixing Jia- IN, a 
further series with the signification of IN so AND so MANY PLACES : 

Jia-gd f mtin in two places 
Jia-gamgama^n 176.2, 3 in four places 
Jia-Jia ; igd u gada^n in nine places 



Cardinals with prefixed ha- are also found, apparently with an 
approximative force, e. g., Jia-deJial ABOUT FIVE 194.2. 

No series of ordinal numerals could be obtained, and the prob 
ability is strong that such a series does not exist. debVn occurs 
as FIRST (e. g., will debi n-Jii FIRST HOUSE), but may also mean LAST 
49.2; 150.15, a contradiction that, in view of the probable etymology 
of the word, is only apparent, debi^n is evidently related to ha-bini* 
IN THE MIDDLE, and therefore signifies something like IN FRONT OF 
THE MIDDLE; i. e., AT EITHER END of a series, a meaning that com 
ports very well with the renderings of both FIRST and LAST C It is 
thus evident that no true ordinal exists for even the first numeral. 

VI. Adverbs and Particles ( 112-114) 

A very large number of adverbs and particles (some of them simple 
stems, others transparent derivatives, while a great many others still 
are quite impervious to analysis) are found in Takelma, and, particu 
larly the particles, seem to be of considerable importance in an idio 
matically constructed sentence. A few specifically adverbial suffixes 
are discernible, but a large number of unanalyzable though clearly 
non-primitive adverbs remain; it is probable that many of these are 
crystallized noun or verb forms now used in a specialized adverbial 

112. Adverbial Suffixes 

Perhaps the most transparent of all is : 

1. -da^t\ This element is freely added to personal and demonstra 
tive pronouns, adverbs or verbal prefixes, and local phrases, to 
impart the idea of direction from or to, more frequently the former. 
Examples of its occurrence are : 

grl daV in my direction (gl I) 
waded&t from my side (wade to me) 
adaY on, to this side 112.17; 144.2 

V in that direction, from that side (Ida- that) 
Y from yonder (hd ae - that yonder) 
in which direction? 190.18 (gwi how? where?) 
gredaY from there 144.8 
erae^dat* from here 

me daY hitherwards 32.10, 11; 55.3 (me - hither) 
thitherwards (fie s - away) 
Y from down river 23.9 (no u down river) 



Y (going) across (han- across) 30.4; 31.16 
~ha a ndad&\* from across (the river) Qia nda across it) 112.17; 114.17 
/kz&amdaV from above (ha- in -f 6am- up) 
Jiaxiya d&t* from water on to land (lia-xiya" in the water) 
dak -wUl tdskt from on top of the house (daY-will over the house) 

27.5; 62.5 
gwen-t*ga a - bo k dandads^t* from the east (gwen-t* ga a -bo lc da?ida 

east) 144.23; (cf. 146.1) 

More special in use of -daf are : 

honoxd&t* last year (Tionox some time ago) 
dewe nxad&^t* day after to-morrow (dewe nxa to-morrow) 
de e daY first, before others 110.5 

2. -xa. A fairly considerable number of adverbs, chiefly temporal 
in signification, are found to end in this element. Such are: 

yesterday 76.9; 98.21 
x&" this evening 13.3; 16.15; 63.8; 78.4 
dabalni ^s, for a long time (cf. bal-s long and lep*ni xci in winter) 

54.4; 108.16 
2/a xa continually, only, indeed (cf. post-positive yd a just) 54.5; 

63.3; 78.10 

dewe nxa, to-morrow 77.14; 112.15; 130.17; 194.1 
dapla xa, toward daylight, dawn 45.4 
cZe e xa henceforth (cf. de- in front of) 196.5 
samo/xa in summer (cf. sa ma summer 188.13; verb-stem sam-g- 

be summer 92.9) 162.16; 176.13, 15 
Ze/m xa in winter 162.20; 176.15 
de-bixi mssi ([ ? ] =-t-xa) in spring ([ ? ] cf. ~bi xal moon) 
da-yd u ga mx& in autumn 186.3 
fe /i s a ([1]=-t-xa) at night 182.20 
xaml fi x& by the ocean (cf. xam- into water) 21.1; 55.1 
(?) bd u -nex.&-da soon, immediately (cf. 6o tt now and ne e well! or 

na- 1 do) 90.10; 108.2 
(?)da raa r xau far away (foroV-cf. (?a -oVnear) 14.3; 188.21; 190.6 

In lep ni^x 90.6, a doublet of lep ni xa, -xa appears shortened to -x; 
this -x may be found also in Jwnox SOME TIME AGO (cf. Jiono f AGAIN). 
Here perhaps belongs also da-yawa nt!i-xi (adjectival?) IN HALF, 

It will be noticed that a number of these adverbs are provided 
with the prefix da- (de- before palatal vowels, cf. 36, 2), the appli 
cation of which, however, in their case, can not be explained. 

3. -ne". A number of adverbs, chiefly those of demonstrative 
signification, assume a temporal meaning on the addition of -ne*, a 

i See Appendix A, p. 2&0. 


catch intervening between the suffix and the stem. Etymologi- 
cally -ne may be identical with the hortatory particle ne e WELL, LET 

(us) . 

Adverb Temporal 

Jie e - there yonder &e / ne N then, at that time 45.6; 


ge there 14.3; 15.5, 12 ^ ne v so long 92.10; 198.9 

me - hither rae ne e at this time 24.14 (cf. also 

ma e nai around this time 178.4) 
e me* here 31.3; 192.9 eme ue (yd fa -U) (right) here ([?] = 

now) 190.23 
gwi how? 46.2; 78.5 gwi f ne some time (elapsed), how 

long? 44.2; 48.9; 148.7 
To this set probably belong also : 

xu n,xii f u^ at night, night 45.3; 46.12; 48.10; 160.22 

6e e n by day 166.2 (cf. be sun, day) 

7iop!e n long ago 58.4; 86.7,9; 192.15; 194.4 

xa uewi f sometimes 132.25 

5one now, yet 130.23 (cf. bo u now) 

i de s ne*j which the parallelism of the other forms in -ne^ with de, 
monstrative stems leads one to expect, does not happen to occur- 
but probably exists. Curiously enough, he ne not infrequently may 
be translated as LIKE, particularly with preceding Jc ai ( 105): 

k a i he ne ~bem something like wood 186.11 
Ic ai gwala 7ie e ne like various things 196.3 

A number of other adverbial suffixes probably occur, but the 
examples are not numerous enough for their certain determination. 
Among them is -adcf : 

no u gwada^ some distance down river 54.2 (cf. no u down river and 

no u gwa^ down river from 75.14) 
Mnwada? some distance up river 56.4; 100.18; 102.4 (cf. hina^u 

up river and Jiinwcf up river from 77.1) 
Jia nt ada across the river 98.5; 192.3; (cf. Ticfnt* across, in half) 

Several adverbs are found to end in -(da)da , perhaps to be identified 
with the -da s of subordinate verb-forms : 

bo u -nexada immediately 90.10, 12; 108.2 

he e (da)da away from here 92.5; 172.5; 194.10; 196.11 

gwel- wdwi EARLY IN THE MORNING 44.1; 63.9; 77.14; 190.1 seems 
to be a specialised verb-form in -Fi IF, WHENEVER. It is possible 
that there is an adverbial - suffix: 

gwe^nt* in back, behind 94.15 

ftaW across, in half 146.22; 154.9; 192.7 112 


It may be that this -t" has regularly dropped off when final in poly 
syllables : 

doVZnear 100.15; but da o Wi (=da e oW]+-M) 136.7 
113. Simple Adverbs 

The simple adverbs that are closely associated with demonstrative 
stems have been already discussed ( 104). A number of others, 
partly simple stems and partly unanalyzable derivatives, are listed 
here, such as have been already listed under adverbial suffixes not 
being repeated. 

1. Local adverbs: 

no u down river 17.9; 63,1; 124.15 

no fue s- next door ([?] related to no u } 17.4; 188.2 

hincfu up river ([?] compounded with no u ) 22.7; 23.1; 61.13; 


da e -o*l near (cf. ~t , 112, and see 93) 100.15; 102.6; 126.2 
dihau(yd a ) last of all (see 93) 120.18 
gi i wa f&r off 48.8; 192.1 

aba i in the house (cf. 37, 14) 28.8; 43.13; 140.5 
M as ya^ on both sides, mutually (cf. 37, 5) 172.10; 176.6 

2. Temporal adverbs : 

lo u now, to-day 49.13; 50.1; 56.11; 61.11 

Jia wi still, yet (cf. 37, 9) 78.1; 126.21; 192.8; 198.11 

bo u ne Jiawi 

T , - -L-, ^ soon 128.18 
hawi oo u ne 

o/o Vi (ulu^ni) formerly, up to now 43.11; 63.1; 71.15; 166.2 

Jiemdi^ when? 132.24; a nl s hem never 

ml 1 now, already (often proclitic to following word) 22.4; 63.1; 

gane then, and then (often used merely to introduce new state 

ment) 47.14; 63.1, 2, 16 

A noteworthy idiomatic construction of adverbs or phrases of tem 
poral signification is their use as quasi-substantives with forms of 
laPli*- BECOME. Compare such English substantivized temporal 
phrases as AFTERNOON. Examples are: 

sama xa la,p k* in-summer it-has-become 92.11 

Jiaye e wa xda a d(i ld a le^ in-their-returning it-became ( = it became 

time for them to return) 124.15 
Jidblbini diJia -uda ld a llt a noon after-it when-it-became ( = when 

it was afternoon) 186.8 



3. Negative and affirmative adverbs: 

Tilt" no 134.19, 21 

Tia -u yes 24.13; 64.1; 170.12 

a nl not (with aorist) 23.3, 6; 64.3; 78.1 

ofndi not? 56.10; 90.26 (e. g., a ndi Vai are there not any?) 56.8 

ni* not? (with following subordinate): s -nl * naga s binda didn t 

I tell you? 136.10 
naga-di" do (you) not? 116.12 
wede not (with inferential and potential) 25.13; 122.22, 23 

4. Modal adverbs: 

hono (rarely heard as Jiono s n 74.8 ; this is very likely its origi 
nal form, cf. - n for - ne, 112, 3) again, too, also 22.4; 58.5; 
ganga only 54.4; 94.5; ganga -hi anyhow 94.8 ; 142.13; gangu-s i 

just so, for fun 

wancf even 47.10; 61.3; 71.8; 76.4; 186.2 
yaxa a wa however (cf. yaxa, 114, 9; for ie wa, 113, 1) 

72.11; 74.15 
Jia ga explanatory particle used with inferential 28.10; 45.11 

(e. g., ga haga wa laf- yuW so that one was really he 170.8) 
ndkla? in every way, of all sorts (e. g., Yadi nakla, a nl lgl fi nan 
what kind was not taken?, i. e., every kind was taken 60.11) 
yewe perhaps 136.23; 180.8; 196.18 
s-o s , s-o u perfectly, well 136.20; 166.1 (e. g., s o f detgwa WgwVp" 

take good care of yourself! 128.24) 

amadi (s i s ) would that! 142.10 (e. g., amadi s i* t!omoma f n I 

wish I could kill him; amadi loho ie would that he died! 196.2) 

wi sa m (cf. wis, 114, 8) I wonder if 150.2, 3 (e. g., ml* wi f sa m 

ya I wonder if he went already) 

It is a characteristic trait of Takelma, as of many other American 
languages, that such purely modal ideas as the optative (WOULD 
THAT!) and dubitative (i WONDER IF) are expressed by independent 
adverbs without modification of the indicative verb-form (cf . further 
wi obilia^n ye e wo/ f wi sa m MY-ELDER-BROTHERS THEY- WILL-RETURN 

I-WONDER-IF 150.2, 3). 

Several of the adverbs listed above can be used relatively with 
subordinates, in which use they may be looked upon as conjunctive 
adverbs : 

bdu-gwan 1 (1) yd a nia -uda s (2) bai-yeweyaW w (3) as soon as(l) 

they went (2), she took him out again (3) 128.20 
yewe (1) xebe e yagwanaga m (2) yewe (3) wd a da (4) 7iiwili u (5) 
perhaps (1) that we destroy him (2), perhaps (3) he runs (5) 

i Probably compounded of 68" NOW and gan(i) NOW, THEN, AND THEN. 



to her (4) ( = should we destroy him, perhaps he would run to 

way of (1) Tie s ne" (2) de-tfiwi Yaulcwanma 1 (3) ga (4) na^naYilc 
(5) just as (2) a knife (1) is brandished (3), that (4) he did 
with it (5) 172.12 (cf. 7ie s ne^ in its meaning of LIKE, 112, 3) 

114. f articles 

By particles are nere meant certain uninflected elements that have 
little or no meaning of their own, but that serve either to connect 
clauses or to color by some modal modification the word to which 
they are attached. They are never met with at the beginning of a 
clause or sentence, but occur only postpositively, generally as enclitics. 
Some of the elements listed above as modal adverbs ( 113, 4) might 
also be considered as syntactic particles (e. g., wana, ha ga, nalcla?, 
which never stand at the beginning of a clause); these, however, 
show no tendency to be drawn into the verb-complex. Whenever 
particles qualify the clause as a whole, rather than any particular 
word in the clause, they tend to occupy the second place in the sen 
tence, a tendency that, as we have seen (p. 65), causes them often 
to be inserted, but not organically incorporated, into the verb- 
complex. The most frequently occurring particles are those listed 

1. ya n JUST. This element is not dissimilar in meaning to the 

post-nominal emphasizing - s a* ( 102), but differs from it in 
that it may be embedded in the verb-form : 
i-yd a -sge e sga^ he just twisted it to one side 31.5 

It only rarely follows a verb-form, however, showing a strong 
tendency to attach itself to denominating terms. Though 
serving generally to emphasize the preceding word, it does not 
seem to involve, like - a\ the idea of a contrast : 

xd a -xo yd a right among firs (cf. 94.17) 

he neya a just then, then indeed 63. 13; 128.22; 188.1,18 

do u mxbin ya a I shall just kill you 178.15 

It has at times a comparative force : 
gl* yd fa na nada you will be, act, just like me (cf. 196.2) 

2. hi. This constantly occurring enclitic is somewhat difficult to 

define. With personal pronouns it is used as an emphatic 

ma hi you yourself (cf. 104.13; 152.20 


Similarly with demonstratives : 

go! hi just that, the same 64.6; 96.16; 144.3; 190.21 
In such cases it is rather difficult to draw the line between it 
and ya , 1 to which it may be appended: 

ga ya a 7ii gweldcf just under that 190.17 

Jian-ya a -hi ba a -t*e e x just across the river she emerged 58.3 

As emphasizing particle it may even be appended to sub 
ordinate verb forms and to local phrases: 

yant e*da e 7iV just as I went (cf. 138.23; 152.5, 7) 
diha-ude hi" right behind me, as soon as I had gone 

It may be enclitically attached to other particles, ya a -Jii 
192.1 being a particularly frequent combination: 
gl* yaxa -Tii I, however, indeed 71.8 

Its signification is not always, however, so specific nor its 
force so strong. All that can be said of it in many cases 
is that it mildly calls attention to the preceding word with 
out, however, specially emphasizing it; often its force is prac 
tically nil. This lack of definite signification is well illustrated 
in the following lullaby, in the second line of which it serves 
merely to preserve the rhythm - - : 

mo xo wa inha buzzard, put him. to sleep ! 
s- 1 mhi wa inha (?) put him to sleep! 
p e lda wa inha slug, put him to sleep! 

The most important syntactic function of hi is to make a verbal 
prefix an independent word, and thus take it out of its proper 
place in the verb : 

de -hi ahead (from de- in front) 33.15; 64.3; 196.1; 198.12 

7ia n-hi ei-sak w across he-canoe-paddled 

ei-Jian-saV w he-canoe-across-paddled 112.9, 18; 114.11 

where Tian-, as an incorporated local prefix, takes its place after 
the object el. A number of adverbs always appear with suffixed 
hi; e. g., gasa Thi QUICKLY 16.10. Like - s a\ from which it differs, 
however, in its far greater mobility, Tii is never found appended 
to non-subordinate predicative forms. With Jii must not be 

1 The various shades of emphasis contributed by - E c\ya o, hi, and-s-z s , respectively, are well illustrated 
in ma s a^ YOU, BUT YOU (as contrasted with others); ma yd "- JUST YOU, YOU INDEED (simple emphasis with 
out necessary contrast); ma M YOU YOURSELF; mas r i AND YOU, YOU IN YOUK TURN (108.13) 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 2 12 18 114 


3. -7ii s . This particle is found appended most frequently to intro 

ductory words in the sentence, such as ml*, gane, and other 
adverbs, and to verb-forms: 

mi*-hi e t aga i then he returned 62.2; (cf. 188.15) 
gane-7ii dba-i-gini fe and then he went into the house 55.16 
naga -i-hi = naga i he said + -M (see 22) 22.6; 57.1; 128.15; 

As no definite meaning can be assigned to it, and as it is found 
only in myth narration, it is highly probable that it is to be 
interpreted as a quotative : 

ga naga sa n-hi that they said to each other, it is said 27. 1, 3 ; 31 .9 
-Jii is also found attached to a verbal prefix (22.1; 140.8, 22, 23). 

4. -$ i AND, BUT. This is one of the most frequently occurring par 

ticles in Takelma narration, its main function being to bind 
together two clauses or sentences, particularly when a contrast 
is involved. It is found appended to nouns or pronouns as 
deictic or connective suffix: 

aks i* he in his turn 61.11; (cf. 47.14; 104.8, 13) . 
JiuW sgi sidM mexs i Panther and Coyote, also Crane 
An example of its use as sentence connector is : 

ga naganhan ha-t*ga a de Jiop!e n, bo u -s i f eme f a f nl ga naga n that 
used-to-be-said in-my-country long-ago, now-but here not that 
is-said 194.4; (cf. 60.9; 118.3; 122.17) 

-S i is particularly frequently suffixed to the demonstratives ga 
THAT and aga THIS, gas i and agas i serving to connect two 
sentences, the second of which is the temporal or logical resultant 
or antithesis of the second. Both of the connected or con 
trasted sentences may be introduced by gas i , agas i s , or by a 
word with enclitically attached -s i . In an antithesis agas i 
seems to introduce the nearer, while gas i is used to refer to 
the remoter act. Examples showing the usage of gas i and 
agas i are: 

gas i de e l Tia-de-dllt a dl-buma W (I smoked them out), and- 

then (or so-that) yellow- jackets everywhere swarmed 73.10 
aiwi t!omoma nda s gas i gayawaYp* something I-having- 

killed-it, thereupon you-ate-it 90.8 
gas i guxda hulu^n wa-iwl H t!omxi xas i aba^i on-one-hand his- 

wife (was a) sea woman, her-mother-in-law-but (lived) in-the- 

house 154.15 


agas-i yo u k! w at F ya a xu ma-s i a nl de ugii s i now my-bones 
just (I was) (i. e., I was reduced to a skeleton), food-and not 
she-gave-me-to-eat 186.1 

agas i s a f nl ml f wa al-t!eye xi naga is yulum a^ aga s i* xamY wa- 
iwl fi rtn 1 al-t!ayak wa on-one-hand "Not probably she-has-dis- 
covered-me/ lie-said Eagle-for-his-part, but Grizzly-Bear girl 
now she-had-discovered him 124.9 

gas i and agas i as syntactic elements are not to be confused 
with the demonstratives ga and ago, to which a connective -s i 
happens to be attached. This is shown by: 

ga-s i ga al that-so for ( = so for that reason) 

where ga al is a postposition to ga. . There is nothing to pre 
vent post-nominal -s"i from appearing in the same clause: 

aga f s i mels i but Crow-in-her-turn 162.14 

When suffixed to the otherwise non-occurring demonstrative l- 
(perhaps contained in Ida- THAT) it has a concessive force, 


*l s i s -lii s om ga al 7ia-de-dllt a wit ofnl s al-t!ayaW pfiyi^n 
although-indeed mountain to everywhere he-went, not he- 
found deer 43.6 

i s i tsIayaW a nl tfomom guxdagwa although he-shot-at-her, not 
he-killed-her his-own-wife 140.17 

-7ii (see no. 3) or connective -s i may be added to l s i s , the 
resulting forms, with catch dissimilation (see 22), being l s ihi 
and l s is i e 47.11; 148.12. When combined with the idea of 
unfulfilled action, the concessive e ls i e is supplemented by the 
conditional form in -k i of the verb: 

e l s i e Ya i gwala naxbiyauk*i , wede ge ItfwaY even-though things 
many they-should-say-to-you (i. e., even though they call you 
names), not there look! 60.3 

Compounded with -s i is the indefinite particle: 

5. -8 i s wa h*<li 64.5. When appended to interrogatives, this parti 
cle brings about the corresponding indefinite meaning (see 
105), but it has also a more general syntactic usage, in 
which capacity it may be translated as PERCHANCE, IT SEEMS, 

ma s i wak di JienenagwaY perhaps (or probably) you ate it 
all up 26.17 



The uncompounded wak di also occurs : 

ulu^m wo Vdi Tc*ai nak am formerly I-guess something it-was said 

to him 166.1 
ga wa k di hogwa sda a that-one, it-seems, (was) their-runner 49.3 

Similar in signification is : 

6. ml is wa PROBABLY, PERHAPS 45.8; 63.15. This enclitic has a con 

siderable tendency to apparently be incorporated in the verb : 

i-ml is wa-t!dut!iwin maybe he was caught (l-t!dut!iwin he was 

xa s -l-mi is wa-sgl fi ibi s n mu^xdcfn hi I ll-probably-cut-him-in-two 

once just 31.13 

7. his, hits NEARLY, ALMOST, TRYING 44.7; 56.14. This element 

implies that the action which was done or attempted failed of 
success : 

ml 1 7iono HomoYwa-hismal then also he-killed-him nearly spear- 
shaft (personified), i. e., spear-shaft almost managed to kill 
him, as he had killed others 28.11; (cf. 188.20) 

A frequent Takelma idiom is the use of M*s with a form of the 
verb of .SAYING na(g}- to imply a thought or intention on the 
part of the subject of the na(g)- form that fails to be realized: 

"Jia-xiya f ml wa sgd a fap*de " naga i -M^s "in-the- water probably 
I-shall-jump," he thought (but he really fell among alder- 
bushes and was killed) 94.17 

Sometimes Tiis seems to have a usitative signification; prob 
ably the main point implied is that an act once habitual has 
ceased to be so: 
dak-his-t*ek!e e xade e I used to smoke (but no longer do) 

8. wis 9 wl^s IT SEEMS, DOUBTLESS. This particle is used to indicate 

a likely inference. Examples are: 

mtf-wis dap d la-u moyugwana n now-it-seems youth he s-to-be- 
spoiled (seeing that he s to wrestle with a hitherto invincible 
one) 31.12 

ml 1 wl ei s ak!a Homoma n now apparently he-for-his-part he-has- 
been-killed (seeing that he does not return) 88. 9, (6) 

9. yaxa CONTINUALLY, ONLY. The translation given for yaxa is really 

somewhat too strong and definite, its force being often so weak 
as hardly to allow of an adequate rendering into English. It 


often does not seem to imply more than simple existence or 
action unaccompanied and undisturbed. It is found often 
with the scarcely translatable adverb ganga ONLY, in which 
case the idea of unvaried continuance comes out rather 
strongly, e. g. : 

ga -Tii yaxa ganga naga is that-indeed continually only he-said 
(i. e., he always kept saying that) 24.15 

From ganga it differs in the fact that it is often attracted into 
the verb-complex: 

ganga ge l-yaxa-hewe Jiau only he-is-continually-thinking (i. e., he 
is always thinking) (cf. 128.18; 146.15) 

10. wala s (sina s ) REALLY, COME TO FIND OUT 45.11; 170.8. As 

indicated in the translation, wala indicates the more or less 
unexpected resolution of a doubt or state of ignorance: 

ga liaga wala fs will wa s -l-t!a nik* that-one so really house he-kept- 
it (i. e., it was Spear-shaft himself who kept house, no one else) 

Certain usages of wala f si(na ) , evidently an amplification of 
wala / , have been already discussed ( 70). 

11. (II INTERROGATIVE. The interrogative enclitic is consistently 

used in all cases where an interrogative shade of meaning is 
present, whether as applying to a particular word, such as an 
interrogative pronoun or adverb, or to the whole sentence. 
Its use in indirect questions is frequent : 

man t l fi s mixal di^ t!omomana f he-counted gophers how-many 

The use of the interrogative is often merely rhetorical, imply 
ing an emphatic negative: 

Jc a-di ma wili wa -l-t!a nida s literally, what you house you-will- 
keep? (-you shall not keep house) 27.16; (cf. 33.1; 47.9) 

Ordinarily di occupies the second place in the sentence, less fre 
quently the third : 

yu f Jc!alxde e ml 1 d? s a nl fcVi your- teeth now (inter.) not any 
(i. e., have you no teeth?) 128.23 

Besides these syntactically and modally important enclitic par 
ticles, there are a few proclitics of lesser significance. Among these 
are to be included ml* NOW and gane THEN, AND THEN, which, though 
they have been included among the temporal adverbs and may 



indeed, at times, convey a definite temporal idea, are generally weak 
unaccented introducers of a clause, and have little determinable force: 

gane ya then he went 92.26; 118.19; 152.7 
ml* lo?io i then he died 71.13; 98.19; 122.13 

The proclitic ne e WELL! is used chiefly as introductory to a hor 
tatory statement: 

ne e go u m-s i da-S inl ri da naba a ticfn let us-in-our-turn over- 

his-nose let-us-do (i. e., let us pass over him!) 144.11 
ne e t!omoma / n let me kill him. (cf. 96.4) 

115. VII. Interjections 

Of interjections and other words of an emotional character there 
are quite a number in Takelma. Some of them, while in no sense 
of definite grammatical form, are based on noun or verb stems. Not 
a few involve sounds otherwise foreign to the language (e. g., nasal 
ized vowels [expressed by n ], a as in English BAT, a as in SAW, dj as 
in JUDGE, voiceless palatal I [written t\, final fortis consonant); pro 
longation of vowels and consonants (expressed by + ) and repetition 
of elements are frequently used. 

The material obtained may be classified as follows: 


amaf* come on! 96.24 

Tiene away from here! get away! 148.8, 10, 11, 13, 14 

difgwalam O yes! (with idea of pity) 29.13; dit gwa a lam wi wa 

my poor younger brother! 64.4 
Jia-i" used by men in talking to each other 
Jia ikfd^ used by women in talking to each other (cf . ha-ik!a wife! 


2. SIMPLE INTERJECTIONS (expressing fundamental emotions): 

d+ surprise, generally joyful; weeping 28. 5; 58.2; 150.2 

a; a; d; a sudden surprise at new turn; sudden resolve 28.6 ; 29.7; 
55.7; 78.9 

a sudden halt at perceiving something not noticed before 26.12 

o doubt, caution 136.23 

o+ sudden recollection; admiration, wonderment; call 92.9; 
138.19; 188.17, 19 

a+ fear, wonder 17.3 

e e ; V displeasure 27.16; 32.9; 33.6; 122.12 

e; Jie+ (both hoarsely whispered) used by mythological char 
acters (crane, snake) on being roused to attention 122.10; 
148.17, 18 


] e+ call 59.2; 73.7; 75.10; 76.8 
e w ; e n disapproval, "what s up?", sarcasm 28.11; 32.10 
tf* E n protest 112.6, 11 ; 114.3, 6, 13; E fn , s n decided displeasure 


he n scorn, threat 140.9; 152.14 
e n " sniffing suspiciously 160.20 
E n " E n * E n * E n * smelling suspiciously 124.23 
dja* disapproval, warning 156.18 
m+ m+ gentle warning, pity 29.8; 31.11, 14 
hm+ hm + reviving hope (?) 32.3 
wd + wd+ (loudly whispered) cry for help 29.12 
Jiari alas! 62.4, 7 
A n + groan 182.11 

7io f (hoarsely whispered) on being wounded 190.24 
Jia Tid Jid groans on being wounded 192.10 
lie lie lie Tie laughter 118.22; 120.6 

Those that follow have a prefixed s m - frequently used by Coyote. 
They are probably characteristic of this character (see also 
71.14; 90.12). 

s e hehehe derisive laughter 71.7; 72.11; 73.15; 74.15 

s &eV sharp anger 86.6, 22, 24 

s be + u call for some one to come 92.1 

c a i say there, you! 92.18, 21 

s gd+ sorrow 100.3 

3. SET CALLS (including cries in formulas and myths) : 

p d+ (loudly whispered) war-whoop 190.15 
6a+ ba + (loudly whispered and held out long) war-whoop 
136.26 bd wd f tiu wo! du ..... (loudly whispered) war-whoop 
110.19 gwd f Id Id Id Id (loudly whispered) war-whoop on slaying 

one of enemy 

wd wd wd cry to urge on deer to corral 
&o-f yelling at appearance of new moon 196.5 
Tia + ; bd+ (both loudly whispered) urging on to run 46.5, 7 ; 47.6 ; 

48.1, 3, 9; 49.3 
h w + blowing before exercising supernatural power 96.19, 20, 22; 


p* + blowing in exercising supernatural power 77.9 
p* w + blowing water on person to resuscitate him 170.3 
M blowing preparatory to medicine-formula addressed to wind 

do do do do do do cry (of ghosts) on catching fire 98.4 (cf . Yana du 

du du du du du} 
ximl + ximi cry of rolling skull 174.5, 6 


o -f da da da da da cry of people running away from rolling skull 
174.9, 10 

do lhi dolhi" taunt (of Pitch to Coyote) 86.2, 8, 10, 17, 21, 23; 
88. 1, 2 

da ldalwaya da Idalwaya da ldalwaya formula for catching craw 
fish (explained in myth as derived from daUa^l dragon-fly) 
29.14, 16 

wi liklisi "cut off!" (cf. wtfli * his stone knife 142.21) Chicken- 
Hawk s cry for revenge 144.1 

sgilbibl -\-*x "come warm yourself!" 25.7 (cf. sgili f pxde s I warm 
myself 25.8) 

gewe e ~k!ewe e (cf. gewe f Jc!iwi n I hold [salmon] bow-fashion) said 
by Pitch when Coyote is stuck to him 88.5, 9, 11, 12 

p!icM-p l a"i t p l idif1c* "O my liver! " (cf. p*a s t*p*id-i- salmon liver) 
cry of Grizzly Bear on finding she has eaten her children s 
livers 120.19, 20 

The last three show very irregular types of reduplication, not other 
wise found. 


wa yanl cry of Jack-Rabbit 108.9, 14, 17 

(s )ha u, ha u cry of Grizzly Bear 106.12, 19; 140.12 

wa r -\- u (hoarse) death-cry of Grizzly Bear woman 142.3 

M u Bear s cry 72.15 

plalc plaY " bathe! bathe!" supposed cry of crow 

bale bak* bak bale bak* bale* sound made by Woodpecker 90. 11 ; 92.2 

(cf. ba Jc ba a red-headed woodpecker 92.2) 

plan plan plan p!aup!au plan sound made by Yellowhammer 90. 19 
bum-}- burner noise made by rolling skull 174.4 
tcle lelelele (whispered) sound of rattling dentalia 156.24 (cf. aorist 

stem tclelem- rattle) 
t"ul t*ul t ul noise made by Rock Boy in walking over graveyard 

house 14.8 

dEm,+ dEm + dsm+ noise of men fighting 24.1 
xa -u (whispered) noise of crackling hair as it burns 24.8 
fgi l imitating sound of something breaking 24A(cf.xa-da a n-t gil- 

t ga lhi he broke it in two with rock 24.4) 
Put* t ut" t*uf noise of pounding acorns 26.12 
l)Ak! "pop! " stick stuck into eye 27.8 
tiu nj r confused noise of people talking far off 190.7 
~k!i didididi sound of men wrestling 32.14 


wa yawene lo u wana medicine-man s dance 46.14 

waintia round dance; lullaby (cf. walnha put him to sleep!) 

104.15; 106.4, 8; 105 note 


IcH xinhi round dance (said by Frog) 102.18 
o cu o cu round dance (said by Frog) 102.23 
gwa tca gwalca round dance (said by Blue] ay) 104.7 
tda itdw, round dance (play on tc!a ie c blue jay) 104.7 
be bebiniWa round dance (said by Mouse; play on bebe^n rushes) 


beleldo round dance (play on help* swan) 104.15 
bi gi bi gi bi f gl+ Skunk s medicine-man s dance ([?] play on 

6^ <w skunk) 164. 18, 22; 166.5 
hd s gwatci hd gwatci said by s*omloho lxa s in doctoring 


The salient morphologic characteristics of Takelma may be summed 
up in the words INFLECTIVE and INCORPORATING, the chief stress 
being laid on either epithet according as one attaches greater impor 
tance to the general method employed in the formation of words and 
forms and their resulting inner coherence and unity, or to the par 
ticular grammatical treatment of a special, though for many Ameri 
can languages important, syntactic relation, the object. Outside of 
most prefixed elements and a small number of the post-nominal 
suffixes, neither of which enter organically into the inner structure 
of the word-form, the Takelma word is a firmly knit morphologic 
unit built up of a radical base or stem and one or more affixed (gen 
erally suffixed) elements of almost entirely formal, not material, 

It would be interesting to compare the structure of Takelma with 
that of the neighboring languages ; but a lack, at the time of writing, 
of published material on the Kalapuya, Coos, Shasta, Achomawi, 
and Karok makes it necessary to dispense with such comparison. 
With the Athapascan dialects of southwest Oregon, the speakers of 
which were in close cultural contact with the Takelmas, practically 
no agreements of detail are traceable. Both Takelma and Atha 
pascan make a very extended idiomatic use of a rather large num 
ber of verbal prefixes, but the resemblance is probably not a far- 
reaching one. While the Athapascan prefixes are etymologically 
distinct from the main body of lexical material and have reference 
chiefly to position and modes of motion, a very considerable number 
of the Takelma prefixes are intimately associated, etymologically 
and functionally, with parts of the body. In the verb the two lan 
guages agree in the incorporation of the pronominal subject and 



object, but here again the resemblance is only superficial. In 
Athapascan the pronominal elements are phonetically closely com 
bined with the verbal prefixes and stand apart from the follow 
ing verb-stem, which never, or very rarely, loses its monosyllabic 
individuality. In Takelma the pronominal elements, together with 
the derivative affixes, enter into very close combination with the 
preceding verb-stem, but stand severely aloof from the verbal 
prefixes. The radical phonetic changes which the verb-stem under 
goes for tense in both languages is perhaps the most striking 
resemblance between the two; but even in this regard they differ 
widely as to the methods employed. Neither the very extended 
use of reduplication in Takelma, nor the frequent use in Atha 
pascan of distinct verb-stems for the singular and plural, is shared 
by the other. Add to this the fact that the phonetic systems of 
Athapascan and Takelma are more greatly divergent than would 
naturally be expected of neighboring languages, and it becomes clear 
that the opinion that has generally been held, though based on 
practically no evidence, in regard to the entirely distinct character 
istics of the two linguistic stocks, is thoroughly justified. 

The entire lack of nominal cases in Takelma and the lack of pro 
nominal incorporation in Klamath indicate at the outset the funda 
mental morphologic difference between these stocks. In so far as 
nominal cases and lack of pronominal incorporation are made the 
chief morphologic criteria of the central Californian group of linguistic 
families, as represented, say, by Maidu and Yokuts, absolutely no 
resemblance is discernible between those languages and Takelma. As 
far, then, as available linguistic material gives opportunity for judg 
ment, Takelma stands entirely isolated among its neighbors. 

In some respects Takelma is typically American, in so far as it is 
possible at all to speak of typical American linguistic characteristics. 
Some of the more important of these typical or at any rate wide 
spread American traits, that are found in Takelma, are: the incor 
poration of the pronominal (and nominal) object in the verb; the 
incorporation of the possessive pronouns in the noun; the closer 
association with the verb-form of the object than the subject; the 
inclusion of a considerable number of instrumental and local modifi 
cations in the verb-complex; the weak development of differences of 
tense in the verb and of number in the verb and noun; and the 
impossibility of drawing a sharp line between mode and tense. 


Of the more special grammatical characteristics, some of which are 
nearly unparalleled in those languages of North America that have 
been adequately studied, are : a system of pitch-accent of fairly con 
siderable, though probably etymologically secondary, formal sig 
nificance; a strong tendency in the verb, noun, adjective, and adverb 
toward the formation of dissyllabic stems with repeated vowel (e. g., 
aorist stem yowo- BE; verb-stem loJio- DIE; noun moxo^ BUZZARD; 
adjective ~hos o u [plural] GETTING BIG; adverb oZo y m FORMERLY); a 
very considerable use of end reduplication, initial reduplication being 
entirely absent ; the employment of consonant and vowel changes as a 
grammatical process; the use in verbs, nouns, and adjectives of pre 
fixed elements, identical with body-part noun stems, that have refer 
ence now to parts of the body, now to purely local relations; the 
complicated and often irregular modifications of a verbal base for 
the formation of the most generalized tense, the aorist; the great 
differentiation of pronominal schemes according to syntactic rela 
tion, class of verb or noun, and tense-mode, despite the comparatively 
small number of persons (only five two singular, two plural, and 
one indifferent) ; the entire lack in the noun and pronoun of cases 
(the subjective and objective are made unnecessary by the pronominal 
and nominal incorporation characteristic of the verb; the possessive, 
by the formal use of possessive pronoun affixes; and the local cases, 
by the extended use of pre-positives and postpositions) ; the existence 
in the noun of characteristic suffixes that appear only with pre- 
positives and possessive affixes; the fair amount of distinctness that 
the adjective possesses as contrasted with both verb and noun; the 
use of a decimal system of numeration, tertiary or quinary in origin; 
and a rather efficient though simple syntactic apparatus of subordi 
nating elements and well-modulated enclitic particles. Altogether 
Takelma has a great deal that is distinct and apparently even isolated 
about it. Though typical in its most fundamental features, it may, 
when more is known of American languages as a whole, have to 
be considered a very specialized type. 










[BULL. 40 

- e a -5- a " e 
V V V V V 

e -f!" e 
5 -e, * 




8 i 

% X j& % 

V V "t V 

~ & 









"~ 1 



S ft? ^ 

s s e e 

-r o S S S 

, ! 

5 s 




. a 








S * H 



1 > > > 

^3 S ^3 S 








- "^ s 1 

" 1 1 i 1 1 1 

7; H H - H H ^?. 


-g ^ ^ ^ "e s -g 


3 ts - ^3 -e 




fe > 



~ -* ^ *$* 




k 1 ? "S- ^ ? i 
? f 1 1 1 i 1 




"I I 1 e s 1 8 


i^ ^ ^3 *& t3 t3 ^ 






,- * - 1 ^ | 


S S 8 v^ ^ ^ S 




^3 ^ ^5 a ^ ^ ^ 








M-J : 1|I 

S ff Se 8 | ^ 
S ^ > * -^. , ; 
8 8 8 8 8 8 


13 -w -e -w -a 



I : = ! 


s | ||| || 



3. Forms of na(g}- SAY, DO 
A. Intransitive 

[BULL. 40 








1st per. 

nagalt e* 

na t ee 

na t ee 

na k at 

2d per. 


nada s 


na k. elt 

7MZ V 

na efc 

3d per. 

naga te 

na H* 



1st per. 


naga m 


na k anaW 

naba a(ha*n) 

2d per. 

nagait p 

na t ba* 


na k. eit p 



neeye s (sub- 

neeya&k i s 

or dinate 


neye eda? or 

nt- idtf) 






1st per 

naga e n<i k dc s 

nant ef 

nank a s 

2d per 

naga e nigi*t 

nanada l 

nank r elt 

3d per .... 

naga^na c^k 

nank v 


2d per 

naga e nigi ( t p 

nana t^bof l 

nank r eit p* 



neenia uc 


nanha f k 

1 These forms are to be carefully distinguished from na s -nada s , na s -na *t , and so forth (see 69). It is 
of course possible to have also na s -nant ee, na s -nanada e , and so forth. 
2 Also nankak is found, so that it is probable that doublets exist for other non-aorist forms, e. g., 
nanhada 1 , nanhaba . 

B. Transitive 




First person 

Second person 

Third person 

First person 

Second person 

1st per. 
2d per. 
3d per. 
1st per. 
2d per. 

nege s-dam 
nege s-i 

nege s-dap 

naga sbi s n 
naga sbi 

naga n 

naga^t p 

naga simit 
naga sam 

naga simit p 

naga sanba n 
naga sanp 
naga sanbana *k 



3. Forms of na(g)~ SAY, DO 
B. Transitive Continued 





First person 

Second person 

Third person 

First person 

Second person 


1st per. 


naagi n 


2d per. 


nak ida 


3d per. 



nak ink* 




1st per. 


naaginaga m 


2d per. 

nexdaba s 

naagi t bae 


Imper. condit. 


naxbiauk i e 



1st per. 


nak iga s 

naxanp ga s 

2d per. 


nak ik. elf 


3d per. 



nak ik* 


naxanp k 


1st per. 

naxbigana^k nak igana^k* 

naxanp* ganaW 

2d per. 

nexik eit p 

nak ik. elt p 

naxamkfeit p 



1st per. 

naxbi n 

noAgi s n 

naxanba s n 

2d per. 


nak if 


3d per. 



nak i 




1st per. 




2d per. 


na-k it p 

naximit p 

Present Imperative 


2d per. 


nak i 



1st per. 

nak iba f 

2d per. 


nak ip 


Future Imperative 


2d per. 

nexgc s m 

naagi s k* 



3. Forms of na(g}- SAY, DO 
B. Transitive Continued 


[BULL. 40 


1st per, .... nege s-in nexina- 

nSxin nexigam 

2d per naga sbin naxbina* 

naxbin naxbigam 

3d per naga n naugina t 

nak in nak am 


1st per naga simin naximina 1 

naximin naxamk am 

2d per naga sanban naxanbana 

naxanban naxanp gam 





First person 

"^nfX 8011 Third person 

First person 

Second person 


1st per. . . . 

nagansbin naganha*i 


nagaiisanba e n 

2dper. . . . 




3d per. . . . 

negens- i 

nagansbi naganha 




1st per. . . . 

nagansbinak nagaiihanak 

nagansanbana k 

2dper. . . . 


naganhat p 

nagansimit p 




1st per. . . . 

nansbin nanhan 


2dper. . . . 


nanhada s 


3d per. . . . 


nansbink nanhank 




1st per. . . . 

nansbinagam nanhanagam 

no. nsanbanaga m 

2dper. . . . 

nZnsdaba nanhafba^ 

nansimit ba s 


Aorist Future 


1st per negens 

2d per nagansbin nansbina* 

3d per naganhan nanhana 


1st per. nagansimin ndnsimina c 

2d per nagansanban nansanbana- 


3. Forms of na(g)- SAY, DO 

C. Causative in -/;- l 




First person 

Second person 

Third person 

First person 

Second person 


1st per. . . . 

nagdnxbi f n 

nagdana e n 


2dper. . . . 





3d per. . . . 








1st per. . . . 



nagdnxanbana x fc 


2dper. . . . 



nagdnximit p 

(nagdaniVp ) 



1st per. . . . 


ndana n 


(ndani n) 

2d per. . . . 


ndanada s 


(ndanida t) 

3d per. . . . 








1st per. . . . 


ndananaga m 


(ndaninaga m) 

2dper. . . . 

nenxdaba 1 

ndana t ba* 

ndnximit ba 





1st per 






3d per . . 

ndQd^na n (nagdnni n^ 




2d per . 


1 Though these forms are simply derivatives of intransitive aoristrca$ra(i)-, verb-stem na-, they have been 
listed here because of their great similarity to transitive frequentatives, with which they might be easily 
confused. In the aorist, the two sets of forms differ in the length of the second (repeated) vowel, in the 
connecting consonant, and to some extent in the place of the accent, though this is probably a minor con 
sideration. In the future, they differ in the connecting consonant and partly again in the place of the accent. 

2 Forms in parentheses are instrumental. 

s Imperative (sing. subj. and third person object): ndnha. 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 19 



3. Forms of na(g}~ SAY, DO 

D. Reciprocal Forms 

[BULL. 40 



1st per ... 

naga sinik 


naga sant p* 

3d per 

(frequentative nagan- 
sa s n) 

E. Nominal Derivatives 


Intransitive: ne*x 


First person 

Second person 

Third person 

First person 

Second person 

Transitive .... 







Active: naV 

Other forms derived from verb-stem na(g)- than those given above 
are of course found, but are easily formed on evident analogies. 
Observe, however, intransitive aorist stem nagai- in transitive deriva 
tives nagalk wa HE SAID TO HIM (personal) and nagalk*wit* HE SAID 
TO HIMSELF. Comitatives in -(a)gw- are not listed because their forma 
tion offers no difficulty; e. g., second person singular present impera 
tive nak tw DO so AND so HAVING IT! It is possible that lo u - 
n$xada IMMEDIATELY is nothing but adverb lo u NOW + subordinating 
f orm *nexada s of -xa- derivative from nd a g- with regular palatal ablaut 
(see 31,5); literally it would then mean something like WHEN IT is 



xi lam 1 sebeY 2 hap da 3 loho k . 4 sgi sidfl 5 no tslat gwan 8 

Roasting-Dead-People his child it died. He and Coyote neighboring each 


yuV. 7 ga-s-i 8 nak ik : 9 "laps 10 yimi xi 11 hap dek 12 loho ida , 13 

they were. And that he said to " Blanket lend it to me my child since it died, 


kps 10 yimi xi," 11 naga -ihi 14 xilam 1 sebeY. 2 "am e15 laps 10 

blanket lend it to me," he said, it is said. Roasting-Dead-People. "Not blanket 

i xi lam. Used indifferently for SICK, DEAD (as noun), and GHOST, -am (= -an) is probably noun-forming 
suffix with inorganic -a- (cf. han-xilml ABODE OF GHOSTS, literally , ACBOSS-RIVEE ARE GHOSTS as verb with 
positional -!). As base is left xil- or xin- (-n- of radical syllable dissimilates to -I- before nasal suffix); xi lam 
from * xin-an or * xil-an. This xin- is perhaps etymologically identical with xin mucus (verb-base xin- SNIFF). 

sebeV. Participle in -t of verb seeba e n Type 5 1 ROAST IT; aorist stem seeb-, verb-stem sebe-. ROAST 
ING-DEAD-PEOPLE is Takelma name for species of black long-legged bug. He is supposed to be so called 
because responsible for death, as told in this myth. 

*hap da. Base Mop - SMALL, CHILD (cf. Jiap-s-d? SMALL). This is one of those comparatively few nouns 
that add possessive pronominal suffixes of Scheme II directly to stem. With suffixed ([?] pre-pronominal) 
-x- it becomes plural in signification: hapxda ras CHILDREN. This sort of plural formation stands, as far as 
known, entirely isolated in Takelma. In its absolute form Map - takes on derivative suffix -xi, Mpzi v 

*loho*k . Third personal inferential of verb loholt e* Type 4b i DIE; aorist stem lohoi-, verb-stem 
loho-. -k inferential element. Inferential mode used because statement is here not made on personal 
authority, but only as tradition or hearsay. According to this, all myth narrative should employ inferential 
forms instead of aorist. This myth employs partly inferentials and partly aorists; but in most other 
myths aorists are regularly employed, probably because they are more familiar forms, and perhaps, also, 
because myths may be looked upon as well-authenticated fact. 

s sgi sidW. sgi si COYOTE, formed by repetition of base-vowel according to Type 2. -dri is dual suffix 
sgi sidW by Itself might mean TWO COYOTES, but -dVl is never properly dual in signification, meaning rather 
HE (indicated by preceding noun) AND SOME ONE ELSE (indicated by context). 

no ts!at gwan. From local adverbial stem notsl- NEXT DOOR, NEIGHBORING; it is formed by addition 
of characteristic -a- and third personal plural reflexive pronominal suffix -t gwan (= -t - [third person]-f -gwa- 
[reflexive] + -n [plural]). First person singular nots. adZ; second person singular notsfada *. 

i yu^k . Third personal inferential of verb yowo t tP Type 2 i AM; aorist stem yowo-, verb-stem yo- 
(yu-). -fc* inferential element as in ZoftoT. Corresponding aorist, yowo e . 

gas i*. ga is general demonstrative THAT, here serving to anticipate quotation: "laps (2) ... yimi xi- 
(3). -s i as general connective indicates sequence of nak ik upon ZoftoT (1). 

o nak ik . Third personal inferential of verb naga s n Type 2 i SAY TO HIM; aorist stem naga-, verb-stem 
naag-. Corresponding aorist, nagtf. Non-aoristic forms of this transitive verb show instrumental -i- (see 

10 Zaps. Noun of uncertain etymology, perhaps from base lab- CARRY ON ONE S BACK, -s nominal deriva 
tive suffix of no known definite signification. 

n yimi xi. Present imperative second person singular subject, first person singular object (-it) of verb 
ylimiya s n Type 1 1 LEND IT TO HIM; aorist stem ylimii-, verb-stem yimi-. Non-aoristic forms show instru 
mental -i- as in nak ik , e. g., yimi hin i SHALL LEND IT TO HIM. 

i* hap tick . SeeMp da(l). -de*k first personsingularpossessivepronominalsuffixaccording to Scheme II. 

i 3 loho ida*. Subordinate form, with causal signification, of loho i f HE DEED. Aorist stem lohoi- = verb- 
stem loho- + intransitive element -i- characteristic of aorist of Type 4; - f , third personal aorist subject intran 
sitive Class I , dissimilated because of catch in subordinating suffix -da s . Syntactically loho f ida e is subordi 
nated to yimi xi. 

unaga -ihi s . =naga i* HE SATO+ quotative enclitic -hi e . naga tf third person aorist of irregular verb 
nagalt e Type 4a i SAY; aorist stem nagai-, verb-stem no-. Both transitive and intransitive forms of na(g~)- 
SAY incorporate object of thing said; ga in gas~i e (2) is incorporated as direct object in nak ik (it would be 
theoretically more correct to write ga[-s-i f }-nak ik y, while quotation "Zap* . . . yimi f xi" is syntactically 
direct object of naga -ihi s which, as such, it precedes, ga-nak ik anticipates "Zap* . . . yimi xi" naga - 
ihi*. Observe use of aorist instead of inferential from naga -ihi* on. 

is a, nV. Negative particle with following aorist. True negative future would be wede yimi hixbiga*. 



yl mlsbtti 16 gwidi -s i 17 yo t 18 xila m 1 yeuk iV 19 naga -ihi 14 

I lend it to you for where they will be dead people if they return? " he said, it is said, 

sgi si. 5 no u s-i 2 yewe ie21 xilam 1 sebe t . 2 klodoY 22 hap dagwa 28 

Coyote. And next door ne returned Roasting-Dead-People. He buried it his own child 

loho idaV 4 ganehi 525 dabalni xa 26 la a le\ 27 mPhi* 28 sgi si 5 hap da 3 

who had died. And then, it long time it became. Now, it is Coyote his child 

is said, said, 

xi lam 1 la a le\ 27 ml 1 28 loho i . 29 ml 128 no u V 20 gini k 30 xilam 1 sebet 2 

sick it became. Now it died. Now next door lie went Roasting-Dead-People 

5 wa a da. 31 laps 10 yimi xi ha a p deV 12 loho ida*. " 13 u k adi 32 

to him. "Blanket lend it to me my child since it died." "What 

nagait ," 33 xilam 1 sebe t 2 ga 8 naga i . 14 u ho u xaV 34 ma e a 35 

you said?" Roasting-Dead-People that he said. "Last time you 

yiimlsbi n. First person singular subject (- s n) second personal singular object (-K-) of verb yHmiya e n 
(see yimi xi above), -s- indirect object used only in aorist of this verb, elsewhere -z-; e. g., future yimi xbin 
I SHALL LEND IT TO YOU. Aorist is used because idea of futurity is here immediate; i. e., time of action is not 
put definitely forward. 

" gwidi -s-i s . gwi- general interrogative and indefinite adverb WHERE? SOMEWHERE, di interrogative 
enclitic serving to give gwi- distinct interrogative signification. -s-i hashereslightcausal tinge: FOR WHERE 


i yo H . Third personal future of verb yowo t e? i AM (see yuW above). -*t third personal subject 
future intransitive Class I. 

Uy&uk ie. Third personal conditional (-fc i*) of verb yewelt e*- Type 4a i RETURN; aorist stem yewei-, 
verb-stem ylu- (yetw-). 

so no s i . =no w - (stem nots!- NEXT DOOR) 4- connective -s-i-. no vfs- may best be considered as local 
adverbial prefix to yewe tf. 

" yewe i 1 . Third person aorist of verb yewelt t? (see yluk i e above (-" and -f as in loho i* and naga tf above) 

" k. odoV. Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k!ododa n Type 8 I BURY HIM 
aorist stem k/odod-, verb-stem goud-. 

"hap dagwa. See hap da (1). -gwa reflexive suffix. Jfc/odoT hap da would have meant HE (Roasting- 
Dead-People) BURIED HIS (Coyote s) CHILD. 

24 loho ida 1 . In this case subordinate form serves merely to explain hap dagwa, and may thus be rendered 
as relative, WHO HAD DIED. 

K ganehi s . =-gane AND THEN (compound of demonstrative ga}, used to introduce new turn in narrative, 
+ quotative -hi e . 

M dabalni xa. Temporal adverb LONG TIME. Like many other adverbs, it is difficult of satisfactory 
analysis, da- is local body-part prefix, as in several other temporal adverbs; but its application here is 
quite obscure, bal- radical element, cf. adjective bal-s LONG, -xa adverbial (chiefly temporal) suffix- 
-ni- = ? (cf. lep ni xa WINTER). 

lSaK\ Third person aorist intransitive Class II of verb laaHt e? Types lOa and 15a i BECOME; aorist 
stem laale-, verb-stem lda-p -. -e- = li- of positional verbs. Corresponding inferential lap k . 

M mUU s . = mii weak temporal adverb NOW, THEN, serving generally to introduce new statement, + quo 
tative -At*. 

loho V. See loho ida* (2). 

> gini W. Third person aorist of verb gini k de? Type 2 i GO (somewhere); aorist stem ginig-, verb-stem 
ging-, ginag- (present imperative gink ; future gina k de ). - e third person aorist intransitive Class I. Inas 
much as forms occui derived from base gin- (e. g., reduplicated giniginia tf), -g- must be considered as either 
petrified suffix, or as trace of older reduplication with vanished vowel in second member: gin-i-g- from 
(?) gin-i-gvr. ginig- can be used only with expressed goal of motion (in this case no ^s- and wa ada). HE 
WENT without expressed goal would have been ya ^ Similarly: baxam- COME, m<*-ginig- COME HERE; 
hogw- RUN, hiwiliw- RUN (somewhere); s-owSWap - JUMP, biliw- JUMP AT. 

wa ada. Formed, like no ts. at gwan (1), by addition of third personal pronominal suffix - da to local 
stem wa-; first person wad?. These forms are regularly used when motion to some person or persons is 
meant: if goal of motion is non-personal, postposition ga c a*l TO, AT is employed. 

z k adi . k a (before di, otherwise fc ai) is substantival indefinite and interrogative stem (THING), WHAT, 
corresponding to adverbial gwi- (4). di serves also here to give k a distinct interrogative force. 

M nagait . Second person singular aorist of verb nagalt e* (see naga -ihi above). This is one of those 
few intransitives that take personal endings directly after stem ending in semi-vowel (nagay-), without 
connective -a- (see 65 end). 

*< ftoxaa\ = fcoza x YESTERDAY, (here more indefinitely as) LAST TIME, FORMERLY + deictic - s a : -xa is 
adverbial (temporal) suffix (cf. dabalni xa above). -o v serves to contrast LAST TIME with NOW. 

ma a. - ma second person singular independent personal pronoun + deictic - a\ which here contrasts 
TOU (as former object of supplication) with i (as present object of supplication). 


ga 36 nege s dam 37 laps 10 yimi xi 11 naga sbinda : 38 c yap!a 39 

that you said to me Blanket lend it to me when I said to you: People 

gwidl 117 yo t 18 yeuk i . 19 ml 128 hawa xi u 40 ha a p de k\" 12 naga -ihi 14 

where ttieywillbe ifthey return? Now it is rotting my child," he said, it is said, 

xilam 1 sebeV. 2 no u s i 2 sgisi 5 yewe i . 21 "sga 41 +" t aga i . 42 ga 8 

Roasting-Dead-People. And next Coyote he returned. " Sga +" 

ga al 43 bo u44 a m 15 yapla 39 yewe 1621 loho ida 6 . 13 

because of nowadays not people they return when they die. 

he cried. That 

"spa. Anticipates quotation "yapfa (10) . . . yeuk P (11)." 

*? nege s-dam. Second personal singular subject, first personal singular object (-dam) of verb naga *n 
(see nak ik above), nege- shows palatal ablaut characteristic of forma with first person singular object. 
-5-- indirect object in aorist only, elsewhere -z-; e. g., nexda s YOU WILL SAY TO ME. Direct object is ga. 

ss naga sbinda*. Subordinate form, with temporal force, of naga sWn i SAY TO YOU. naga sbi e n = aorist 
stem naga- + indirect object -5- 4- second personal singular object -bi- + first personal singular subject 
*. naga sbinda* is subordinated to main verb nege s dam; its direct object is quotation " laps yimi xi" 

3 yapfa. Noun formed apparently by repetition of base vowel according to Type 2. It is employed for 
PEOPLE in general without regard to sex. 

hawa xiu*. Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb hawaxittt e* Type 5 I AM ROTTING; aorist 
stem xiu-, verb-stem xiwi-, This verb is evidently compounded of hawa^x MATTER, PUS and verbal base 
xiu-, whose exact meaning can not be determined, as it has not been found alone. 

41 sgd -K Words spoken by Coyote often begin with 5-, which has in itself no grammatical significance. 

i aga tf Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb t agalt e? Type 4a i CRY; aorist stem t agai-, 
verb-stem t aflg-. -# as in yewe i*, loho tf, and naga i* above. 

ugafaH. Postposition TO, AT, ON ACCOUNT OF, used with preceding demonstrative ga; ga ga a^l= there 
fore, gcftfl is itself compounded of demonstrative ga and local element al AT, TO. 

" &5. Temporal adverb NOW, TO-DAY. First e of e a nl e NOT intended merely to keep up distinct hiatus 
between final -5 and initial a-. 


The child of Roasting-dead-people died. He and Coyote were 
neighbors to each other. Thereupon he said to him, "Lend me a 
blanket, for my child has died. Lend me a blanket," said Roasting- 
dead-people. " I ll not lend you a blanket, for where are they going 
to be, if dead people come back ? " said Coyote. And next door 
returned Roasting-dead-people, and buried his child that had died. 

Then, tis said, a long time elapsed. Now Coyote s child became 
sick and died. Now next door he went to Roasting-dead-people. 
"Lend me a blanket, for my child has died." "What did you say?" 
Roasting-dead-people said that. "Yesterday indeed when I did say 
to you, Lend me a blanket, you, for your part, did say that to me, 
4 Where will the people be, if they return ? Now my child is rot 
ting," said Roasting-dead-people. So next door Coyote returned. 
"Sga-i- !" he cried. For that reason people do not nowadays return 
when they die. 



klemei. 8 bem 4 p!a-idl lo u ky eme s i 6 hono 7 

>ple house they make it. Post they set Jt down, and here again 

p!a-idl l6 u k ,he ff me 8 hono / p!a-idi lo u k , hagamgama n 9 p!a-idi lo u k\ 

they set it down, yonder again they set it down. m four places they set them down. 

he ne 10 hono hangili p " gadaV 12 hagamgama N n, gada kVi 13 

Then also they place (beams) on top thereof in four places, and on top thereof 


mu xda nhi 14 hangiliy. he ne ya a s i 15 wi li s idibi 116 klemei; 

just once they place Then and just house its wall they make it; 

(beam) across. 

5he ne gada kVi 6 matslaV 17 will* he e la m, 18 t ga l 19 ga 20 he e la m 

then and on top they put them house boards. sugar-pine those boards 


klemel, gane 21 dak da t 22 datlabaV, 23 ha ya 24 datlabaV. gane 

they make And then from on top they finish it, on both sides they finish it. And then 

dedewili tfadi s 25 klemei dak dat Vi 28 daho k wal 27 klemei kliyl x 28 

dooi they make it, and from on top holed they make it smoke 

gana^u 29 ba-i-gina xda a . 30 ganes i 531 ga klan 32 klemel. xa Isgip!i - 

theiein its going out. And then ladder they make it, they notch it in 


J See note 39 of first text; 86, 2. yapta is to be understood as subiect of all following finite verb 

8 86, 2; quantity of final vowel varies between -i and -I*. Directly precedes verb as object. 

Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k. emS e n Type 3 i MAKE IT; 63; 65. 

86, 1; object of following verb. 

s p. a-i- DOWN 37, 13; dZ - 36, 10- Zo fc third personal subject, third personal object aonst of verb 
lo ugwtfn Type 6 1 SET IT; 63; 40, 6. 

eme s HERE 104; -yi* enclitic particle 114, 4. 

i Modal adverb 113, 4. 

8 104. 

9 Numeral adverb from gamga m FOUE 111. 
i Temporal adverb 113, 3. 

han- ACROSS 37, 1. -giWp third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -giliba^n 
Type 3; 63; 40, 3. 

Postposition with force of independent local adverb 96. 

s See note 12; -s-i 114, 4. 

" muVfxda^n numeral adverb ONCE 111; -hi enclitic particle 114, 2. 

is ya a post-positive particle JUST 114, 1; -s-i s 114, 4. 

i s-idib- (HOUSE) WALL 86, 3; ~l i third personal possessive form of noun-characteristic -i- 89,3; 
92 III. HOTJSE ITS- WALL is regular periphrasis for HOUSE S WALL. 

" Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb mats!aga s n Type 3 1 PUT IT; 63; 40, 3. 

18 Noun stem heel- with nominal suffix -am dissimilated from -an 87, 6; 21. will* heeltfm is com 
pound noun 88. 

19 86, 1. Predicate appostive to he ela^m: THEY MAKE THOSE BOARDS OUT OF SUGAR-PINE. 

20 Demonstrative pronoun of indifferent number modifying heeltfm 104. 

21 Temporal or connective adverb compounded of demonstrative ga and element ~ni (?=ne) of unknown 
meaning 113, 2; 114 end. 

Adverb in -dot from local element dak - ABOVE 112, 1. 

do- 36, 2 end; -t. abaW third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -t/abaga^n Type 3 
! FINISH IT; 63; 40,3. 

2< Local adverb 113, 1. 

Kdedewill ida DOOR, local phrase with pre-positive de- IN FRONT OF and third personal possessive suffix 
-da 93 end. -di x * postposition 96 of unclear meaning here. 

See note 22; -s-i e 114, 4. 

do- 107, 5; -ho k wal adjective with suffix -al 108, 2. 

86, 3. 

Postposition with ktiyl x ba-igina xdaa 96. 

ao Third personal possessive form in -daa of infinitive ba-igina^x. ba-i- OUT 37, 12; gin- verb stem Type 
2 or 11 QO TO 40, 2, 11; -ax infinitive suffix of intransitive verbs of class I 74, 1. 

See note 21; -* 114, 4. 

86, 2; suffix -, 21; 87, 6. 


sgapV 3 gwelt gau 34 gina x 35 klemei; will s i dibits i 36 klemel. gane 

places, down to the earth going they make house its wall and they make And 

it; it. then 

datlabaV ha^t bu xt bixikX 37 gane leples 38 hahuwu u k i, 39 gana t 40 

they finish it all cleaned inside. And rush they spread them of that kind 

then mats out inside, 

gidi 41 alxall 42 yapla ; p!l i43 yoga * 44 has s 5 u , 45 gas i 48 alxallyana 47 

thereon they sit people; fire its place in the center, so that they being seated 

ha ya-p!iya\ 48 gana ne x 49 hop!e n 50 yap!a a 51 wi li 1 ; 52 lep ni xa 53 

on both sides of the In that way long ago people, for their house; in winter 

fire. their part, 

will 152 gana v t 53 . sama xas i 54 ana ne x 55 alxall, a m 56 wi li gana r u. 57 5 

their of that But in summer in this way they sit, not house therein 

house kind. 

gwaV 58 will yaxa 59 wit ge ye e k i, 60 gas i p!P yoga a k!emei 

Brush house just they set it around, so that fire its place they make it 

habini\ 61 gana nex sama xa alxall, am lep ni xa nat 62 wi li gana^u. 

inthemiddle. In that way in summer they dwell, not in winter like house therein. 

33 id- 36, 7b; -I- instrumental 36, 6; xa s l- with e to mark hiatus 6. -sgip. isgap third personal sub 
ject, third personal object aorist of verb -sgip!isgibi n Type 13a I CUT IT UP TO PIECES iterative of 
verb-ssrI &i f Type6; 63; 4n,l3; 43,1. 

M Local phrase with pre-positive gwel DOWN TO 95 and noun-characteristic -u 89, 4; t ga 86, 1. 

85 See note 30; infinitive used as noun 74 end. 

3 See note 16; -s-i e 114, 4. *-i e is appended to s-idibl i rather than will, as will s-idibi i is taken as unit. 

8* ha- IN 36, 11 b; -I- instrumental 36, 6; ha s l- 6. -t biixt bix-ik w passive participle with instru 
mental -i- in -ik tv 77 from verb -t boxot bax- Type 13a, verb stem -t boxt bax-; -t box- ablauted to -t biix- 
31, 2; -t bax- umlauted to -t bix- 8, 3a. 

38 86, 3. 

>fto- IN 36, lib. -huwuWi = -huwuuk!-hi 19 end; third personal subiect, third personal object 
aorist of instrumental verb -huwu uk!i*n Type 3 1 SPREAD (MAT) OUT 64. 

40 Compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and naY participle in - 76 of verb nagai- Type 4 a DO, BE, 
verb stem na-; see Appendix A. 

41 Postposition 96; gi- umlauted from ga- 8, 4. 

42 al- 36, 15b, here with uncertain force; -xall third personal subject, third personal object aorist Type 
1 in form, though intransitive in meaning 67 footnote. 

86, 1. 

44 Third personal possessive of noun yog- (?) 86, 1 with noun-characteristic -a 92 III. FIRE ITS-PLACE 
is regular pariphrasis for FIRE S PLACE. 

45 Local phrase with pre-positive ha- IN; --5" 86, 1 does not seem otherwise to occur. 

46 Connective compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and enclitic particle -s-i s 114,4. 

47 Subordinate form of alxaFi, note 42; 70 (see transitive paradigm). 

48 Local phrase with pre-positive Jiu ya- ON BOTH SIDES OF and noun-characteristic -a 95; -p/fy-a r from 
p.1 FIRE. 

49 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and na s ne^x infinitive of verb naf nagai-, verb 
stem na na- 69; 74, 1; Appendix A. 

Temporal adverb in -n 112, 3. 

vyap. a see note 1; -^a deictic post-nominal element 102 (people of long ago contrasted with those of 

62 wi lU or will i third personal pronominal form 92 III of noun wi li HOUSE see note 2. PEOPLE THEIR- 
HOUSE regular periphrasis for PEOPLE S HOUSE. Observe that predicate verb (third personal aorist of 
TO BE) is not expressed in this sentence. 

w Temporal adverb in -xa 112, 2. 

64 sama xa cf. note 53; -s-i e 114, 4. 

65 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative stem a- THIS 104 and na*ne^x see note 49. 

66 Negative adverb of aorist 113, 3. 
w Postposition with wi li 96. 

68 86, 1. gwa s- will BRUSH HOUSE form compound noun 88. 

69 Particle in -xa 112, 2; 114, 9. 

80 wi- 37, 8. -t ge yeeWi = -t geyeek. -hi 19 end; third personal subject, third personal object aorist of 
instrumental verb -t ge yeck. i*n Type 2 1 PUT IT AROUND 64; -k!- petrified suffix 42, 7. 

Local adverb with pre-positive ha- IN 95, noun stem -bin- not freely occurring 86, 1, and noun- 
characteristic -i 89, 3. 

Participle in -t 76; see note 40. 



The people are making a house. A post they set in the ground, 
and here again they set one in the ground, yonder again they set one 
in the ground, in four places they set them in the ground. Then 
also they place beams across on top in four places, and above (these) 
they put one across just once. And just then they make the house 
wall; and then on top they place the house boards, those they make 
out of sugar-pine lumber. Then they finish it on top, on either side 
they finish it. Then they make the door, and on top they make a 
hole for the going out of the smoke. And then they make a ladder, 
they notch out (a pole), for going down to the floor they make it; 
and the house wall they make. 

Then they finish it, all cleaned inside. Now rush mats they spread 
out inside, on such the people sit. The fireplace is in the center, so 
that they are seated on either side of the fire. In that way, indeed, 
was the house of the people long ago ; in winter their house was such. 
But in summer they were sitting like now, 1 not in the house. Just 
a brush shelter they placed around, so that the fireplace they made 
in the middle. Thus they dwelt in summer, not as in winter in a 

1 We were sitting out in the open when this text was dictated. 







Introduction 303 

1. Distribution and history 305 

2-14. Phonology 306 

2. Vowels 306 

3. Consonants 306 

4. Sound groupings 307 

5. Accent 309 

6-14. Phoneticlaws 310 

6. Introductory 310 

7-11. Vocalic processes 310 

7. Vocalic harmony 310 

8. Consonantization of i- and u- diphthongs 312 

9. Contraction 313 

10. Hiatus 314 

11. Processes due to change from terminal to medial position 315 

12-14. Consonantic processes 316 

12. Types of consonantic processes 316 

13. Consonantic euphony 316 

14. Simplification of doubled consonants 317 

15. Grammatical processes 317 

16. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 318 

17-95. Morphology 319 

17-24. Prefixes 319 

17. The articles IE and hs 319 

18. The personal pronouns 321 

19. Inchoative^a- 322 

20. Privative k fd- 323 

21. Adverbial n- 323 

22. Locative x- 323 

23. Discriminative o> 324 

24. Modal and instrumental x- 325 

25-80. Suffixes 326 

25. General remarks 326 

26-55. Verbal suffixes 328 

26-27. Transitive suffixes 328 

26. Transitive -*, -te 328 

27. Causative -lyat 331 

28-31. Intransitive suffixes 332 

28. Intransitive -aai 332 

29. Reciprocal -me" 332 



17-95. Morphology Continued p age 
25-80. Suffixes Continued 

26-55. Verbal suffixes Continued 

28-31. Intransitive suffixes Continued 

30. Suffixes denning the subject -qzm, -xEm; -u; -em 332 

31. Neutral -I, -e * 334 

32-35. Semi-temporal suffixes 335 

32. Inchoative -Iwe 335 

33. Frequentatives -e iwa(t) -o^wa(t} 336 

34. Frequentative causative -ae *wat 337 

35. Transitionals -lye, -nts, -u 338 

36-43. Modalsuffixes 1 340 

36. Modal -tc 340 

37. Distributives -ne *, -m; -am; -ay am; -waq 341 

38-42. The passive voice 343 

38. Present passive -u 343 

39. Past passive -dyu, -e*yu, -lyu 344 

40. Passive -lyeqEm 344 

41 . Causative passive -eet, -et; -lyEm 345 

42. The passive participle -ayau 347 

43. The imperative 347 

44-45. Verbalizing suffixes 349 

44. Auxiliary -e (-a) 349 

45. Verbal -em.... . 349 

46-50. Pronominal suffixes 350 

46. Transitive subject and object pronouns 350 

47. Transitive verbs in -dya 352 

48. Subject and object pronouns of verbs in -dya 354 

49. Transitive verbs in -a 354 

50. Verbs in -andya with direct and indirect object pronoun . 355 

51-54. Plural formations 356 

51. General remarks 356 

52. Reflexive plural -u 357 

53. Causative passive plural -lyEm 358 

54. Direct plural object -HEX 358 

55. Miscellaneous suffixes 359 

56-80. Nominal suffixes 360 

56-65. General nominalizing suffixes 360 

56. Nominal -is 360 

57. Nouns of quality in -ES, -tE8, -enis 361 

58. Nouns of location in -Em 362 

59. Verbal abstract -dwas, -ne *was 362 

60. Verbal nouns in -onts, -si. 363 

61. Nouns of quantity in -In 364 

62. Nouns of agency in -ayawa, -eydwe, -lyawa 364 

63. Nominalizing suffix indicating place, -is 365 

64. Nominalizing suffix indicating locality, -ume 365 

65. Terms of relationship in -dtc (-ate) 365 

66. Suffixes -ex, -lyEx,iyetEx 367 

67-70. Adverbial suffixes 367 

67. Local and modal -e He, -itc 367 

68. Local suffix, indicating motion, -etc 369 

69. Local -ewitc 370 

70. Instrumental -Etc 370 


17-95. Morphology Continued 
25-80. Suffixes Continued 

56-80. Nominal suffixes Continued 

71. Superlative -eytm ............................ . ........... 371 

72. Distributive -tm ......................................... 371 

73. Interrogative -it, ......................................... 372 

74-77. Numeral suffixes .................................... 372 

74. Ordinal -to .......................................... 372 

75. Multiplicative -en ................................... 373 

76. Ordinal-multiplicative -entcta ......................... 373 

77. Distributive -Una ................................... 374 

78-79. Plural formations ................................... 374 

78. Irregular plurals .................................... 374 

79. Plural of terms of relationship, -lyas .................. 375 

80. Minor suffixes .......................................... 375 

81-83. Reduplication .............................................. 377 

81. Introductory ................................................ 377 

82. Initial reduplication ......................................... 377 

83. Final reduplication ...................... _ .................. 380 

84-85. Phonetic changes ........................................... 382 

84. Vocalic changes ............................................. 382 

85. Consonantic changes ........................................ 383 

86-95. Syntactic particles .......................................... 383 

86. Introductory ................ . .............................. 383 

87. Temporal particles .......................................... 383 

88. Particles denoting degrees of certainty and knowledge ........ 385 

89. Particles denoting connection with previously expressed ideas.. 389 

90. Particles denoting emotional states ........................... 389 

91. Particles denoting the conditional ............................ 391 

92. Exhortative particles ........................................ 392 

93. Particles denoting emphasis .................................. 393 

94. Restrictive particles ......................................... 394 

95. The interrogative particle 1 .................................. 394 

96-100. The pronoun ................ . ................................. 395 

96. The independent personal pronouns .............................. 395 

97-98. The possessive pronouns ..................................... 396 

97. The sign of possession, & ................ . ................... 396 

98. The possessive pronouns proper ......................... 1 ____ 398 

99. The reflexive pronouns .......................................... 400 

100. The demonstrative pronouns .................................... 400 

101-102. The numeral ................................................. 403 

101. The cardinals .................................................. 403 

102. The decimal system ............................................ 404 

103-106. The adverb ................................................... 404 

103. Introductory .................................................. 404 

104. Local adverbs and phrases ...................................... 405 

105. Temporal adverbs .............................................. 405 

106. Modal adverbs .................. ................................ 406 

107-112. Particles ..................................................... 407 

107. Introductory .................................................. 407 

108. Pronominal particles ........................................... 407 

109. Numeral particles .............................................. 409 

110. Conjunctions .................................................. 409 

111. Interjections ................................................... 410 

112. Miscellaneous particles ......................................... 410 


113. Thestem itse ts 411 

114. Verbs as adjectives 412 

115. Nouns as qualifiers 412 

116. Vocabulary 412 

117. Structure of sentences 414 

118. Idiomatic expressions 415 

Texts.. ..... 419 


The material on which this account of the Coos language is based 
was collected at the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the summer of 
1909. I obtained nineteen complete myths and other texts with inter 
linear translations, and linguistic material consisting chiefly of forms, 
phrases, and sentences. 1 have also had at my disposal a number of 
texts and grammatical notes collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d, 
during the summer of 1903, which were of great assistance on many 

This material was obtained chiefly from James Buchanan and Frank 
Drew, both of whom proved to be intelligent and reliable informants. 
To the former especially I am indebted for the complete and rich 
collection of myths and texts, while the latter was my chief source of 
information on points of grammar and lexicography. Frank Drew s 
untiring efforts and almost perfect command of English made him a 
very valuable interpreter, in spite of the fact that this advantage was 
offset in a great many cases by his knowledge of the Hanis and Miluk 
dialects of the Coos, and by his inability to draw a dividing-line 
between the two dialects. Hence his information was very often con 
tradictory, and showed many discrepancies; but, on the whole, he 
was found trustworthy and reliable. 

In conclusion I wish to express my deep gratitude to my teacher, 
Professor Franz Boas, for the many valuable suggestions made in 
connection with this work, and for the keen and unceasing interest 
which he has taken in me during the many years of our acquaintance. 
It was at his suggestion that this work was undertaken; and its com 
pletion is due mainly to the efforts and encouragement received from 
him. He it was who first imbued me with an enthusiasm for the 
primitive languages of the North American continent, and the debt 
which I owe him in this and in a great many other respects will be of 
everlasting duration. 


April, 1910. 





The Kusan stock embraces a number of closely related dialects 
that were spoken by the people inhabiting (until 1857) Coos bay and 
the region along the Coos river. Their neighbors were Siuslauan, 1 
Kalapuyan, and Athapascan tribes. On the north they came in con 
tact with the Umpqua 1 Indians, on the east they bordered on the 
Kalapuya, while on the south they were contiguous to the Rogue 
river tribes, especially the Coquelle. 2 In 1857, when the Rogue river 
war broke out, the United States Government, acting in self-defence, 
removed the Coos Indians to Port Umpqua. Four years later they 
were again transferred to the Yahatc reservation, where they 
remained until 1876. On the 26th day of April, 1876, Yahatc was 
thrown open to white settlers, and the Indians of that reservation 
were asked to move to Siletz; but the Coos Indians, tired of the 
tutelage of the United States Indian agents, refused to conform with 
the order, and emigrated in a body to the mouth of the Siuslaw river, 
where the majority of them are still living. 

Of the two principal dialects, Hanis and Miluk, 3 the latter is now 
practically extinct; while the former is still spoken by about thirty 
individuals, whose number is steadily decreasing. As far as can be 
judged from the scanty notes on Miluk collected by Mr. St. Clair in 
1903, this dialect exhibits only in a most general way the character 
istic traits of the Kusan stock. Otherwise it is vastly different from 
Hanis in etymological and even lexicographical respects. 

The name "Coos" is of native origin. It is derived from the redu 
plicated stem ku kwis SOUTH, which appears very often in phrases like 
xkukwVsume FROM WHERE SOUTH is, MsEmi tcitc SOUTHWARDS, etc. 

1 Erroneously classified by Powell as part of the Yakonan family. My recent investigations show 
Siuslaw to form an independent linguistic group consisting of two distinct dialects, Lower Umpqua 
and Siuslaw. A grammatical sketch of the former dialect will be found in this volume. 

2 An Athapascan tribe living on the upper course of the Coquelle river. 

Spoken oh the lower part of the Coquelle river, and commonly called Lower Coquelle. 

3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 20 305 


The Coos call their own language kd nis L/e yis THE HANTS TONGUE. 
The present work deals with this dialect only, as sufficient material 
could not be obtained for the purpose of writing a grammar of the 
Miluk dialect. 

Texts of myths and tales were collected by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d, 
and by the author of the present sketch, and were published by Colum 
bia University. 1 All references accompanying examples refer to page 

and line of that publication. 


PHONOLOGY ( 2-14) 
2. Vowels 

The phonetic system of Coos is rich and fully developed. Clusters 
of consonants occur very frequently, but are void of difficult compli 
cations. The vowels show a high degree of variability, and occur in 
short and long quantities. The obscure vowel E is very frequent, 
and seems to be related to short e and a. Resonance vowels occur 
very often, and are indicated in this work by superior vowels. The 
diphthongs are quite variable. Long e is not a pure vowel, but glides 
from e to 1; it can hardly be distinguished from long 1 9 to which 
it seems to be closely related. In the same manner long o glides 
from o to -5, and was heard often as a long -w-vowel. 

The following may be said to be the Coos system of vowels and 

Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs 


a e i % o u u w, y ai, a u , e u 

a a e 1 o u e* o u 

Short e is pronounced like e in the English word HELMET, while the 
umlauted a corresponds to the open 0-vowel in German WAHLEN. It 
very often occurs as the umlauted form of long a. i represents the 
short y- vowel so commonly found in the Slavic languages; while tf, 
indicates exceedingly short, almost obscure u. o can not occur after 
the palatal surd k and fortis k!. 

3. Consonants 

The consonantic system of Coos is characterized by the prevalence 
of the sounds of the k and I series, by the frequent occurrence of 

1 Coos Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 1. 

2-3 I--.-;. 


aspiration, by the abundance of long (double) consonants Z, m, n, and y, 
and by the semi-vocalic treatment of the nasals m, n, and of the lateral 
sounds (indicated in this sketch by a circle under the consonant). 
Surds and sonants were not always pronounced distinctly, especially 
in the alveolar series. No aspirated consonants were found besides 
the aspirated and k\ The fortis is pronounced with moderate air- 
pressure and glottal and nasal closure. 
The system of consonants may be represented as follows: 

Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal 

Velar ................ - - (g f) q q! y,x 

Palatal _________________ gl g(w) k, k(w) k!, k! (w) 

Anterior palatal ________ g k k ! x 

Alveolar __________ ..... d t, tf t! s, c n, n 

Affricative _______________ (dzf), dj & te ts!, tc! 

Labial _____ _______ ..... J p p! m,m 

Lateral ________ ..... _.. L L L! 1,1,1 

Glottal stop ____________ 

Aspiration ....... ...... xx 

y,% h w 

The glottal stop, when not inherent in the stem, may occur inde 
pendently only before Z, m, n, and w. It always disappears before 
velar and palatal sounds. The aspiration is always accompanied by a 
stricture corresponding to the quality of the vowel preceding it. 
After a,o, and u (and u diphthongs) it is of a guttural character; while 
when following e, ^ -vowels, or the ^ -diphthongs, it becomes palatal. 
It disappears before a following w or y. 

Tiha u x ts I make it 10.4 QhaPweV wot I have it 18.4 

is scFtUafnl we two trade mu 

tually 15.6 
^lo ux ta!ya I am watching it IdwUl yeqEm he took care 66.3 

pl x pl he went home 28.2 xplye etc backwards, homewards 

qai x qa ydnafya he became 

afraid of it 42.3 

4. Sound Groupings 

As has been stated before, clusters of consonants are extensive, but 
present few complications. Whenever difficulties arise in pronoun 
cing them, there is a strong tendency, inherent in the language, to 



simplify them. Thus, combinations of more than two consonants are 
rare, except in cases where one of the component elements (fre 
quently the middle consonant) is ra, n, or one of the lateral series. 
Such combinations are made possible through the semi-vocalic charac 
ter of these consonants. I have also found xpq, 

helq- to arrive halqtsd u wat she would bring it 

to him 72.8 
a lqas fear 66.4 aqalqs%td u wat he scared him 

ds msit prairie 22. 12 dsmste tc through a prairie 22. 11 

In the same mariner initial clusters, of which m, ?i, or I is the first 
element, are syllabified by vocalization of the first consonant either 
initially or terminally. A similar process takes place in clusters con 
sisting of two consonants that belong to the same group. 

The only consonantic combinations that are inadmissible are those 
of a t, ts or s -f m or n. 

Terminal clusters of three consonants are admissible only in cases 
where one of the component elements is a consonant easily subject to 
vocalization (a lateral, m or n). 

I nq 7.5 qa mlt 102.16 

yixa ntcqts 60.3 tqa nLts 28.1 

Terminal clusters of two consonants are confined to the combina 
tions of m + t, ra + s, m-\-x; n + alveolar or affricative, n + k , ?I + L; 
1 + alveolar or affricative (excepting l + n), 1 + m; l + t and l + tc. All 
other combinations are inadmissible (see 11). 

The following examples of terminal sound groupings may be given: 

L. f e x simt 74.19 i lt 7.8 

hata yims 20.14 milt! 76.12 

yi xumx 122.22 toils 

k /int 5.2 le fi ldj 

xwwndj 6.8 he wilts 140.14 

k/wints 96.11 tcfiltc! 26.26 

Ldwe entc 6.1 fk dm 136.7 (St. Clair) 

denk- 82.9 xalt 10.9 

hanL 7.1 qe ltc 6.4 

An exceptional instance of a usually inadmissible sound grouping 
was found in wyi helq 20.21. 


All inadmissible terminal clusters are avoided through the insertion 
of a (weak) vowel between the two final consonants. 

d&mst- ds msit prairie 22.12 

helq- ke laq he arrived 20.18 

Lhinp- L/ii nap he went through 22.11 

mttx- mi lax lunch 28.15 

a lq, 4. - s ( 25) aflqas fear 66.4 

-s ( 25) mi nqas mat, spider 58.5 

Inadmissible medial clusters are avoided through the insertion of a 
weak vowel or vowels: 

winq- + -xEm winafqaxEm it is spread out 32. 14 

helq- + -xsm hela qaxsm it is the end 44. 14 

Inq- -f -a ux Indqa they two went down 


5. Accent 

With the exception of the monosyllabic particles, that are either 
enclitic or proclitic, each word in Coos has its stress accent, designated 
by the acute mark ( ) or by the rising tone rendered here by -^. The 
former accent is not inseparably associated with any particular sylla 
ble of a word. It may, especially in cases of polysyllabic stems, be 
shifted freely from one syllable to another, although it is very possi 
ble that this apparent shifting of accent may be largely due to the 
rapidity with which the words in question were pronounced by the 
natives. The circumflex accent appears mostly on the last syllable, 
and may best be compared with the intonation given to the word so 
in the English interrogative sentence Is THAT so ? 

The accent very often modifies the syllable on which it falls by 
lending a specific coloring to the vowel, or by making it appear with 
a long quantity. This is especially the case in syllables with the 
obscure vowel, which, under the influence of accent, may be changed 
to an a or an e. 

A very peculiar use of the accent is found in connection with the 
verbal stem helaq. This stem expresses two different ideas, that are 
distinguished by means of the two kinds of accent. When occurring 
with the stress accent ( ), he laq denotes TO GET, TO ARRIVE; while 
kelaq with the rising tone of a expresses the idea TO CLIMB UP. 



Phonetic Laws ( 6-14) 
6. Introductory 

The phonetic laws are quite complex, and in a number of instances 
show such appalling irregularities that they defy all attempts at 
systematization. This is especially true of the contraction of two or 
more vowels into one, and of the law of hiatus. Broadly speaking, 
the phonetic processes may be said to be due to contact phenomena 
and, in rare instances, to the effects of accent. 

Vocalic Processes ( 7-11) 

The processes treated in this division may be classified as follows: 

(1) Vocalic Harmony. 

(2) Consonantization of i- and ?/- diphthongs. 

(3) Contraction. 

(4) Hiatus. 

(5) Processes due to change from terminal to medial position. 


The most important phonetic law in the Coos language is the law of 
vocalic harmony. This tendency towards euphony is so strongly 
developed in the language, that it may safely be said to be one of its 
chief characteristics. Its purpose is to bridge over as much as possi 
ble the difficulties that would arise in trying to pronounce in quick 
succession syllables with vowels of widely different qualities. The 
process ma} r be of a retrogressive or progressive character; that is to 
say, the suffix may change the quality of the stem-vowel, or vice versa. 
Only the vowels of the a- and e- series are affected by this phenomenon, 
which is not always purely phonetic. 

The following suffixes cause a change from a to , a process called 
the a-umlaut: 

-I neutral 31 -1l pronominal 46 -lye transitional 35 

nha wUs I make it grow ha wl he grew up 64.24 

ntsxau wat I kill him 26.22 ytsxewe il she kills me 24.14 

f %ha k! u tUs I draw it up il hdk! u tl ye they were drawn 

up 30.1 


A change of ^-vowels into ^-vowels due to other causes is effected 
by the pronominal suffixes -u ( 46), -em ( 30), and by the imperative 
-* ( 43). 

nha k! u ttts I draw it up f %ha k! u tUsu he draws me up 

kJafwat he pecks at it 20.14 i^k e wUu he pecks at me 
kwaa mya he knows it 26.18 kwee myem they know it 24.22 
pafyat he shouted 32.1 L psl tE you must shout 32.2 

tsxa u - to kill tsxe wE kill him! 68.3 

The following suffixes change the e- vowels of the stem into a- vowels: 
-ami, -dfo pronominal 46 
-ayam distributive 37 
-anaya 50 

tdnefhenl he is thinking 24.13, e?tc%nahanafm/i I am thinking 

14 of you 

he wes a lie efhawasanafls you are lying to 


wne et it is on top 10.1 tyx naata ya I am riding (a horse) 

k/le es black k/laa yam blackish (black here 

and there) 
wa ms sick 42.18 xa nanafya he made him feel 

sorry 42.18 
pLpd wis hat 136.14 pLpa wisanaya he made a hat 

out of it 

[NOTE. The suffix -anaya is composed of -enl + -ay a. The long a 
of -aya affects the e of -em, and the compound suffix changes the 
quality of the stem-vowel.] 

Here may also belong the qualitative change of yiscie* ONE and yu xwd 
TWO into ylxaM nob ONE EACH and yuxwaJn na TWO EACH (see p. 374), 
and changes like 

is we ldnl hanL we two fight will 116.11 (wtt- to fight) 
qamelam we he commenced to swim around (mil- to swim) 

[Compare also the change of the possessive pronoun Id, llye, into la, 
llya, when preceding stems with a- vowels (see 98).] 

Progressive assimilation occurs very frequently, and affects almost 
all suffixes that have ^-vowels. The following suffixes change their 
e- vowels under the influence of an a- vowel of the stem: 

-e auxiliary 44 

-enl verbal 45 

-lye transitional 35 

-^adverbial 68 

-lyawa nominal 62 7 


nwVtlne with blood it is (wi- la u nk/afha they with ropes are 

tin blood) 20.6 (Jc!a rope) 46.9 

ft ntc/wafle they with fire are mm laqa with an arrow he is (mi f - 

(tcfwd lfaQ) 42.12 laq arrow) 20.18 

hatctfeni yeqEm the story is ft qanatcanl waq they began to 

being told (ha tc&t! story) make fun (qafnatc joke) 50.12 

44.14, 15 

tc hewese nl you two are lying ffl kwa xaLam they are making 

28.13, 14 (he wes lie) bows (kwa xaL a bow) 

qatiml ye morning it got 20.4 tykainahd ya I active became (hai f - 

(qaMm- morning) na active) 

afyu vx l ye surely a canoe it tydowayakafya I happened to want 

was (ix canoe) 126.10 it (dowa- to desire) 

dEinste tc LMnap through a iFJc/wVl xa a patc he dove into the 

prairie he went 22. 11 (ds m- water (xa a p water) 26. 27 

sU prairie) 

yfaa wExetc la into the house L/ta atc tsxawl yat on the ground 

he went (yixa wEx house) he put it down (L/td earth, 

28.10, 11 ground) 36.20, 21 

The same progressive assimilation may have taken place in the 
change of the transitive suffix -e*wat into -o u wat (see p. 337) whenever 
suffixed to stems ending in w-diphthongs. 

t E kwlLe ir wal he is following fytsxau watlkill him (taz M - to kill) 

him 22.2 26.22 

i}tointcine if wat I am thinking ^w^lo^ivat you are looking for it 

(of him) (wtt- to look for something) 54.3 

Another assimilatory process of this type is the change of the par 
ticle U into el (hel) after a preceding n or L (see p. 388). 

Is yl U good, indeed 5.3 in hel not so! 42.23 

Is yl yu Lei good it would be 
indeed 70.5 

In spite of this great tendency towards euphony, numerous instances 
will be found showing an absolute lack of vocalic harmony. Whether 
these cases are the result of imperfect perception, due to the rapid 
flow of speech or to other causes, cannot be ascertained with any 
degree of certainty. 


The i and u of diphthongs are always changed into the semi-vocalic 
consonants y and w when they are followed by another vowel. 


The only exception to this rule occurs in cases where the diphthong 
is contracted with the following vowel (see 9). 

pEnLd wai whale 30.10 psnLd wayztc a whale with 88.30 

ux tUa qai they two are living he laq IE ma ttla qayetc he came 

24.1 to the people (who) lived (there) 

36.12, 13 
t! E cVta u flint point nt! E c$ta u we IE rm laq flint points 

have the arrows 62.27 

LO U - to eat Ldwa was food 22.14 

xwVlux u head 30.14 XL Its xwi luxwltc she hit him over 

the head 66.5, 6 
k u perhaps + & we two kwfo let us two 26.15 


In Coos the contraction of two vowels immediately following each 
other is so uncertain that it is difficult to formulate any rule that 
would cover all irregularities. The main difficulty lies in the fact 
that contraction of vowels, and hiatus, seem constantly to interfere 
with each other. The following rules may be said to apply in all 

(1) Two vowels belonging to the w-series are contracted into a long u. 
xtcl tcu + uL xtcl tcuL how would (it be) 5.2 
yilcu + uL yVkuL perhaps it would (be) 17.7 

(2) Two long 7- vowels are contracted into a long 1. 

JiaJ~k! u t1 -\--1ye U ha k! u tl ye they were drawn up 

herii -\--vye Kenvye a while 42.17 (lie- when 

many times 88.1) 

(3) Long e or I are contracted with a following a into long a or e. 
-eni- -\--aya -anaya (see 50) 
pLpafwfaem he is making a pLpawisa naya he is making a hat 

hat out of it 

-ne^-dwas -n&was (see 59) 

(4) Vowels of very short quantities are usually contracted with the 
following vowels of longer quantities, regardless of quality. The 
quality of the longer vowel predominates in such amalgamations. In 
the process of contraction, an h preceding the second vowel disappears. 

c E +hanL canL a particle denoting certain 

expectation (see 90) 
tsanL only then shall . . . 78.15 



An exception to this rule is found in the case of the u- vowels, which 
change a following h into a w. 

yu + he yuwe whenever 16.6 

tso then tsowef as soon as 52.14 

An interesting case of contraction is presented by the amalgamation 
of the personal pronouns and the negative particle In. 

n I -+- In NOT is contracted into nl. 

THOU + In NOT is contracted into en. 

xynn WE TWO -j- In NOT is contracted into xwftn. 

tin WE + m NOT is contracted into Ifin. 

<$n YOU -f- In NOT is contracted into ctfn. 

nl tcltc la u tsxau wat not I how that one (to) kill it 62.21 
en hanL (Ml you not will (be) something 10.5 
xwfin kwaa nlya we two not know it 120.23 
W-n canL xtcl^tc sqats we (can) not seize her 56.18 
c$n k dl& wat you not forget it 40.18 

Following are examples of uncontracted negative forms: 

fax In kwaafnlya they two (did) not know it 22.9, 10 
U In k tto vnt they (did) not see it 32.3 


The same uncertainty^that exists in the case of contraction of vowels 
is found in the law of hiatus. Broadly speaking, it may be said that 
the coming- together of two vowels of like quantities and qualities is 
avoided by means of infixing a weak h between them. Two vowels of 
dissimilar quantities and qualities are kept apart by means of the 

Examples of insertion of h: 

kwaa nlya + -aya Jcwaa nlyaha ya (they) came to 

know it 102.29 

n ne -f -lye nnehl ye I came to be (the one) 

slL f ne f + -lye siL nehl ye joined together it be 

came 13.4 

ts!xa + -a ntsfxa ha IE kwa xaL (covered) 

with skin is the bow 62.27, 28 

hu u ma!~k*e + -e tix nhu u ma k ehe they two with 

wives are 42. 15 

helml -\--1s helrm hls next day 6.7 



Examples of division by means of accent: 

IE -\--Uc xle Uc L/dts with it he spoke 16.2 

Lftd + -atc L/tafatc leml yat into the ground 

he stuck it 64.1 



Terminal consonantic clusters are avoided by inserting a weak vowel 
between two consonants standing in final position (see 4). But as 
soon as a suffix is added to a stem thus expanded, changing the cluster 
from a terminal to medial position, the inserted vowel is dropped, and 
the consonants are combined into a cluster. 

rm lax lunch 28.15 rMxafnEm lunch make me 114.5 

dtfms&t prairie 22.12 dwinste tc Lhi nap to the prairie 

he came 22.11 
Lhtfnap he went through 22. 11 ux LMnpi ye they two came 

through 112.1 
a lqas fear 66.4 ux alqsa ya they two are afraid of 

it 7.5 
ha tc&t! story 20.2 hatct!em yeqE7n a story is being 

told 44.14, 15 
tcftflats he was astonished tc& lts E XEm he was astonished 128. 

22.28 15 

JcwafxaL bow 60.14 ux nkwafxLa they two have bows 

mVlat he swam 30.7 mVU E qEm he swam (out) 100.16 

On the whole, Coos shows a marked tendency toward clustering of 
consonants in medial position. Thus, when a suffix beginning with a 
long vowel is added to a stem that has already been amplified by 
means of a suffix whose initial vowel is weak, the vowel of the first 
suffix is dropped, and its consonants are combined with the final con 
sonants of the stem into a cluster. 

ha Late elder brother 72.27 hdLtcl yas elder brothers 

e l^Latc father 20. 25 ek u Ltcl yas fathers 

laf x Lfe mud 52.10 tflLsafEtc with mud 52.13 

r %hu uf mfotts I marry her ku u ?mstso u wat he married 26.14 

This change from a terminal to a medial position effects sometimes 
the dropping of a whole syllable. 

m&Lfajft ydtc younger brother U m%Lkwl tainl they are younger 
72.1 brothers (mutually) 84.20 



Uuwe x tds heart 5.3 Uu tdsitc lo f g u tats in his heart she 

was boiling 108.27 

pllfyat he took him home xw$n e e putd f mi hanL we two thee 
30.13 take home will 126.19, 20 

Another effect due to this law is the weakening of the vowel of the 
syllable immediately preceding the suffix. This change takes place 
regularly when two or more suffixes have been added to one and the 
same stem. 

he takes him i^Lhinptso 1 vntu he takes me 

through through 

hu u mistsb u wat he is marrying e hu u mistsountd f m$ hanL I marry 

them 26.14 thee will 184.6 

Consonantic Processes ( 12-14) 


Consonantic changes are few in number, and due to contact phe 
nomena. The following are the processes affecting consonants : 

(1) Consonautic euphony. 

(2) Simplification of doubled consonants. 


This -law affects the palatal sounds only, and results from a strong 
tendency, inherent in the language, to assimilate, whenever possible, 


the consonants of the -^-series to the character of the preceding or 
following vowels. As a consequence of this tendency, ^ -vowels are 
invariably followed or preceded by the anterior palatals, while u- 
vowels change a following palatal into a &-sound with a w-tinge (a 
labialized k). 

la nlk river 14.6 tsafyux u small 20.5 

wix lflls food 14.7 ma luk u paint 10.2 

taha Uk quiver 66.26 xwi lux u head 30.14 

x nek hair 50.3 mela kuk " salmon heart 34.25 

g img tfmis rain go u s all 9.3 

Instances are not lacking where actual palatalization has taken 
place, or where an anterior k has been changed into a palatal Jc, so as 
to conform to the character of the vowel following it. 

k! aflat he shouted 36.7 qak elenl we $ mZn they began to 

shout 24.22 

k/afwat he pecks at it 20.9 k fe wU&m some one is pecking 
S 12-13 


ha kat he crawled 32.12 xha k Uc crawlingly 32.10 

tka lmUs he sinks it t*k e lrrtixEm (a) deep place 84.24 

k/xa ye es he is talking k /xe Em ye es talk to me 
to him 30.23 

pkdk grandfather 28.19 pkafkatc grandfather 30.6 

taha Uk quiver G6.26 taha Ukatc into the quiver 116.19 

ax l axatc uncle axa x uncle 34.9 

k u ma x* horn 86.25 nk u ma xa it has a horn 88. 7 

The only cases of consonantic assimilation that occur in Coos are 
the changes of sonants into surds, under the influence of a following 

ya bas maggots 40.12 xya bas yapti! tsa la . . . maggots 

ate up his . . . (literally, mag- 
go ted his . . . ) 40.6 

Muk e tcyi xumx he had it (the p E si f k a tsem a cup give me 68.17 
water) in a cup 128.25 


Doubled consonants are simplified in consequence of the tendency 
to avoid the clustering of too many consonants. The process consists 
in the simplification of a long (doubled) consonant, when followed by 
another consonant. Owing to the fact that only I, ra, n, and y appear 
in doubled (long) quantities, they are the only consonants that are 
aifected by this law. 

milat he swam 30.7 mVlt E qEm he swam (out) 100.16 

td lats he was astonished tcVUs E xEm he was astonished 128. 

22.28 15 

iM nap he went through 22. 11 Lhinptso u wat he took him through 

nma henet it is (crowded) with %?nd hentltc like a person 30. 22, 23 

people 20.1 


All grammatical categories and syntactic relations in Coos are 
expressed by means of one of the five following processes: 

(1) Prefixation. 

(2) Suffixation. 

(3) Reduplication. 

(4) Syntactic particles. 

(5) Phonetic changes. 

SS 14-15 


The number of prefixes is very small, and by far the majority of 
grammatical ideas are expressed by means of suffixes and syntactic 
particles. Reduplication, although frequently resorted to, is used to 
express only a limited number of categories; while the phonetic 
changes are very rare, and exhibit a decidedly petrified character. 


All stems seem to be neutral, and their nominal or verbal character 
depends chiefly upon the suffixes with which they are used. Conse 
quently two different suffixes one of a verbal and the other of a 
nominal character may be added to the same stem, nominalizing or 
verbalizing it, according to the requirements of the occasion. In the 
following pages a distinction is made between verbal and nominal 
stems, which is based solely upon the sense in which the stem is used. 

All prefixes express ideas of an adverbial character. 

By far the majority of verbal suffixes indicate ideas of action and 
such concepts as involve a change of the subject or object of the 
verb. Hence ideas indicating causation, reciprocity, reflexive action, 
the passive voice, the imperative, etc. , are expressed by means of suf 
fixes. The pronouns denoting both subject and object of an action 
are indicated by suffixes. Only semi-temporal ideas, such as the 
inchoative, frequentative, and transitional stages, are expressed by 
means of suffixes; while the true temporal concepts are indicated 
by syntactic particles. Instrumentality and agency are also indicated 
by suffixes. 

All local relations are expressed by nominal suffixes. Abstract 
concepts are formed by means of suffixes. 

Ideas of plurality are very little developed, and, with the exception 
of a few suffixes, are expressed by different verbal and nominal stems. 
Distributive plurality occurs very often, especially in the verb, and 
is indicated by suffixes or by reduplication. Reduplication expresses, 
furthermore, continuation, duration, and repetition of action. 

A great variety of concepts are expressed by syntactic particles, 
especially ideas relating to emotional states and to degrees of certainty. 

In the pronoun, three persons, and a singular, dual, and plural, are 
distinguished. Grammatical gender does not exist. The first person 
dual has two distinct forms, one indicating the inclusive (I AND THOU) 
and the other the exclusive (I AND HE). 



The demonstrative pronoun shows a variety of forms, but does not 
distinguish sharply between nearness or remoteness in relation to the 
three pronominal persons. 

The numeral is very well developed, exhibiting special forms for the 
ordinal, multiplicative, and the distributive, which are indicated by 
means of suffixes. 

The syntactic structure of the Coos sentence is very simple, and is 
characterized by the facility with which the different parts of speech 
may shift their position without changing in the least the meaning of 
the sentence. Incorporation and compound words are entirely absent, 
and the varicuisjarts of speech are easily recognizable through their 

MORPHOLOGY ( 17-95) 

Prefixes ( 17-24) 

The number of prefixes is small. Three of the six prefixes found 
in this language namety, the local, discriminative, and modal x- - 
must have originally expressed one general idea incorporating these 
three concepts, because the phonetic resemblance between these suf 
fixes is too perfect to be a mere coincidence. In addition to these 
prefixes, the article and the personal pronouns may be treated in this 
chapter, as they are loosely prefixed to the nominal (or verbal) stems, 
and in a great many cases form a phonetic unit with the words that 
follow them. 

17. The Articles IE and hE 

The article IE, or JIE, is used in the singular and plural alike, and 
may denote a definite or indefinite object. The definite article 
indicates an object that actually exists or that is intimately known 
to the speaker. No fixed rules can be given for the occurrence of 
the two different forms IE and tis, but the following general prin 
ciple may be said to hold good: JIE tends to occur at the beginning of 
a sentence and after words ending in vowels, dentals, and sibilants; 
while IE occurs in all other cases. 

hE hatafyvms (1) mto 8d r w&(%) ~k!a!wat (3) hs to qmas (4) the wood 
pecker (4) is pecking at (3) the lucky (2) money (1) 20.15 

hi ni sto u q IE dl lol there stood the young man 22.27 

wdndj tcme henl JIE da lol thus was thinking the young man 
24.13, 14 

e nefc IE L/td sticking out was the earth 6.7 17 


The article very often performs the function of the personal pro 
noun of the third person singular, and in such cases is to be rendered 
by HE, SHE, or IT. 

he tt IE he laq IE wi nqas u tend snatc (in order) to gamble he 

arrived, the spider s grandson 66.20, 21 
JIE tsu tsu he was killed 96.14 

The article has a general nominal izing function, and when prefixed 
to adverbs, adjectives, etc., gives them the force of nouns. 

JIE go u s dtfl k t/Eai s tsxawl yat everything separately he put down 
48.18, 19 

go u s di l l lai x tset JIEX kw$na u tc (of) everything was started the 
appearance (i. e., everything began to have its present appear 
ance) 12.7 

JIE qa LtEs the length 

ma U IE ehe ntc ma ya lanl surely, (whatever) the far-off people 
were talking 66.13 

la u he ll Jcwi leL IE e k $ Ld u ts that (was) their sweat-house, which 
you found 62.25 

ty ne ItE IE e dowayExta is qa u wa I am the one whom you wanted 
last night 50.25, 26 

In some instances the article is prefixed to the personal pronoun of 
the third person singular for the sake of emphasis. 

ta IE XO, la u qats VriiEx and he, he was just alone 68.2 
ta IE Vlxa la u psnLo wai U Ldwe ir wat and they, they whale are 
eating 130.13 

It is also prefixed for the same purpose to the demonstrative pro 
noun la u . 

lsla u qaL/axex l ioe these began to flop around 17.6 
qantc lsla u loaf yam wherever these went 22.17, 18 

In certain local phrases the article prefixed to the whole and fol 
lowed by the local term very often expresses local relation. 

JIE ds msU ntc&ne nis ha u til E qtw at the edge (of) the prairie they 

sat down 22.15 
tiE tsJcwa x Lis nhaL/ sto waq at the lower part (of) the fir-tree he 

stood up 26.17 

(For the article as a possessive prefix, see 98.) 


18. The Personal Pronouns 

The following are the personal pronouns in Coos: 


1st person 


2d person 

e f - 

3d person 

Inclusive . ...... 




2d person 
3d person . . . . , 


1st person 


2d person 



There is no special form for the third person singular, which is 
expressed by the mere stem or by the article. 

ke mis <Ml nk Uo wit big something I saw 62.21 

tsi e qa qal merely you are sleeping 68.19 

a yu to hits indeed! he hit it 13.3 

feaWca/ri/i ha?iL we (two) will play 38.11 

ma xvAn wutxal yat a man we (two) brought home 128.8 

tso w lE yl now you two (are) well 120.20 

a yu ux L E an surely they two went down into the water 54.16 

linpl x pl hanL we will go home 120.21 

cin sqats hanL ts tdwdl you will seize that fire 40.18, 19 

aso tcl U wu txe again here they returned 30. 5 

The second persons dual and plural for the imperative form of 
intransitive verbs are we and <nne respectively, instead of ic and cin. 

ic# sto u q you two stand up! 120.15 
ts& x tl ice? djl here you two come! 82.13 
cine s Ld u q you get up! 30.19 

But compare 

tc hem/if yE you two lay him bare! 24.10 

tt l w qlmVtsE this you two eat! 120.16 

tcl cin L/ei yE ten fce la there you put this my hand! 80.19 

The pronoun of the third person plural (ffi) very often precedes 
the article or the possessive pronoun of the third person singular in 
order to emphasize the idea of plurality. 

go u s <Ml la u tc!le ir wat, U IE melafkuk u , ft IE ptsa, % IE rrd l u xas 
everything he is drying, the salmon hearts, the gills, the tails 
34.25, 26 
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 2 12 21 18 


xle Uc Mpll yap Id a, U Id k e la, U la kxla with it she painted their 
faces, their hands, their feet 122.7 

The numerical particle I k l BOTH very often precedes the dual pro 
nouns in order to emphasize the idea of duality. 

tso I k l qaxa ntc ux x Vntset now both (of them) got on top 14.1 
In the same way the particle go u s ALL is placed before the plural 
forms in order to bring out the idea of plurality. 

la u go u s wdndj U L/d xEm these all that way are talking 50.9, 10 
As has been remarked before, the pronouns are loosely prefixed 
enclitics. They form no integral part of the word, although with a 
few exceptions they precede immediately the noun or verb to which 
they belong. They are always placed before the prefixes enumerated 
in 19-24. 

l f k l ux nkwafxLa both of these have bows (literally, both they 

two [are] with bows) 12.9 
tso nqaLdwl we now I commence to eat 
w xqantcu wis you two from what place (are)? 126.14 
U k !axa a 2} they have no water (literally, they [are] without 

water) 38.2 

The personal pronouns are contracted with the negative particle In 
into nl i NOT, en THOU NOT, etc. (see 9). The prefixed personal pro 
nouns are also used in the formation of transitive subject and object 
pronouns (see 46). 

19. Inchoative qa- 

This prefix denotes the commencement of an action. The verb to 
which it is prefixed takes, with a few exceptions, the suffixes -woe or 
-lye (see 32, 35). 

a yu qaLdwl we indeed (she) commenced to eat 24.11 

qatdnehenl we (he) began to think 20.7 

ux qaweldnl we they two commenced to fight 

tso ux qayuwatl ye now they two commenced to travel 12.6 

qambll ye (he) commenced to swim 30.3 

When prefixed to an impersonal verb or to a noun with a verbal 
force, the suffix is omitted. 

Id L! aha was la u qa xto u her garments (these) commenced to get 
stiff 110.3 

qayixumata is (he) commenced to travel around (literally, [he] com 
menced the traveling) 32.10 


20. Privative k !a- 

It has the same function as the English suffix -LESS. With the 
possessive pronoun, it expresses ABSENCE (p. 399). 

U k ldtdwd l they (have) no fire 38.1 

k ! a tetc mi lat (she) swam around naked (lit., without clothes) 86.1 
k /dhuwd was mitsltttl ye suddenly she became pregnant (literally, 
without delay she became pregnant) 10. 7 

21. Adverbial n- 

This prefix may be rendered by IN, AT, TO, ON, WITH. When pre 
ceded by the article or those pronouns that end in a vowel, it is suf 
fixed to them, and the unit thus obtained is loosely prefixed to the 
noun. The same rule applies to the discriminative and modal x-. 

ai wit IE ma nL/tafyas he killed (all) the people in the village 

112.9, 10 
d yu yu kive Ian yfacd wEX surely he came ashore at his house (and 

not Idnyixd wEx] 36.6 
Lowi tat TIE di lol Idl nrm k e ran the young man to that basket 

nxalofwls la u ke laq with heat she arrived 24. 9 

n- in the sense of WITH very often exercises the function of our 
auxiliary verb TO HA YE, TO BE. In such cases the noun to which it is 
prefixed takes the verbal suffix -e or -a (see 44). 

nwi ttne Id k u hd yeq his excrements are bloody (literally, with 

blood [are] his excrements) 20. 6, 7 
w nhumd k ehe we two have wives (literally, we two with wives 

are) 10.9 
nd a nt ma la u tc!pa!ya u nk/d ha many people have braided ropes 

(literally, many people those braided with ropes are) 46.8, 9 
ntda ha dtfl animals (lit., with "walkers" something [that is]) 46.1 

22. Locative x- 

The prefix x- signifies FROM. 

xqantc la u sl x t E tsa from where that one scented it 22.24 
xqal tqanLts from below he strikes it 28.1 

When prefixed to nouns, the nouns usually take the adverbial suffix 
-&tc IN (see 67). 

xkwlle i&tc ndjl I came from the sweat-house (literally, from in 
the sweat-house I came) 



In some cases the nouns take, instead of the suffix -e l tc, the adver 
bial prefix n- (see 21). 

ha lkvtit TIE k!a hdx nkfwtfnts he took the rope off his neck 98.23 
(literally, he took off the rope his from on neck) 

23. Discriminative x- 

The prefix x- occurs very often with the subject of transitive verbs, 
and denotes the performer of the action. (For x- preceded by the 
article or pronoun, see 21.) 

M a s to Mts hEx dlflol almost hit it the young man 20.20, 21 
TgufiujP ha u x ts IEX mltcL tsinatc ice made the father-in-law 26.27,28 
xyi xe* da mil la u ha lqait one man to him came 15.5 
In hwaafnlya IEX wtfnqas hu u mik not knew it the Spider-Old- 
Woman 58.9, 10 

x- is always prefixed to the subject of the sentence when the 
sentence contains both subject and object, or when the person 
spoken to may be in doubt as to which noun is the subject of the 

hu u rmstsd u wat IEX dl lol Isy u xwti hu u ma/k e married the young 

man the two women 26.14 

Jc Uo ff unt JIE unx l lls IEX Jiu ut m%s saw the food the woman 64.16, 17 
k tto ivtt IEX da! mil IE xd nis saw the husband the sick (man) 

128.11, 12 
sqa ts hal hu u mik IEX swat seized that old woman grizzly bear 

102.21, 22 

x- is never omitted as a prefix when the subject of the sentence 
is an animal, an inanimate object, or any part of speech other than a 

xcx iml nk Uo witu the *bear saw me (but cx iml nk llo vnt I saw 

the bear) 

xyafbas yapttftsa Idpi ti& is maggots ate up his anus 40.6, 7 
atia nak he ri lta IIEX x dwaf yas sticking out is (the) tongue the snake 

42.1, 2 

xqaine ss ka a s tsxau wat cold (weather) nearly killed him 32.7 
xvnt nto Mtsu some one hit me 
nl kwaa nlya xwit I don t know who (it is) 
xifnlEx x L/o iint Ldjn tetc alone (they) got into (the) basket 

34.19, 20 
xlala u lo ux td ya that is the one (who) watched it 94.6 



In IE YI xkwi na u tc it does not look good (literally, not good [the 

manner of] looking 34.18 
xna a nt la u Ld ux LO u wax many (persons) her were clubbing 80.4, 5 

x- is always prefixed to the vocative cases of nouns when they 
are used with the possessive pronouns. This is due to the desire on 
the partof the speaker to avoid ambiguity or obscurity of meaning. 

ta l HEX hu u mis halloo, my wife ! 54.2 

#djl nsx dd mU you come, my husband ! 70. 16 

e lo ux tlyExt(l i S hanL HEX di tla you shall take care of me, oh, my 

pet! 86.20.21 

e djl HEX temafmis you come, my grandsons 82.12, 13 
e Ld u k u HEX h/o la sit down, my father 

While the vocative cases (especially for nouns expressing terms of 
relationship) have special forms, the omission of the discriminative 
prefix could nevertheless obscure the meaning of the sentence, as the 
possessive pronoun coincides with the form for the personal pronoun. 

Thus, if in the sentence e Ld u k u HEX Jc/o la, the HEX Ic/o la were 
deprived of its discriminative prefix, it might mean YOU SIT DOWN. I 
(AM THE) FATHER. Since, however, the action is to be performed by 
the person addressed (in this particular instance, "the father"), it is 
discriminated by the prefix x-. Such an ambiguity can not occur in 
sentences where the vocative is used without the possessive pronoun, 
where the prefix is consequently omitted. 

e Ld u k u pka k you sit down, grandfather! 108.14 
milxa nE-m L u ma make me (necessarily) lunch, grandmother ! 

24:. Modal and Instrumental x- 

This prefix may be best translated by IN THE MANNER OF. Its 
function is the same as that of our English suffix -LY. There is an 
etymological relation between this suffix and the discriminative and 
locative a?-, although I was unable to ascertain its exact nature. The 
suffix -tc is frequently added to stems preceded by the modal prefix 
x (see 36). 

XLdwe ente hlwtfnts entirely Ldwe entc LOW f tat all (seals) ran 

he swallowed her 102.23 * (into the water) 56.9, 10 

xtci tcu e xa lal how are you? tci tcu ye s $luwe x tc%s what do you 

(literally, in what way you think? (literally, what your 

do?) 36.13 heart?) 6.9; 7.1 

xqa lyeqeHc U kw%na e i wat as salmon they look upon it (literally, 
in the manner of salmon they see it [qa lyeq salmon]) 130.14 



xpiyefetc qalnuwam iue backwards she commenced to pull them 

(literally, in the manner of going home [plf x pl he goes home]) 

80.8, 9 
in xa yuwitc a tsa a small amount she gave her (literally, not in 

the manner of enough \_afyu sure enough]) 64.21 
iiafwits JIEX t! E d tc I finished shoving (literally, I finishe^ in the 

manner of . . .) 

This prefix is used frequently to express the idea of instrumen 
tality. The noun is then usually followed by the adverbial suffix 
-Etc (see 70). The idea of instrumentality is here so closely inter 
woven with that of modality, that the instrumental use of a modal 
prefix is very natural. 

Itlwfont xmVlaqEtc he shot at him with an arrow (literally, he shot 

at him in the manner of an arrow) 22.16 

pad! lilt TIE Ld jnt xqa lyeqEtci\i\\ (was) the basket with salmon 36.1 
IEX tsfynafJiEtc L lofts with the thunder language he spoke 18.9 
xmik e Etc tountim ye by means of a basket he was dropped down 


Suffixes (25-80) 

2&. General Remarks 

The number of suffixes in Coos is quite small when contrasted with 
the numerous suffixes found in some of the neighboring languages. 
This number appears even smaller when we take into consideration 
the compound suffixes that consist of two, and in some cases of three, 
independent suffixes. A still more sweeping reduction may be obtained 
through an etymological comparison between the different suffixes. 
There can be little doubt that if the language, in its present status, 
would lend itself to an etymological analysis, many suffixes, appar 
ently different in character and even in form, could be shown to 
be derived from one common base. Thus it is safe to say that the 
suffix -t primarily had a general verbal character, and that all the 
other suffixes ending in -t are derived from this original form. This 
assertion is substantiated by the fact that the present transitive suffix 
-ts is added to a number of stems that have already been verbalized by 
the general verbal -t suffix, and that the causative passive suffix -et is 
always preceded by the transitive -t or -ts (see 26). 

In the same manner it may be said that -s was the general suffix 
indicating nouns, and that all nominal suffixes ending in -s eventually 
go back to this nominal suffix. 



This theory of a close etymological connection between the different 
suffixes is practically proven by a comparison of the various adverbial 
suffixes ending in -tc. Such a comparison will show that all these suf 
fixes must have been derived from one universal form, which may be 
reconstructed as *tc. Furthermore, all the suffixes expressing distri 
bution have the element n- in common, which consequently may be 
regarded as the original suffix conveying the idea of distributive plu- 
ralitjr; the more so, as in the following instances n- actually denotes 

Tf e la hand 48.17 k e lnatc Ud u x its he rubbed her 

in his hands (literally, with each 
of his hands he rubbed her) 
108.20, 21 

djl it came 52.8 Isdjt f&t they came (singly) 52.17 

k tsas ashes Jc ^tsft snstc lepi tit tet with ashes 

he marked himself [all over] 

c&neF ti k E you stand! 122.10 tsEL ne 1 ux li Tdne side by side they 

two were standing 62.22 

There also seems to be an etymological connection between the suf 
fix denoting neutral verbs and the suffixes expressing the passive 
voice, although in this case the relation is not as transparent as in the 
instances mentioned above; and there may have also existed an original 
relation between the verbal suffixes that end in -u. 

The following list will serve to illustrate better the theory set 
forth in the preceding pages. The forms marked with an asterisk (*) 
represent the reconstructed original suffixes, while the other forms 
indicate the suffixes as they appear to-day. 


*-t general verbal -ne*, -nl distributive 

*-t transitive -anl distributive 

-ts transitive -to distributive 

-eet causative passive -Mna distributive 

-et causative passive *_ u mo dal (?) 

-, e l neutral -u transitional 

-ayu, -tfyu, -lyu passive -u present passive 

-aya u passive participle -u transitive subject and object 

-iyawa (?) agency pronoun 

*-n general distributive -u reflexive plural 




*-s general nominal *-tc general adverbial 

-is nominal -tc modal verbal 

-E8 9 -tss abstract -dtc ( ?) suffix of relationship 

-enis abstract -etc local 

-a/was abstract -eHc, -Itc local and modal nominal 

-ne i was abstract -ewttc local 

-o u ms verbal noun -Etc instrumental 
-si verbal noun 
-is local 
-is ordinal 

All suffixes may be classified into two large groups as verbal and 
nominal suffixes; that is to say, as suffixes that either verbalize or 
nomirialize a given neutral stem. I have included adverbial suffixes 
in the latter group, on account of the intimate relation between nom 
inal and adverbial forms. 

Verbal Suffixes ( 26-55) 


26. Transitive -t, -ts 

-t. This suffix may have been originally the verbal suffix par 
excellence. It points out not only the active, transitive idea, but also 
presence of the object of a transitive action. It has frequently a 
causative meaning. It transforms impersonal or passive verbs into 
transitives, and verbalizes any other part of speech. It is usually 
suffixed to the bare verbal stems whenever these end in a vowel, nasal 
(m, n), or lateral; in all other cases it is preceded by a or ?,, making the 
suffix -at or -it. No phonetic rule has been discovered that will show 
when -at or -tt ought to be used. It may, however, be suggested that 
-at denotes transitive actions not yet completed, while -U designates 
a finished, transitive action. These connectives disappear when other 
suffixes are added to the transitive -t. 

np E ci t I blow it away p E cl /IE dl lol blew away the young 

man 26.21 
nk! u Xf unt 1 lose it k!u x wl le ux dd m^t got lost their 

(dual) husband 22.9 

tyx pit I burned it x pi it burned down 58.12 

nqa ltcU I slacken it xqeHtc slowly 17.7 

tcl L/lcwU lalhu u ?m lc ca there L/kwl blanket 84.8 
covered (them) that old wo 
man (with blankets) 82.14 




xa ra patc Lowa hait into the 

water she runs 56.8 
eHo kwU hanLawe you will 

make lightning 18.7 
la u qano tca I nuwit IE of la 

that one outside (it) pulled, 

the child 11.1, 2 
U nya alt I am talking about 


Lowafhai IE d^lol ran the young 

man 78.27 
lo wak u lightning 18.5 

I nuwl very much 98.28 

wandj yaflanl thus the} 7 are talk 
ing 56.18 

qamlt he bit her 100.16 

yVxen L/x ltnt once she examined it 86.18 

k!wa a nt he heard it 24.8 

nL. f nd u t HE tcH ls I opened the door 74.9 

qai cltc ha u U yu wttt into small pieces that thing they divided it 

nha mLt I float it 

mu xwU la Jcxla she felt for nmu xwat 1 am feeling it 
her foot 80.21 

iitdpat I am braiding a rope 
nwtflat I am looking (around) 

I braided a rope 

/IE tsEtse kwwi he 
looked for the cane 28.18 

wi luwtt 

a uf qat /IE k! u la was he took off the shirt 78.11, 12 

There are a few stems denoting intransitive ideas that occur with 
this suffix. 

pi nat IE we hel shaking was the stomach 58.24 
kwllat (the bow) was bent 64.3 

"ts. This suffix has the same function as the previously discussed 
-t. Not the slightest difference could be detected in the use of these 
two phonetically different suffixes. 

-ts is either suffixed directly to stems ending in a vowel, nasal (m, n), 
or a lateral, or it is connected with the stem by means of a or t. The 
only phonetic law that I was able to observe in reference to the two 
connecting vowels, is that t can never serve as a connective between 
the suffix -ts and a verbal stem ending in the velar surd q. 

ntso u x Lts I greased it tsowe x L grease 122.6 

nqai nts I cool it nqai na I am cold 

1 made him warm xafifla she became heated 1Q8.26 
IE tcld mffi I grew ha wl /IE tclci m/il (it) grew up, the 


L/k i it spilled 172.14 
po u kims slave 


the spruce-tree 
L/k its she poured it 102.12 
npd u kwUs I made him a slave 



[BULL. 40 

nhu u m%sUs I marry (her) 
tdwd letc tsl x Us in the fire 

he held him down 106.5 
In Vlxats not he looked at it 

ux la ats IE hu u ma k e they 

two went over (the water) 

the women 128.4 
np!l xats I scatter it 

1 ti lqats opposite 
one another he set them 
down 112.12 
nlta ts 1 am painting it 

Tiu u m?is woman 70.3 
tsix- here 106.8 

tso efttx now you look 17.3 
la he went (intransitive) 22.18 

go u s qantc la u p!l yEx everywhere 
it is scattered 46.16 

ft, tila qai they were living (liter 
ally, sitting) 84.20 

nltVts I painted it 

There are a few stems that, in spite of this transitive suffix, are 
sometimes translated as intransitive verbs. 

In Lowa kats she was not home (literally, not she was sitting) 

(Ld u k u - to sit [down]) 58.7 
kat*E f m%s qa lyeq la ats Ian Ld pit five salmon got into his basket 

34.23 (but k!a hanL ye?n kfun nts nla ats a rope I ll put around 

thy neck 94.12) 
pa a ts ts q E ma tis full (is) that fish-basket 36.7 (but^>a a z^ IE yixa wsx 

IEX tc!lafya u qa lyeqEtc he filled the house with dried salmon 

go u s mi late he qa f ya u ts he always becomes afraid (of it) 126.1 

That the transitive -t was originally a general verbal suffix, may best 
be demonstrated by the circumstance that in a number of instances 
neutral stems are verbalized by means of the suffix -te, after they had 
previously been changed into verbs by means of the -t suffix. This 
double verbalization may be explained as due to the fact that the verbal 
function of the -t suffix was so conventionalized that it had become 
entirely forgotten. 

mu xunt she felt for it 80.21 
nyfifxwit I rub it 

ux In ni x itlm those two no 

one touched 122.25 
nha kfwat I draw it up 
li cat hs L/td shaking is the 

earth 16.2 

e^muxtitsa m/i lian I want to feel of 
you 108.18 

U yu xtits he iltet they rub them 
selves 52.13 

ni x tits he touched him 106.20 

nha k! u tUs I draw it up 
nli ctits I shake it 


27. Causative -iyat 

This suffix is always added to the bare stem of intransitive or neutral 
verbs. Stems ending in the palatal surd Jc or palatal spirant x pala 
talize these final consonants (see 13). 

a yupil yat hat to miL indeed, pL x pl he went home 56.11 

he took home that old man 

L/ta atc tsxawi yat on the tsxu he lies 20.12 

ground he laid (them) down 

tyfaMi yat tE kfwa sis I roll ~k,wU E la!nl IE ~baltl m%s continually 

that ball rolling is the ocean 6.2 

a yu L/twfyat JIE a la surely L/eHc he went out 20.4 

he took out the child 12.1 

dVlnlal yat something I start la he went 22.18 
lin helaqal yat we took him up helaq he climbed up 13.10 

There is practically no difference between this causative suffix and 
the transitive -*ts, except for the fact that -ts seems to be regularly 
suffixed to stems ending in velar or palatal consonants. There is only 
one verbal stem ending in a velar surd (q) that takes the causative 
suffix -Iyat; namely, the stem helaq- TO CLIMB. This stem infixes an 
a between its final consonant and the causative suffix, as shown by the 
last example above. 

The reason why the causative -Iyat is suffixed to this stem, and not 
the transitive -&s, may lie in the fact that there are two stems helaq- 
differentiated by accent only (see 5); namely, he lay TO ARRIVE, 
and helaq TO CLIMB UP. 

Since the transitive -ts has been suffixed to he laq TO ARRIVE (com 
pare hataywns halqtsd u wat SHE BROUGHT THE MONEY 78.13, 14), the 
causative -Iyat may have been suffixed to helaq TO CLIMB because 
confusion is thus avoided. 

When followed by the pronominal suffixes, -Iyat is contracted with 
them into -Ita mi, -Ita is, -i tu, and I ta (see 9, 11). 

xwm ffpffitSfmA hanL we two will take you home 126.19, 20 
e^tsxawlta fe you laid me down 
tyhelaqa ltu he took me up 




28. Intransitive -aai 

This suffix signifies that a verb usually transitive is without an 
object. It is consequently employed in the formation of intransitive 
verbs. With the exception of one or two sporadic instances, it is 
always suffixed to the reduplicated form of the verbal stem, thus 
denoting a repetitive action. 

Lqafai lot to rmL he believes that, old man 28.16 

1 nta dl l l kexwinne Uc yoyo s waai bad something with us is 

stopping 24.3 
yuwe yVmat ha u go u s mfllatc lok u ld kwaai whenever he twinkles 

(his eyes), there always is lightning 16.6, 7 (lo wak u lightning) 

go u s ml late tsssLof qaai le tt sLaqa ewat she bathed him 60.6 

kwe neL always bathing 

was their sister 84.21, 22 
akta laai IE hu u m^s shout- h! aflat he shouted 36.7 

ing is the woman 56.5 
sUsa ataai he lal hu u m/i k ca sa at murder-dance 

she was usually dancing the 

murder - dance, that old 

woman 116.26, 27 

inl naai (it is) nothing 122.27 In not 10.8 
Tvwltkvia taai he was dream- kw a a t$s dream 98.7 

ing 98.6 

29. Reciprocal me 1 

-me u is usually preceded by the transitive suffix -t or -ts. Owing 
to the fact that the consonantic combination of t or ts + m is not per 
missible, this suffix appears as -sme u (see 4). 

il sqa tsEme u they seize one another 

a yu ux hditif tEme u surely they two gambled together 38.23 

$1 tsi xtsEme u IE no u sk %11 hata yims they divided among them 

selves the Giant- Woman s money 80.29; 82.1 
$ I nlye Jcweenl f yExtEme u they no longer know one another 46.9 
ux wi lEme u they two fight (together) 48.16 

30. Suffixes Defining the Subject: qEm, - 

-qEm (-xEm). This suffix serves a double purpose. The stem 
to which this suffix is added must have a singular subject. There is 
another suffix, -tZ, which expresses the same idea for plural subjects. 
This suffix will be treated in 52 (p. 357). 



(1) When preceded by the transitive suffix -t or -fe, it assumes a 
reflexive character, indicating that the subject of the action is at the 
same time its object. 

han k e la la atsxsm IE x owafyas into her hand came the snake 

(literally, put herself in) 86.4 

Compare m^k e etc nla ats IE x owafyas into the basket I put 

the snake 
yuwe hV me alwanl waq la u td he e i k t E xEm whenever children 

played, she there would go among them (literally, put herself 

among them) 70.19, 20 

tqa UsEtc panafqtsxEm in the sun he is warming himself 32.8 
tsxafyat LO U> qtsxEm in the morning he got up (literally, got him 

self up) 34.22 
ntc!o u tsxEm hanL I will go to bed (literally, I lay myself down 


Compare tcl U tc!d u there they went to bed 50.12 
dl LolntsqEm hot td miL is making himself young that old man 22.7 
yiqantce witc tctd tsqEm back she drew (herself) 64.29, 30 
tso Ihe tqsm now it rested 88.16 
tso Llha tsqEm IE hvPnifa then dressed (herself) the woman 86.6 

Compare UL! hafts IE of la I dress the child 
hi nl t E k e lni/itsqEm there it let itself down 90.6 

(2) When suffixed to the bare verbal stem, especially to intransitive 
stems or to stems expressing motion, it conveys the idea TO BE IN A 


named purpose the suffix -xEin is mostly used. 

vjofndj Lla xEm that way he a yu Lldts indeed he spoke 16.2 

is talking 15.8,9 
ai wa In Jcwl l E XEm still not kwltlt he bends it 62.29 

bent (it is) 62.29 
tseml x EXEm Jclwi nts IE Jc!af- tcl he tsimix td u wat IE ix there 

hat the neck is fastened with (they) fastened the canoes 46. 6, 7 

a rope (literally, fastened 

condition, neck, with a rope) 


l if k EXEm there he may be among them 94.28 
hats Jcwa u yu la u wma f q a XEm just like a rainbow (it is) spread 

out 32.14 

tso be ltcFxEm now he is warming his back 32.18 
In tdle xEm ts la mk not in a dry condition is that river 14.6 

(tdlis dry 166.2) 




[BULL. 40 

tso le tix he lkwEXEm now from there she came out 108.28 (ha l- 

kwit she took it out 60.1) 
hats he nlhen ti wixEm % la u tsxu just many times it coiled up 

as it lay 88.1 

In some instances the suffix -XETTI is used to express the place of a 
certain action. This use of the suffix is in perfect accordance with 
its general function of indicating the condition, or position of an 

qantc IE tdwe xEm where the lltc!d u they went to bed 50.12 

bed was (literally, sleeping- 
place or place of lying 

down) 86.7 
hi nl t E k e limxEm there was In t E ~k elm it did not sink 136.7 

a deep place (literally, the 

place of sinking something 

into the water) 84.24 
tf yHcxEm a circle (literally, nc i y i tcto u wat I surround it 

it is clear around [it]) 
(See also 40.) 

-em. This suffix indicates that an indefinite person, unknown to 
the speaker, is the subject of an action. It is always added to stems 
expressing transitive ideas, or to stems that have already been verbal 
ized by means of the transitive suffixes -t or -ts (see 26). The 
pronominal objects of actions performed by an indefinite subject are 
expressed by prefixing the personal pronouns (see 18) to the verb. 

ux kwee myem those two some 
body knows 19.10 
ux In ni x item those two 

Jcwaa nlya he knows it 26.19 
nixt- touch 
latsa ya he goes after it 94.7 
Jia Jc! u t- to draw up 

somebody touched 122.25 

latsotem somebody went after it 

hd JdwUem somebody draws him 
up 92.9 

31. Neutral -3,,-eiff 

-1 (-& ) is employed in the formation of neutral verbs, 
the a- vowels of the stem to e (see 7). 

yo qe IE ka wtt it split, the bas 
ket 8.1 

ka a s kwa tdhet almost as if it 
went out (the light) 128.19 

Ldwe entc x tl the whole thing 

(wholly) slid down 26. 19 

It changes 

fax yo qat they two split it 7. 9 
to/hats he put it out 128.26 
nx tU I slide it down 


Jcwa kwVms p E <n IE dl lol like np E d t I blow it away 

(a) feather blew away the 

young man 26.21 
go u s dl l l hafwl everything nha ivits I grow it 

grew up 9.3, 4 
x pl IE ylxafwEx it burned x pVtsl debris 58.19 

down, the house 58.12, 13 
w%tcwehe x t<yi la a la it took wahaf x tcas sickness 

sick, his child 42. 17 
e*pi ctcl hanL you will get pi ctdtstethv warmed himself 32.8 

warm 100.27 

In a few instances verbs having this suffix were rendered by the 
passive voice, which may have been due to the fact that my informant 
could not express in English the intransitive neutral idea implied in 
the suffix. 

a yu ha Jc! u tl xqa wax indeed, nha k! u tUs I draw it up 

he was drawn up from 

above 98.2 
ma wu xa kl u xwi lux u was mau xat he chewed him up 68.10 

chewed up his head 124.3 
7c!u x wl IE hii u mis was lost Jc!u x wit he lost it 

the woman 54.19 

32. Inchoative -Iwe 

~^we indicates the commencement of an action, and is suffixed to 
verbal stems expressing active or transitive ideas. If the stem to 
which it is to be suffixed does not express such an idea, it is preceded 
by the verbal -em ( 45), but never by -t or -ts. It may also be pre 
ceded by the distributive -am (see 37). The verbal stem must always 
be preceded by the prefix qa (see 19). 

a yu qaLowl we indeed (she) begins to eat 24.11 

tso hanL qac E alcti we now (he) will begin to work 26.18 

qalnl we (he) commenced to hunt 106.16 

U qaskweyanl we they begin to talk (among themselves) 66.21 

qateinehenl we (he) began to think 20.7 

qax intetam -we (he) began to jump about 102.15 

qak elanl we ft, men began to shout at each other, the people 

(literally, mutually) 24.22 
qamelanl we (he) began to swim around 176.16 



33. Frequentatives -ehva(t), -o^wa(t) 

-e l wa(t) indicates repetition, frequency or duration of action. The 
verbal stem to which it is suffixed is very often reduplicated, thus 
bringing out more clearly the frequentative idea. It is added to stems 
regardless of whether they express real transitive actions or not. 

tkwlLe i wat tE to qmas he is nt E kwlLts I followed him 

following that woodpecker 

aso llnet wat again he is set- iillnts I set the basket 

ting the basket 34.23 
xqafwax la u kwina etwat from qe ltc ux kwi nait down thej^ two 

above these are looking at looked 6.4 

it 6.4 
gd u sdl i laiwe i wat everything ai wit he killed (them all) 112.9 

he is killing 68. 23 
a yuxwandjha u we ir wat surely yixd wsx ha ux ts a house he built 

that way he has been doing 32.18 

it 92.8 
tci Uk ix L!owe if wat IE Wme t^x L/oH I put it in 

there they are putting in 

the children 52.9 
Lehe u ne i la u hUhitowe i watsidQ la u M to u ts she put them down 

by side she put them down 60.4 

k" UnJc fine* wat JIE pdL/afye ux k fint they two try it 7.4 

he was trying the weight 


This suffix appears sometimes as -iwat. For an explanation of this 
seeming irregularity, see 2. 

fax Jcwishwl wat they two are nskwl wat hanL I will inform 

informing him 20.25 him 74.4 

TixL/l wat I am hitting him XL Its he hit her with a club 

with a club 64.28 

Instead of an initial reduplication, the verbal stem very often 
appears with a reduplication of the final consonant, denoting continuity 
and distribution of action (see 83). 

%t/ E cicl wat I am shoving it t/cits he shoved it 32.24 

(back and forth) 
ttpictcatci wat they are warm- pi ctdts tet he warmed himself 

ing (themselves singly) 32.8 



tcl t&affa l wat there he was holding him (for a long time) 
104.15, 16 (tsix- here 24.4) 

-o u wa(t) exercises the same function as -etwat. The only differ 
ence between the two suffixes is, that -o u iuat is added to the verbs 
already amplified by the transitive suffixes -t or -ts, while -1 l wat can 
be suffixed only to the stem. 

tsouxtkuyiLtsd u wat now they two 

follow him 9. 9 
tde etc hU! E tso u wat /IE pEn- hi yet! he came ashore 32.5 

Lo wai ashore it broughfra whale 

88.22, 23 
tcl halqtso u wat there she is bring- hdlaq he arrived 22.22 

ing it to him 72. 8 
aqalqsito u wat he is frightening a lqas fear 66.4 

him frequently 100.24 

In a few cases -o u wat is suffixed to the verbal stem. 

ltlslo u wat IE te* L/ta he recognizes this (here) land 30.28 
k!iven$ya u T^wUo u wat food I am looking for 54.4 
ntsxau wat hanL I will kill him 26.22 

The suffixation of -o u wat instead of -e^wat in these instances may 
have been caused by the law of euphony, as these stems end in a 
w-diphthong. Thus, the stem of tsxau wat is tsxa u -, as shown by the 
form tsxawl yat (36.21) HE LAID HIM DOWN, consisting of the stem 
tsxa u - and the causative suffix -iyat. 

Whenever the pronouns expressing both subject and object are 
suffixed to verbs ending in -o u wat, this suffix changes to -o u wU 
(see 11). 

fi hanL I will marry you 184.6 
r $halqtsd u iwtu he brought me frequently 

34. Frequentative Causative -a&wat 

There can be little doubt that the -etwat in -a&wat is identical with 
the frequentative suffix -e { wat, discussed on p. 336. Owing to the 
fact that a number of verbal stems ending in a take the suffix -e*wat, 
there is a good deal of confusion between these two suffixes. 

xa a p la u laa elwat water car- la he went 22.18 

ried them away 46.16, 17 
3045 Bull. 40, pt 2125 - 22 34 


w sLfiaf (fioat you two are hid- ux sLni yat they two hide him 

ing him 24.11 24.9 

la u tdidla &wat he (on) that tctt dl mat 7.3 

(they) are sitting usually 

(literally, they caused it to 

be a mat) 38.3 

Compare, on the other hand, 

xqafwax ux Icwma e^wat from Jcwina- to look 
above they two are looking 
at it 6.9 

35. Transitionals -tye, -nts, -u 

-l,ye indicates a transitional stage, a change from one state into 
another, that has already taken place. It is suffixed mostly to nouns 
and particles, although frequently it is found added to verbs. It 
may best be rendered by IT BECAME, IT GOT, IT TURNED OUT TO BE, 
or by the passive voice. Stems ending in a vowel other than i insert 
an h between the final vowel and the suffix (see 10), while stems 
ending in -i contract this vowel with the following -i of the suffix 
into a long I (see 9) . When suffixed to a stem that has an a- vowel, 
it changes into -aya (see 7). 

dEmste tc fax Lhinpl ye they two came through a prairie (liter 
ally, through a prairie they two went through, it got) 112.1 
(LMfnap he went through 22.11) 
~kwma!e i watl f ye he began to look at him 
lin kwine wei/i ye we became poor 28.21 

tdiml ye (F it got summer, indeed (tslim summer 162.20) 30.20 
a yu i x iye surely it was a canoe (%x canoe 44.20) 126.10 
yixe n qaMml ye one morning (literally, once morning it got) 20.4 
il he tlye they became rich 84.17 
nhai naha ya I became active (nhai na I am active) 
qa u waha ya in the evening (literally, whenever evening it got) 
(qa u wa evening 50.26) 82.7 

siLnethlfye le hx mi laq joined leftix mi laq slL f ne { their (dual) 

together became their two ar- arrows joined together are 

rows 13.4 13.7 

U ha k! u tl ye they were drawn ilha f Jc! u ti they are (being) drawn 

up 30. 1 up 

tso dl xwd ndjl ye now surely it was that way (literally, that way 

it turned out to be) 8.2 
iinelil ye la u Id I became the owner of that thing (literally, me it 

became [to whom] that belongs) 


go u slfye la u tsxau wat all (of them) he killed 68.9 

a yu oil In dtfll ye surely, indeed, nothing it turned out to be 

tso la u U kwaaf riiyahaf ya now they came to know it 92.14 

When suffixed to the negative particle m, or to the contracted forms 
of m -f the personal pronouns (see 9), it forms new particles, jfmye, 
rti ye, emye, etc., which were always rendered by NO LONGER, I NO 


il Ifnlye kwaafnlya they no longer know it 50.18, 19 

nl ye nxd ms I am no longer sick 

emye hanL dtfl you will no longer (be) something 104.1 

It appears as a suffix to the stem he nl-, forming a compound 

he nlhen tl wixEin many times it coiled 88.1 (-en multiplicative 

suffix [see 75]). 

he nlye ux we lani a long time they two fought (together) 132.8 
m Jie nlye xd ms la of la not very long sick (was) his child 42. IT, 18 

It takes the place of the inchoative suffix -woe (see 32) in verbs not 
expressing a transitive, active idea, or not transitivized by the transi 
tive suffix -e nl. (See also 19.) 

qarmllfye (he) commenced to swim 30.3 

fax qayuwatlf ye they two commenced to travel 12.6 

-nts conveys an active transitional idea. The difference between 
this suffix and -lye lies in the fact that the change indicated by the 
latter came about without any apparent active cause; while -nts 
expresses a change from one state into another, that presupposes a 
subject of the action. It is hence best rendered by TO CHANGE ONE 

nto infants tyte t I into an old to miL old man 22.7 

man change myself 
dl lolntsgEm lal to miL he is dl lol a young man* 22. 11 

making himself young that 

old man 22.7 
IE hl ir me u Id mak ts% la u yixa - yixe ntce together, one by one 

ntcnts (of) the children the 64.8, 9 

bones only she gathered up 

(literally, she changed into 

one) 60.3 



-u indicates a change from one state into another, that has not yet 
been completed. It is often preceded by the transitive -t. 

he mistu IE yixafwsx getting big- hem is big 14.5 

ger is the house 34. 14 
na a ntu IE ma multiplying are na a nt many 44.18 

the people 12.4 
w tEltofmUtu hanL you two will da mil (strong) man 14.7 

get strong 120.17, 18 
qai ou it is getting small qaic small, a chunk 128.29 

36. Modal -tc 

This suffix appears in four different forms, as -itc, -utc, -tc, and 
-eetc. 1 

-itc is added to verbal stems ending in a consonant, except m, n, 
and any of the laterals; -utc is suffixed to stems ending in vowels; -to 
is suffixed to stems ending in laterals; and -eetc, to stems ending in 
m or n. This suffix is always added to the bare stem. There can be 
little doubt that this suffix is identical with the adverbial suffix -to 
(see 25); the more so, as it implies, to a great extent, an adverbially 
modal idea. The Coos expresses by its means our participial ideas. 
The verb taking this suffix is usually preceded by the discriminative 
and modal prefix x- (see 23, 24). 

qawilalfwe xha k itc (he) commences to look around crawling 
(literally, in the manner of crawling; hak- to crawl) 32.10 

fylal yat JIEX m x Uc I commenced to touch it (literally, I com 
menced in the manner of touching) 

ts E xa u tc U dowa ya to kill they want him 66.22 

wi lE yl xkwi na u tc it does not look good (literally, not good as to 
the manner of looking) 34.18 

tyafwits JIEX tci cLtc I finished splitting (ntdcLe^wat I arn split 
ting it) 

tya wits TIEX heme etc I stopped bringing it out (nhaml yat I 
brought it out) 

qai nis wine etc L E an into the water wading out she goes (literally, 
she goes down into the water in the manner of wading; qwi nat 
I am wading out) 58.2 

1 [This is obviously the adverbial -tc, and might have been discussed with 
67-70. ED.] 




This suffix is often used in certain phrases to express abstract ideas. 
Thus, for instance, the Coos will express our sentence i AJkL_GET: 

TING HUNGRY by jLA^jgOING .INj^HUNGEg.. (See 118.) 

Iqatc nla I am getting hungry (glqa I am hungry) 
PL/UC nla I am getting heavy 

37. Distributives -n& 9 -nl; -tint; -aymn; -waq 

-n&, -nl, indicate distribution of an intransitive action. They are 
suffixed to intransitive verbs. Related to this suffix is the distributive 

-4m ( 72). 

- to join together 

ikwliJne, 1 IE dji nlt ikwlL -to follow 

five (winds) following each 

other (they) keep on com 
ing (singly) 52.17 

i ux ti k me side by side 

they two were standing 

62. 22 
le ux mi laq slL ne 1 their (dual) 

arrows are joined together 

(literall} 7 , one after the 

other) 13.7 
k/afyem Jie ux xwi lux u ux kfay- (?) 

L/e x simt against each other 

with their two heads resting 

they two go to bed 72. 14 
pokwi lne, 1 Ldwaka e i wat op- piikul- across 

posite one another (they) 

were sitting 120.4, 5 
h/itcd mhl ye u men were as- kite- (?) 

sembled people, came to 
gether people 46.1 

-anl is suffixed to stems expressing transitive ideas. It is often 
accompanied by duplication of the final stem-consonant (see 83). 

il tsa k lna nl they help one 

another (mutually) 
il Llx lnafrii they examine 

one another 
U tsak u Jcwd nl \hQj continually 

spear one another 
U tqanLLofrii they mutually 

strike one another 

tsak %n- to help 
L/x tfn- to examine 
ntskwlts I speared him 
tqa nLts he struck it 28.1 



$1 k!wanx u xa rii they mutually kfwa nxat he cut his hair 
cut one another s hair 

This suffix often changes the quality of the vowel of the stem 
to which it is suffixed (see 7). 

a yu $1 qaheyarii we surely ha yat he gambled 66.15 

they began to gamble 66.25 
$1 tsxewa nl they kill one tsxau wat he killed (them) 68.9 

ux we ldn r i they two fight wtt- to fight 


When suffixed to intransitive verbs or to verbs expressing motion, 
it denotes an idea that may best be rendered by BACK AND FORTH, 
TO AND FRO, UP AND DOWN, etc. It is hardly necessary to dwell 
upon the close relationship that exists between the idea of mutu 
ality and the idea expressed by these phrases. 

tso no kwU E ld nl IE baltl mis kwil- to roll 

both ways is rolling the 

ocean 6.2 
qai nis la u yaq E qd nl away yeq he runs away 182.27 

from the shore they run con 
tinually 36.18, 19 
hVnl sqaiLLa m 1 E iva wa sqaiL& was the space between 

there is going back and two fingers 

forth (through his fingers) 

the little girl 108.21 
QL/eHcUcd nl I keep on going L!e l tc he went out 20.4 

out and coming in 
Tistowaq E qa m 1 keep on rising sto waq he stood up 20.7 

and sitting down 
tlyetafnl IE wi ngas hu^mik continually looking for some supply 

was the Spider-Old-Woman 60.12 

-ayam is suffixed to intransitive verbs and to adjectives only. Its 
exact function is obscure. With verbs, it invariably denotes an action 
performed by more than one subject; while when suffixed to adjectives, it 
seems to convey the idea of the English suffix -ISH. Most likely it has 
a distributive character, which the informant, not well versed in the 
English language, could not bring out. 

yu xwd hu u mafk e djina yam k Uo vnt two women coming (towards 

him) he saw 126.13, 14 
a yu kwl yal il laafyam surely now they were walking (singly) 32.7 



tso u t x Limd yam xa a pEtc he washed it with luke-warm water 

120.9, 10 
xqaafyam whitish, gray (literally, white here and there; xqafs white) 

~waq* 1 am not quite sure whether this suffix really expresses dis 
tribution. All attempts to explain it have proved unsuccessful. It is 
suffixed to verbal stems, and may be preceded by the suffix -enl 
(see 45). The best explanation that may be offered is that it implies 
a continual action performed by more than one subject, although 
instances have been found where the action was performed by a single 

tso U qanatcarwfyiaq now they make fun (of one another) (qa natc 

joke) 50. 12 
yuwe Jvfi me alwanlf waq whenever children played (together?) 

cima ewaq IE cl tfa dragging (them singly?) was the pet 88.7 

Compare also the nouns 
sLtsa ivaq a whale (?)28.7 
qaletd waq ferry-men 140.15 

The Passive Voice ( 38-42) 
38. Present Passive -u 

This suffix expresses the present tense of the passive voice. It is 
suffixed directly to the verbal stem with initial reduplication (see 82). 

aso tcl tEtl kfu IE tcfi ls again tl k/wits he shut (the door) 74.6 

there is shut the door 74.27 
go u s qantc la u qEqai cu Id wi f - qaic a piece 128.29 

tin in all directions that is 

being clubbed his blood 

10.5, 6 
x Vx intu IE tdwdl is being x intl yat he runs with it 42.5 

taken away quickly the fire 

42. 5_ 
CECU LU le il ybxafwEx fire is CUL- to burn 

being set to their house 


By adding to this suffix the transitional -lye (see 35), the past pas 
sive is obtained. The initial I of -lye is contracted with the -u into a 
long u (see 9). 

qEqaicvfye Id Uuwe fx tcis it was beaten to pieces, her heart 76.8 
mapEpttsu ye the person was torn to pieces 48. 16 (ptts- to crush) 



39. Fast Passive -ayu, -iyu, -lyu 

These suffixes are added directly to the verbal stem, which is inva 
riably reduplicated. Stems ending in 10, Z, ra, and n, immediately pre 
ceding these suffixes, appear with a glottal stop, no matter whether the 
stop is inherent in the stem or not (see 81-82). 

ma qssqafyu the person was sqa ts he seized it 68.8 
seized 10.4 

U aiai wayu they were killed aiwit he killed them all 68.11 


qaxL/l yu he was struck 96.14 xL/ts he hit her 64.29 
tsdk ix tl yulEmix so weia lEc iix ti ts I slide it down 

now was slid down the lucky 

stake 94. 3 

u IE hata yims nkyMl yat I roll it down 
was rolled down the 

money stake 92.11 
afyufcwiLkwa yu surely it was nLkwa at I cut it off 

cutoff 76.15 
yExyixentce ne if yu it was gath- yixa ntcfyts she gathered up 60.3 

ered up 84.16 
hemh<fme if yu it was brought heml yat she took it out 62.23 


4O. Passive -lyeqEm 

This suffix is composed of the transitional -lye (see 35) and the 
generic -qsm (see 30). It serves a triple purpose, according to the 
manner in which it is suffixed to the verbal stem. 

(1) When suffixed to the bare stem, it expresses a verbal conception 
of a continued character, which may best be rendered by the passive 
voice. This rendering is due largely to the fact that the -ly^-element 
of the suffix predominates in these cases. 

lo ux t- to watch lowUl yeqEm he is watched 40.26 

kunna- to see lin kwina yeqEm hanL we shall be 

seen 30.23, 24 
wtt- to look for go u s qantc will yeqEm everywhere 

she is looked for 56.1, 2 
tqanLts he strikes it 28.1 PqanLVyeqsm xwa lwalyEtc she is 

continually struck with a knife 



The verbal stem is often reduplicated in order to bring out more 
clearly the passive idea and the idea of continuation (see 82). 

LO U - to buy i la u LO u LO u wl yeqEm le U unx l tis 

when that was being bought 
their food 88. 13, 14 

mintc- to ask rmtcmmtwf yeqsm xtd tcu y Uu- 

we x tchs he is being asked con 
tinually, "What do you think 
about it?" 70.9 

LO U X- to club ni k inEtc Lo u XLd u xyyi f yeqE7n with 

sticks she is being struck con 
tinually 80.6 

(2) When preceded by the transitive suffix -t (see 26), it denotes 
an intransitive action, of which the person spoken of is the object. 
Hence it was sometimes rendered by the reflexive. 

% ux Lldjltl yeqEm when they two are fighting 122.25 

tso sowitl yeqEm JIE qafyis now it is changing, the weather 

tso IdwitlfyeqEm now he took care of himself 66.3 

(3) When preceded by the verbal suffix -enl (see 45), it denotes 
a continued action, the subject of which is not intimately known to 
the speaker. 

hd tdtf story 20.1 wtindj hiitct/em yeqEm, that way 

they are telling the story 44. 14,15 

skw- to inform, to tell la u skweyeritfyeqEm IE tdwdl 

they are talking about the fire 
38.5, 6 

41. Causative Passive -eet, -et; -lyEm 

-eet expresses the passive voice of causative concepts. It is suf 
fixed to the verbal stem. The object that is caused to perform the 
action is always in the singular. The suffix -lysm is used for plural 
objects (see 53). This suffix may best be rendered by TO BE CAUSED 
TO. When suffixed to stems with a- vowels, it changes to -aat (see 7). 

qafwax L/e et le ux e T^Latc high up was their (dual) father (literally, 

was caused to be high up; L/a- to be in an upright position) 

k ele Leslie ^Lne et JIE dl lol in a corner hidden was the young man 

(literally, was caused to be hidden; SLU- to hide) 24.12 
qafy^sEtc ts E ne et IE k!a to the sky was stretched out the rope 

(tm- to stretch) 28.20 



xaya nl La k tto wU tana at old dog-salmon only he saw washed 
ashore (psnLd wai ta ntan whale came ashore) 130.3 

afyu tdUe et ts tdwal surely it was burning, that fire (literally, 
was caused to burn; tytc/Ul yat I kindle the tire) 38.8 

L/nowa at nk %Ld u ts IE tdi ls open I found the door (literally, 
caused to be open 1 found the door; L/no u - to open) 

x ne et he is on top (rix im yat I put it on top) 10.1 

I was carried away (literally, caused to go; nla I go) 

In certain instances this passive causative idea is not so apparent, 
owing, perhaps, to the fact that the verbal stem can not be analyzed. 

afyu L/le et surely he kept his eyes shut 17.3 

wandj Ldwe et teltnne Uc that way it is eaten among us 130.11 

VnlEX hewe et Ldwa kats alone it was supposed she lived 60.10,11 

-et. This suffix is always preceded by the transitive -t or -ts. 
Under the influence of the a- vowels of the stem, it changes to -at 
(see 7). 

go u s dtfl lai x tset everything was started (literally, caused to go 

[start]; iila I go) 12.7 
xaap JiE m.tset water was laid bare 42.8 
yuwe q E to u tset he lakwetc whenever it got caught on a limb (lit 

erally, was caused to hang on a limb) 46. 24 
tsafyuxwltc ptflstat to pieces (the tree) was smashed (literally, was 

caused to smash to pieces) 124.14 
h^hats Lfno u tat IE tdt ls suddenly came open a door (literally, 

was caused to open [itself]) 62.5 
tde etc sto^qtset hat to miL ashore was put that old man (literally, 

caused to stand [up] on the shore) 32.4, 5 

In certain cases the passive idea is hardly recognizable. 

it commenced to rain 42.9 
e*ha k u tat you were left 62.20 
qa lyeq ha ltsat salmon came into the river 34.13 
Lay Eta! t he became hungry 32.9 

Lowi tat she ran (literally, was Ldwa hai IE dl lol was running 

caused to run [?]) 56.9 the young man 78.27 

la u hanL ux c E a lctet these two xwandj c E a lcU IEX Uoxqai n 

shall work 68.26 that way doctors him the 

medicine-man (literally, 
works on him) 128.16, 17 



4:2. The fast Participle -aya* 

The past participle is formed by means of the suffix -dya u added 
directly to the transitive or intransitive stems. 

tc!pa r ya u k!a braided ropes ntc/pat 1 braid it 


lta ya u d a painted face 10.3 nltt ts I paint it 

q/e le tc$CLa ya u k/ u M lt(with) ntcVcLt I split it 

split pitch-wood she lighted 

them 84.1 
xa f(1 pEtc L E anisic !lafya u into tc/lis dry 166.2 

the water go down the dried 

(salmon) 36. 18 
Jiem%sa!ya u enlarged he mfis big 50.17 

43. The Imperative 

The imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by means of suffixes 
added directly to the verbal stem, or, more frequently, following the 
transitive suffixes. Intransitive verbs, with the exception of a few 
stems indicating motion or ideas like TO HEAR, TO LISTEN, have no 
special suffixes. The imperative of such verbs is brought out by the 
(prefixed) pronouns of the second persons singular, dual or plural. 

xle Uc e s L/ats with it speak! 16.5 
e s t E qa wake up! 68.18 
cine* Lo u q you (pi.) get up ! 30.19 
tfalftfcanl you play ! 60. 21 

The following are the imperative suffixes in Coos : 

--E. It follows the transitive suffixes -t, -&, and expresses, beside 
the imperative idea, the presence of the object of the verb. The 
causative verbs in -lyat, and f requentatives in -etwat and -o u wat, 
lose their final (transitive) -t when followed by the imperative 
suffix. It very often changes the broad a-vowels of the stem 
into 0- vowels (see 7). 

Jc/wVntE shoot it 13.3 

c&n sitsl if nts IE wi nqas hu u m%k you go and see the Old-Spider- 
Woman L 34.12, 13 

te* w q/mi tsE this you two eat! 120.16 

%c heml yE you two bring him out! (literally, cause him to come 
out!) 24.10 

$$ 42-43 


vine* tqall yE 3^011 wake up ! tqa tis sun 24.4 


tdi (tin L/ei yE ten Jc e la there L/al yat she put it 72.11 

you put this my hand ! 80.19 
JcwinLetsxe wE let us quickly ntszxm wat I kill him 26.22 

kill him! 68.3 
sqaiLto u wE stick it in a crack ! nsqaiLtd u wat I stick it into 

a crack 
te 1 L LO U WE this you must eat ! Ldwet wat she is eating it 

24.5, 6 
LO ni eitc xa a p ha u wE in it a ic ha u we ir wat you two have 

little water have! 68.17, 18 him 128.9 

-Vn expresses, besides the imperative, the absence of the object of 
the action. 

toJtitsen you must hit ! 
Ldwen eat! 28.26 

g l Jcwa qai nas ic tfatltsan a little closer to the fire you two 
dance! 82.19 

-Ex, -Eq, suffixed to a few stems, expressing MOTION, or ideas like TO 


efk/afysx tend si listen, O grandson! 114.7 

L tc!o u wEx here you must lie down! 126.20, 21 

L shut your eyes! 16.9 
dn la EX you (pi.) go! 30.23 
hamiL Ihe tEq (you) may take a rest! 

-It suffixed to verbs that are transitivized by means of the transitive 
suffix -ay a, (see 47). 

la tsit e pkak go and get your ux tatsa ya they two went to 
grandfather! 28.19 get him 20.14, 15 

lo u x tlt yeHet watch yourself! lo ux ta, ya he watches it 92.3 

In dowaftt don t desire it! dowa ya he wants it 92.12 

-Em expresses, besides the direct object, the indirect object of the 
first person. It is hence suffixed to verbal stems expressing 
ideas like TO GIVE, TO MAKE. It is highly probable that this 
suffix may be an abbreviated form of the pronominal -ami 
(see 46). 


p E si k aftsEm a cup give me! 68. IT 

tsa yux u kwafxaL e ha u x tsEm a small bow make me! 60.14, 15 
milxa nEm L u ma lunch make me, you must, O grandmother! 
(mi lax lunch) 114.5 

-Ets. This suffix expresses a command involving the second person 
as the actor, and the first person as the object of the action. 
From a purely morphological standpoint, it is a modified 
form of the pronominal suffix -ais (see 46) . 

teg, nqatqai L yixuxwE is by this my belt you hold me! 54.12 
t<n las is tekaf x tsl there take me, O granddaughter! 80.14 

Compare eftsak intafis hanL you shall help me 80.16 

In addition to these suffixes, the Coos language very often empha 
sizes the imperative idea by means of the particle L (see 92) . 

44. Auxiliary -e (-a) 

This suffix exercises the function of our auxiliary verb TO BE. The 
noun to which it is suffixed invariably takes the adverbial prefix 
n~ WITH (see 21). The phrase thus obtained expresses the idea TO 
HAVE. This suffix is always changed to -a whenever added to a stem 
having an a-vowel (see 7) . 

nt! E c% ta u we IE mi laq flint points have the arrows (literally, with 
flint points [are] the arrows; t! E d ta u flint point) 62.27 

nwi tine Id k^hafyeq bloody are his excrements (unftin blood) 20.6, 7 

nk^mafxa IE cl tfa horns had the pet (literally, with horns was the 
pet; k u ma x horn) 88.7, 8 

ria a nt7nd tc!pa ya u nklafha many people have braided ropes (liter 
ally, braided with ropes [are]; k!a rope) 46.8, 9 

It very often transforms nouns into intransitive verbs without the 
aid of the prefix n-. In such cases the -a form of this suffix is mostly 

xba ltidj la u Jclwis^sa from the west it blew Qcfwa sU wind) 52.4. 5 
nkwaatV sa I dream (kwaa tis a dream) 

xc^yHdtc la u xll sa clear around him (he put) slime (xlls slime) 

45. Verbal -enl 

This suffix expresses the idea TO DO, TO t^AKE SOMETHING. It is 
usually suffixed to nouns and to verbal ste lls that do not imply an 

SS 44-45 


active, transitive action. This suffix is changed to -am whenever 
added to stems having an a- vowel (see 7). 

nl I am making a hat (pLpa ww hat) 
f wExenl I am making a house (yixa wEX house) 
iikwaf xaLanl I am making a bow (kiva xaL bow) 
?lEqa u wtya tan/l you tell a story (lEqa u w%ya tas story) 38.13, 14 
tyhatditldnt I tell a story (ha tcit! story) 

wdndj tcinehe nl that way he is thinking (tc&n\e\- to think) 40.14, 15 
tsi lc u w hewese rii merely perhaps you two are lying (he wes a lie) 

28.13, 14 

U alVcanl they play (a lEc toy) 30.25 
qawemse nl I nuwl he got mad very much 98.28 
U ya lanl they were saying 76.17; ts ha ms ya la ma those 

(who) talk Coos (literally, those ha nis [Coos] talker-people) 

xwdndje nl that way she was doing it (xwdndj that way [modal]) 


46. Transitive Subject and Object Pronouns 

The Coos pronouns expressing both subject and object of a transi 
tive verb are, morphologically speaking, suffixes added to verbal 
stems, or to stems that have been verbalized by means of some transi 
tive suffix. The transitive suffixes may, however, be omitted, as the 
mere addition of these pronominal suffixes is sufficient to transform an 
intransitive stem into a transitive verb. These suffixes occur in four 
different forms, expressing the first, second, and third person as 
subject, and the first and second persons as object, of the action, 
regardless of number. 

First person subject second person object (sing. , dual, plural) -ami 
Second person subject first person object (sing., dual, plural) -ais 
Third person subject -u, -$ 
Third person object first, second, third person subject, no suffix. 

Since these suffixes are frequently preceded by the emphatic or 
abbreviated forms of the personal pronouns (see 18, 96), the pho 
netic unit expressing the combined pronouns may be said to consist of 
the following elements/ 

(1) Personal pronour a or the subject. 

(2) Personal pronoui or the object. 




(3) Verbal stem. 

(4) Suffixed form of the combined pronoun. 

The following peculiarities in the manner of expressing the transi 
tive subject and object pronouns are noteworthy: 

(1) The forms having the third persons as object indicate the 
subject by the pronouns # for the first persons, for the second (see 
18), regardless of number. 

(2) The form expressing the second singular subject and the first 
singular object uses for its pronominal prefix the second singular 6 s . 

(3) All other forms indicate the object by prefixing the personal 
pronouns according to number. 

(4) The pronominal prefixes expressing the subject occur in singular 
form regardless of the actual number that is to be indicated (see 96). 

The following is a complete table showing the formation of the 
combined pronouns for the different persons: 

I, We Two, 

Thou, Ye 
Two, Ye 

He, They Two, They 


e s -dls 



e?- -ami 

( - - - 


Us (Incl) (Dual) 
Us (Excl) (Dual) 
You (Dual) 
Them (Dual) 

Hx- - 


ic -11 


ic- - ami 




tin -u 

lin -U 
cin -11 

u - 



The personal pronouns are usually omitted for singular subjects. 
They always occur, however, when the subject is dual or plural. 

nE xkan wandj tfVltafmi I that way told you 17.2 

e muxtitsa mi I (want to) feel of you 72.10 

eflaafmi I take you along 

yttfhite I hit it 64. 5 

eFtd hits you hit it 20.19 

to hits he hit him (or it) 20.19 

ntd hitsu me he hit 

tfto hitsu thee he hit 

<nn kwinafll you he sees 

xwin tfplttafmi hanL we two thee will take home 126.19, 20 

lin (fs^tsVntafmi we thee (came to) see 130.19, 20 



The personal pronouns for the objective third persons dual and 
plural always precede the subjective pronouns. 

dx tytd ttits them two I hit il eHo JiUs them you hit 

The suffixes for the combined pronouns are added either directly to 
the bare verbal stem or to the verb amplified by the transitive -t and 
-ts. This double system of adding the suffixes for the combined pro 
nouns to the verb serves as a means of differentiating the duration of 
the action indicated by the verb. The bare verbal stem amplified by 
the pronominal suffixes denotes an action that has been performed 
more than once, or that has not yet been completed; while the verbs 
to which the pronominal suffixes are added after the transitive suffixes 
indicate actions that have been performed only once, or that are com 
pleted. The same purpose is served by the double forms of the com 
bined pronoun having the third person as its subject. The suffix -ll is 
always added to the verbal stem; while -u is suffixed to the stem, in 
addition to the transitive suffixes. It must be understood, however, 
that this interpretation of the double system of adding the combined 
pronominal suffixes does not apply to each individual case. Verbs 
with the pronominal suffixes added to the bare stem are frequently 
employed to denote past, completed actions, and vice versd. 

nE xkan e wila r m% I am look- efwiluwita mi I have looked 

ing for you for you 

e?w%wlnafm% I am cheating <fw&ntsa f m% 1 have cheated 

you you 

e?kfwina is you were shooting eFJc/ wnta is you took a shot 

at me at me 

e^sqa is you were seizing me e^sqatsafis you seized me 

nh/wVnll he was shooting at nk/wVntu he shot at me 


The imperative transitive pronouns have been described in 43. 
They are -Em TO ME, -EIS ME. 

47. Transitive Verbs in -ay a 

Language in general has a number of verbal ideas, which, strictly 
speaking, do not imply any actions on the part of the subject; or de 
note actions, that, while intransitive, may be performed for the benefit of 
or in connection with a certain given object. Verbs like TO KNOW, TO 





express ideas that are not real actions, but which may be used as such 
in connection with some object. Thus, I may KNOW HIM, UNDERSTAND 


hand, verbs like TO GO, TO RUN AWAY, etc., express intransitive 
actions that may be performed in connection with a given object. 
Thus it is possible TO GO TO HIM, TO RUN AWAY FROM ME, etc. 

Coos treats the stems expressing such ideas as intransitive verbs, 
which do not take any of the transitive suffixes; but since these 
intransitive verbs may, without the aid of any additional grammatical 
device, become transitive, and imply the existence of an object (which 
is usually that of the third person) , there is a special suffix -aya which 
indicates the (mental) process described above. This suffix, always 
added to the bare verbal stem, denotes an intransitive action that has 
become transitive by being used in connection with the third person 
object. It may therefore be called the "pronominal suffix," ex 
pressing, besides the subject, the third person object of an intransi 
tive verb. 

uxalqsa ya they two are afraid 
of it 7.5 

I want her 70. 6 

nsqa/ya he ran away from it 

tix na a td ya 1 am riding (a 

Lqafya IEX swdl believed it the 

grizzly bear 94.25 
mitsisi ya she knows it 60.1 
In kivaa niya (they) did not 

know it 86.12 

latsafya he went after it 94.7 
lo ux ta ya he watched it 94.6 
U Ld u kwa ya h,E L/td they 

occupy the country 44. 21 

. _ 

aflqas fear 66.4 

tsix ti do wa wu txe tl ye 
pu yatc here wants to come 
back thy uncle 122.15 

nsq he ran away 100.16 

x ne et he is on top 10.1 
iq- to believe 

mi tsis wise 132.6 
kivaan- to know 

la he went 22.18 

lo ux t- to watch 

e s Ld u k u you sit down! 38.22 

The plurality of the object is expressed by the affixed numerical 
particle hsma ALL ( 109), or by the separate suffix -Itsx ( 54). 

nlo ux ta ya hE ma I watch them all 

The imperative of this form has the suffix -It (see 43) . 

3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 -- 23 S 47 



[BULL. 40 

48. Subject and Object Pronouns of Verbs in -aya 

The corresponding suffixes for the above discussed verbs, express 
ing, besides the object, also the subject of the first, second, or third 
person, are etymologically related to the suffixes treated on p. 351. 
They appear, however, in such changed form, that they require 
separate discussion. These forms are 

I, We Two, We 

Thou, Ye Two, Ye 

He, They Two, 


: vT . : 

e s -yxtdis 





s -ysxtu 





They are suffixed directly to the verbal stern. 

e ddwcb yExta m% thee I want 
e l(PtlyExtafmi of thee I take care 
e lo x tlyExta f is you take care of me 86.20 
T^kwee nlyExtu me he knows 
e*dowafyExtu thee he wants 

The etymology of the first element in these suffixes (-yExt-) is quite 
obscure. It may be suggested that -ysx- is the adjectival suffix (see 
66), and -t the transitive (see 26), although we are no longer able 
to understand the psychological principles underlying this peculiar 


49. Transitive Verbs in -a 

This suffix is preceded by the transitive suffixes. Its function is 
varied. It may have expressed originally the indirect object; but 
verbal ideas requiring both a direct and an indirect object are very few 
in number in the Coos language, and the functional scope of this 
suffix is much wider now, permitting its use for other purposes. 
Thus it is very frequently suffixed to transitive verbs where the 
object of the action is actually expressed, and not merely understood; 
and it is often, but not as a rule, used as a suffix denoting pluralitj 7 - of 
the object. The most plausible suggestion that can be offered in 
explanation of this suffix is that it may denote an action performed 
upon an object that possesses another object. At any rate, there can 
be no doubt that the predominating function of this suffix is that 
of a special characterization of the pronominal object. 

* 48-49 


tymttxa na I made lunch for mi lax lunch 28.15 

a tea he gave it to him 28.7 ats- to give 

tetc c E alcta tExa clothes he made for (his child) 108.5 

kwinafwas sl x t E tsa smoke he scented 22.23 

Jcwa xaL ha u x tsa IE temi sndtc a bow she made for her grandson 

112.25, 26 

a yu L/ha tsa la tetc surely (he) put on his clothes 28.23 
ka a s yi xe 1 pv nLta IE tsVysn nearly he tore off one handle 30.4 
pll ta IE ma ai wU he took to his house the people (pi.) whom he 

killed 112.11 

e s wutxal ta ll ye u mac ux wutxalfyat la pka katc he 
pkak you (should) take brought home his grand- 
home, thy grandmother father 70. 2 
them two (and) grandfather 

$1 n$fl E xtsa at them I looked nl lxats I looked at him 

nsqa tsa IE quwai s I seized tysqats IE quwai s I seized the 

the boards board 

Ik/wa yixu xwa fern roots she hi nl yixuxwe 1 wat there he 

had 64.14, 15 was holding it 64.3, 4 

Compare, on the other hand, 

tdwa letc tfcftsa into the fire tcfwd letc t/cits into the fire 

he shoved it (no object is he shoved it 32.24 

actually expressed here) 

yu xwa wutxal yat JIE tco xtcox two he brought home the rabbits 
pdkwVlne* tl lqats opposite each other he set (them) down 112.12 

50. Verbs in -anaya with Direct and Indirect Object Pronoun 

This suffix is composed of two suffixes, -erii (see 45) and -aya 
(see 47). The broad a-vowel of the second suffix effects the retro 
gressive assimilation of the -erii into -aril, and the final vowel of -em 
coalesces with the initial of -aya into a long a (see 7). It may best 

nkwaxaLana ya 1 am making a bow out of it (kwa xaL bow) 
nyixawExanafya I build houses out of it (yixa wEx house) 
la u kfwemyawana ya IE qa lyeq he is making a supply out of the 
salmon (k!we mya u supply) 34.24 



yanLawe dtfl ^qa^wenlsa ndya whenever something you will get 

mad at (qa u wemse r rii he got mad) 16.4 
la u hanL ^I nuwand ya at that thing you shall pull {ffnuwl very) 

U wa lwalana ya they (would) make knives out of it (wa lwal knife) 

136.14, 15 . 

The ^-vowels of this suffix very often change the ^-vowels of the 
stem to which they are suffixed into an a (see 7). 

xa nanafya he made him feel sorry for it (xa ms sick) 42. 18 
npLpa wisana ya I made a hat out of it (pLpd wis hat) 

Whenever suffixed to reduplicated stems, this suffix is changed to 

aqa lqsona ya la of La he became afraid of his child (a lqas fear) 

28.24, 25 
imtsma tsonafya IEX dlflol he became acquainted with him, the 

young man (mi tsw wise) 116.1 
qai x qa yona ya he became afraid of it (nqa ya u ts I am frightened 

[I fear]) 42. 3 

51. General Remarks 

The question of plurality, as exhibited in the verbs, is, compara 
tively speaking, a complicated matter. The chief difficulty arises 
from the fact that Coos accords a different treatment to transitive and 
intransitive verbs, and that the phenomena connected with plural 
formation are by no means of a uniform character. As in most other 
American languages, the Coos intransitive verbs express plurality 
of subject, while stems expressing transitive concepts distinguish 
between actions relating to a singular object and those relating to 
plural objects. 

As a rule, plurality of the subject of verbal ideas is not indicated. 
One and the same stem is used in the singular and plural alike. There 
are, however, a few verbal concepts that express such a plurality 
by means of different stems. While this question ought to be more 
properly treated under the heading "Vocabulary," it may neverthe 
less be found useful to give here a few examples of such different 



Singular Plural 

Itslm 26.20 ne tsl 74.1 to do 

yixu me 10.3 yuwl tit, yuwat- 12.6 to travel 

tsxu 28.12 ha yati, 58.19, 20 to lie 

qa qal 40. 2 td mslmt 74. 1 to sleep 

xne* t- 74.30 xwailt- 22.17 to fly, to jump 

lEqa u wE 42.18 6^84.14 to die 

/#-, 14.6 x^a- 50 -3 to speak 

Ldwafkats, 38.10 ^ ^ 36.11,te?0 z#50.7 to sit, to live 

On the other hand, there are a few stems that seem to express 
singularity or plurality of subject by means of a grammatical process 
the history of which is not clear. This process may be said to consist 
in the change of the vowel connecting the suffix with the stem. 

Singular Plural 

Jtda at you walk 120.18 U tda lt they walk 

tyxafyat I am whittling il xa ylt they are whittling 

nfa lats I dance ice? tfa llt you two dance 82.18 

nvn nat 1 wade out %l vn mt they wade out 

This process is the more puzzling, as it also seems to be used for 
the purpose of distinguishing between duration of action (see 26). 
It is quite conceivable that there may be an etymological relation 
between these two phenomeria, and that the phonetic similarity exhib 
ited by them is more than accidental. 

52. Reflexive Plural -it, 

In a number of cases intransitive verbs indicate plurality of subject 
by means of a suffix which is phonetically different from the suffix 
expressing the corresponding singular idea. This is especially true 
in the case of the suffix -qsm, -xsm (see 30). This suffix is applied 
to singular subjects only, while the same idea for plural subjects is 
expressed by means of the suffix -?7, which is alwa} T s preceded by the 
transitive -t or -ts. 

Singular Plural 

Ihe tqEm it is resting 88.16 U Ihe tu they are resting 
tywdlexixsm I went to bed we we lextu you two go to bed 


nLd u k u tsxEm I sat down ti l E qtsu (they) sat down 22.15 

tykwe et E tsxEm I settled down ttkwe et E tsu they settled down 48. 5 
I hide myself U sLn tu they hide themselves 



53. Causative Passive Plural -iyJEm 

The same principle is applied to intransitive verbs expressing pas 
sive causative ideas. Singular subjects are expressed by means of the 
suffix -eet (see p. 345), while plurality of the subject is indicated by 
the suffix -lyEm. The most perplexing problem connected with this 
suffix is the fact that its initial I disappears before i^-diphthongs with 
out changing the u of the diphthong into a consonantic w (see 8). 

SLn . Singular Plural 

fop SLm yat they two sLne et 24.12 sLnl yEm 

hide him (caus.) 

x En- 

nx ml yat I put it x ne et 10.1 x nl yEm 

on top 

ux leml yat they two Isme et 90.18 leml yvm, 

set it up 8.10 
q E to u - 

i}q E towi yat I hang q E towefet 46.27 (fWymn 84.15 

it up 
(x)no we, right 44.9 nowe et no u yEm 44.22 

L/a- to be on something 

U L/alyat they put it L/e et 22.1 L/el yEm 144.4 

on 80.20 

54. Direct Plural Object -itEJC 

The idea of plurality of objects in transitive verbs is not clearly 
developed. The treatment accorded to the different stems is so irregu 
lar that no definite rules can be formulated. The majority of stems 
make no distinction between singular and plural objects, and occur in 
one form only. Other stems have different forms for the singular 
and plural; e. g., tsxa u - TO KILL ONE, aiw- TO KILL MANY, la- TO 
PUT IN ONE, X % L!O U - TO PUT IN MANY, etc.; while a number of stems 
seem to express plurality of object by means of the affixed numeral 
particle hsma (see 109), or by means of the suffix -It EX. 

This suffix expresses the plural third person object, and may be add 
ed directly to the verbal stem, or after the transitive suffixes -tf, -ts. 

xun tsxut dma ltEx (many) deer he pulled 88.12 
afyu it LanafltEx surely they headed them off 56.16 
hats Ldwe entc la u laal tsx just all (wholly) she dragged them 80.9 



While the functions of the verbal suffixes discussed in the preced 
ing pages are clear, and could be described fairly accurately, there 
are a few others that appear only now and then, and express ideas 
of a varying character. It is possible that these suffixes may repre 
sent the petrified remnants of grammatical formations that have 
become obliterated in the course of time. The following is a list of 
these suffixes: 

-a. This suffix seems to express in a number of instances our infini 
tive idea. 

Inet wat xwi tsxut he is habit- Irita e he IE dd mtt hunting (had) 
ually hunting deer gone the man 108.9 

Jielml his aso la In ta next day again 

he went hunting 110.10 

SLaqa etwat she is bathing yixe n SLa qa la once bathing she 
him (caus.) 60.6 went (literally, to bathe) 84.24 

In a few cases it has been found suffixed to neutral stems, and seems 
to denote impersonal actions. 

loq u - to boil loqu qwa IE s*aL/ was boiling the 

pitch 102.11 
kwind was smoke 22.23 In Icwi na not it smokes 110.14 

It is possible that this suffix may have the identical function with the 
-a (or -e) suffixed to the modal adverbs (see 106), and it ma} r 
consequently be related to the auxiliary -e (see 4A). 

-e. I am at a loss to detect the exact nature of this suffix and its 
etymological connection with any of the other suffixes. In the few 
instances in which it occurs, it was rendered by the passive, or else 
as an abstract verbal noun. 

k ilo wit she saw him 54.2 a yu k tto we % la u djl surely it was 

seen as it was coming 52.7, 8 

k i Lo u ts he found it 32.10 Id far k^Le her canoe was found 


kd wl he grew up 64.12 la u ha u we it grew up (literally, 

goes its growth) 20.16 

kfa lat he shouted (at it) 36.7 d wl nk e le I quit shouting (lit 
erally, the shouts) 

mi lat he swam 30.7 d wl e mi le stop swimming (liter 

ally, finish your swimming) 



-anu. This suffix occurs in two instances only, and expresses in 
both of them the infinitive. It seems to be related to the verbal 
suffix -enl (see 45). 

yu weL a pack 70.22 la u yu wi Le nu he (went out in or 

der) to pack (enu > anu [see 7]) 

a lEC toy 92.10 ma he laq td ali canu people came 

there (in order) to play 90.26 

-am occurs very rarely, and seems to denote the absence of the 
object of an action. 

q/rmts he eats it 32.9 hats hanL e q!a mtsam just will 

you eat 42.23, 24 

LO U - to eat 17.2 la u tsix lie Ld wiyam she usually 

here eats 24.4, 5 

Nominal Suffixes ( 56-80} 

56. Nominal -is 

This suffix may be said to have a general nominalizing function. It 
is found suffixed to a great number of stems, and expresses general 
nominal ideas, including many of our adjectival terms. For a discus 
sion of its etymological nature, see General Remarks, 25. 

hafwl he grew up 64.12 ha wis ready 5.4 

sto u q he stood 20.4 stmva qwis wall 90.18. 

L/ats he spoke 16.2 L/e yis language 16.1 

Uuwe x tds heart 5.3 k ele Lis corner 58. 13 

wix l lis food 14.7 k ina wis laziness 34.17 

hele yis salmon-roe 34.27 (k tfnwfa lazy) 

hu u mis woman 24. 6 kwaye is ridge, mountain 22. 13 

laltl mis ocean 6.2 kwa sis ball 38.19 

pVlik is anus 40.7 kwi nis feather 26.21 

po u kwis slave k/wafsis wind 22.11 

pLpa wis hat 136.14 qa yis day, sky, world 6.1 
tama lis custom, fashion 19.8 qai nis mouth of river 58.1 

tqa Us sun 24.2 q E ma tts fish-basket 36.7 

sik e x Ms shield 28.7 xala wis heat 24.9 

tskwa x Lis fir-tree 9.2 la x Lis mud 52.10 

tctfne nis edge 22.15 Itce is ocean beach 7.11 

g ild mis breakers 8.1 Lva Us sand beach 58.1 




k i nwis lazy 
Teams mts five 5.4 
x i kvis deep 
xa lwis hot 24.6 
xa ms sick 42.18 

he mis large 14.5 
hu wis poor 42.5 
pL/is heavy 
mVtsfo wise 132.6 
t E qa i L f is solid 7,6 
tdtofi lfo sweet 32.27 
tcflfo dry 166.2 

57. Nouns of Quality in -ES, -tEs; -enls 

-Es, -tEs. This suffix changes adjectives (or adverbs) into abstract 
nouns. No explanation can be given for the phonetic difference be 
tween the two suffixes. 

he vnfo big 14.5 

nd a nt much, many 50.13 

nqai na I am cold 
he mye a while 38.15 

hethe te rich 26.2 
paa- to fill 15.7 

e hentc far 26.23 
qa,L long 

Jdle es black 162.13 
gat below 36.11 

hats kwa x nek* hemVstEs /IE 
x dwa yas the snake was just as 
big as a hair (literally, just like 
a hair [is] the size [of] the snake) 

In kwee nlylm ztse ts he tt na a ntEs 
no one knew how many they 
were (literally, not knew they 
how [was] their quantity) 78.2 

xqaine ss Jca a s tsxa/ufivat cold 
nearly killed him 32.7 

ta u henl yess nyixu me (for) such 
length of time I travel 26.9 

hethe teES wealth 

la u paa WES hs xa a p the water 
reached its full mark (literally, 
goes its fullness [of] the water) 

ehe ntcEs distance 52.16 

qa LtES length 

k/le estEs black color 

qa tES, the lower part, half 16.10 

-en/is transforms adjectives expressing sensations and emotions 
into abstract nouns. 

c&nlqa you are hungry 70.12 

qa u net he got angry 32.25 

te* xiwn a ya laqe ms these we two 
died from hunger (literally, 
these we two [are] hunger-dead) 
36.13, 14 

qa u we n%s anger, wrath 16.4 



58. Nouns of Location in - 

This suffix expresses the abstract conception of a local idea. It is 
suffixed to adverbs only, and is (with one exception) preceded by the 
adverbial suffix -tc. It may best be rendered by THE PART OF, THE 

lexa tca kwi nait inside he lexa tcEmhanL^qa qal in the inside 
looked 62.6 (part of my eye) will I sleep 


JIE ytxa wEx lExa tcEm of the house 
the inside (part) 

ykqantce witc backwards 32.13 psnLd wai yiqa ntcEm djl a whale 

behind it was coming 88.22 

I la before, first 56.9 U k tto wit lla hatcEm djl they 

saw it in front coming 88.5 
le wi u lla hatcEm dowa ya Id e s - 
natc he liked his mother best 
(literally, it is [as] his first[-ness] 
he likes his mother) 120.19, 20 

gat below 36.11 xwandj ya lanl IE md qa tsm 

tila qai that way are talking 
the people (who on the) lower 
part (of the river) live 66.12 

59. Verbal Abstract -awas, -VI&WCLS 

-awas changes the verb into a noun. It expresses the abstract 
concept of a verbal idea. If the verb expresses an active, transi 
tive idea, it is suffixed to the bare stem, while in intransitive verbs it 
is preceded by the intransitive suffix -enl (see p. 349). In such cases 
the final vowel of the transitive suffix disappears, and the a-vowel of 
-awas effects the retrogressive assimilation of the stem-vowels and 
suffix- vowels (see 7). 

c E a lctet he is working 22.26 i la u a wl c E alcta was when he quit 

(the) work 34.6, 7 
Lowet wat she is eating 24.5, 6 afwl fa Ldwa was she finished (her) 

food 24.13 

QL/hats I put it on la L! aha was her clothes 110.3 

fo ati canj, we two play 38,11 alicana was lin ha ux ts a game we 

(should) arrange 90.14 

dqe dead 42.19 aqana was funeral 

ha yat he gambled 66.15 hay ana was Indian game 



In one instance this suffix has been changed to -awaL. 

qa ya u ts he is scared 126.1 In yu dl { l qayaiva waL hardly any 

thing can scare him (literally, 
not very something scaring [to 
him] 40.24; qayawa waL a thing 
that scares) 

-ne l was* Composed of the distributive -rie* (see 37) and the 
nominal -awas. Hence it expresses an abstract concept that has a 
distributive character. 

kaqtsa! nlaxari& was Ldwa katsshe, was sitting between his teeth (lit 
erally, his teeth in the [mutual] between[-ness]) 102.18 

sowe l laxane if was between the fingers 108. 21 

sqaiLne i was the space between the lingers, a crack (sqai L E xEm it 
was sticking in a crack 62. 8) 

60. Verbal Nouns in -onts, -si 

-dnis. This suffix indicates that something has become the object 
of a certain action. It may best be rendered by WHAT BECAME THE 
OBJECT OF. Either it is suffixed to the verbal stem directly, or it is 
preceded by the transitive suffixes -t, -ts (see 26). 

U ya lanl they are talking 90. 1 6 la u %l yaalto ms they begin to talk 

about it (literally, this they 
[have as their] object of speech) 

Hik ^t^ts I cut it Jc ititso nis laJcxLa she commenced 

to cut her foot (literally, object 
of cutting her foot [became] 

LO U - to eat 17.2 la u Ldu rtis % hafk foc la u yixu me 

this became his food while he 
walked crawling (literally, that 
object of eating [it became] 
while crawling that one trav 
eled) 32.11 

a tsa he gave it to him 34.10 atso nfo gift 188.26 

-st is used in the formation of nouns from verbal stems. The best 
rendering that can be given for this suffix is THE KUINS, THE REM 



ai wit he killed them 68.11 isai wttsiitEWQ two (are the) rem 
nants of the slaughter 62.18 

wpi it burned down 58.12 qavnlafi we IE yixafwEx nx pVtsl 

she commenced to look around 
(of) the house the debris 58.18, 19 

It is very likely that the following example may belong here: 

k itsi mis, k %t-nmaf mis half TIE k ltsi misl ai w&t half of them 
32.11 he killed (literally, the remain 

ing half he killed) 112.10 

61. Nouns of Quantity in -in 

This suffix occurs in a few instances only. It is added to stems 
expressing adjectival ideas, and may be translated by PIECE, PORTION. 

tca yux u small 42.6 I Tc l tcd yuxwin aftsa (to) both a 

small portion he gave 120.17 

qaic small 128.29 qaici nis ux yu wi yu in a small 

place they two are stopping 6.3 

e hentc far 26.23 nd yim ehentcEsi neHc djVnlt be 

cause quite far apart it keeps 
coming (literally, because dis 
tance-portion-modality, [they] 
are coming [singly]) 52.18 

62. Nouns of Agency in -ayawa, -eyciwe, -lyawa 

These suffixes indicate the performer of an action. The -eydwe form 
is added to stems with e- vowels (see 7). Since the informant was 
frequently at a loss how to express in English the idea conveyed by 
this suffix, he invariably translated it by TO GO AND (perform the 
action in question). 

tfa lats he dances tfallya wa a dancer 

L/x tfnt he examined it 32.23 L/x lnlya wa examiner 
ni k in wood 102.2 ml Lan iinik ineyaf we permit me 

to get some wood (literally, let 
me wood-gett-er be) 102. 1 

wti laq arrow 12.10 is milaqaya! we we two go and get 

arrows (literally, [we two are] 
arrow-makers) 160.6, 7 
LO U - to eat 17. 2 tyiowlyafwa I am an eater 

tyte HUs Ldwlya wa I go in and 

eat 168.2, 3 


63. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Place, -4s 
It is never suffixed to verbal stems. 

qa ntcu where? 94.25 w xqantcu uns from where are you 

two ? (literally, your two selves 
whence place) 126.14 

le lsx medicine wunn l E lxeyciwe wis we two have 

been after medicine (literally, 
our two selves medicine-makers 
place) 126. 15 

tsa yux u small 20. 5 tsayuxwVms enl k exsm IE L/ta 

on a small place is sticking out 
the land 44. 26 

qaic small 128. 29 qaid nis fix yu wt yu on (some) small 

place they two are stopping 6.3 

64. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Locality, -ume 

It signifies WHERE THE ... is. It is added to nominal (or 
adverbial) stems only. 

ku u s south xkukwi sume hi yet ! he came as hore 

on the south side (literally, 
from where south is, he came 

tse tix over here tsetifx ume LO he u he u ha^wE here 

on this side make a knot! (liter 
ally, where this is, on it, a knot 
make) 92.7, 8 

xw% lux u head 30.14 xwiluxu me where the head is 


65. Terms of Relationship in -cite (-ate) 

Terms of relationship appear with the suffix -ate or -ate (see 7), 
except in the vocative case, where the stem alone is used. A few 
nouns exhibit in the vocative case an entirely different stem, while 
others occur in the vocative form only. 

The phenomenon so characteristic of many American and other 
languages, whereby the different sexes use separate terms for the 
purpose of denoting corresponding degrees of relationship, is not 
found in Coos. This may in part be due to the fact that the language 
does not differentiate in any respect whatsoever between the two sexes, 
and that grammatical gender is a concept entirely unknown to the 
Coos mind. On the other hand, Coos has one trait in common 




[BULL. 40 

with some of the languages of the neighboring tribes, namely, in so 
far as two different stems are used to denote the same degree of 
relationship by marriage. One is employed as long as the inter 
mediary person is living, while the second is used after the death of 
that person. 

The following table shows the nouns expressing the different 
degrees of relationship: 



Vocative case 


e kuLdtc 

k. o la! 



nl k. a! 





kwayd cUc 

kwa ya! 

Older brother 

hd Ldtc 


Younger brother 

miLkwl yatc 

md Lik! 

Older sister 

hcni kundtc 

fie nikwi! 

Younger sister 

kwiya xitc 

kwe ei! 


pka katc 

pka k-! 


urnd catc, u mdc 

u ma! 


teml sndtc, temi sin 

temi sl! (sing.) 

tema mis! (pi.) 


tek- Usi ndtc 

teka xtsl! 

Paternal uncle 

pu yatc, plis 

pl sl! 

Maternal uncle 

ax i axatc 

axa x-. 

Paternal aunt 

a tatc 

a at! 

Maternal aunt 

xv-kvA ndtc 

kw& kwl! 


mitcL tsindtc 

ya k-! (?) 


qali ksatc 

kwa lik! 


mi nkatc 






ha ttk! 



kwl hatc 

kvn hai! 

Relative, by marriage, after 

xa yusiatc 


death of person whose mar 

riage established the relation 


Nephew (son of sister) 

tewi tdtc 


Nephew (son of brother) 


ku-ine iviL. (?) 

nexleu! (?) 

Niece (daughter of sister) 

upxand catc 


Niece (daughter of brother) 


pEkwi nLl! 

i Alsea mattun. 

Besides the above-enumerated terms of kinship, there are two stems 
that are used as such, although they do not, strictly speaking, denote 
any degree of relationship. One of these is the term sla atc (vocative 
sla), employed by the Coos in addressing a male member of the tribe, 
and even a stranger; and the other is xwll, used in the same way in 
addressing females. 



In one instance the term kwe neL is employed to denote SISTER, 
without mentioning the rank of her birth. All attempts to obtain 
the corresponding term for BROTHER have proved unsuccessful. 

66. SUFFIXES -gas, -lyEx, -iyetEoc 

These three suffixes, occurring in a few instances only, seem to 
express the idea PERTAINING TO. They are suffixed to nominal and to 
adverbial stems. 

north IE lofmak lala u ts IMdjlfysx the 

bones those (are) the Umpqua 
Indians (literally, the Northern 
Indians) 50.5, 6 

yifqantc behind yiqa ntc&mex ma, the last genera 

tion 9.6 

L/an- L/a nex qaflyeq new salmon 36.25 

qa lu winter (?) 162.20 qa lex old 38.18 

qa xan- up 14.1 qaxam yetsx ma from above the 

people 150.5 

qcb yfo sky 6. 1 yayisafyEX ma the sky-people 

67. Local and Modal -&tc, -Itc 

This suffix indicates rest, and was rendered by IN, AT, ON, UNDER. 
It is added to nouns and (very rarely) to verbs. For the parallel 
occurrence of -eHc and -Itc, see 2. (See note to 36.) 

yixafwEX house 22.25 yixaf wExeHc Ldwa Teats in the house 

he is sitting 
Llta country 30.28 ysai L! to! Itc nltse ts in another 

country I stay 26.8, 9 
lie wilts road 138.17 heid ltsitc sto u q on the road he 

stood 36. 16 
q u wai s board 52.14 %la u quwai site tdlcile et while sne 

under the board was 58.25 
xa a p water 6.9 xa a pitc djl u mi le in the water it 

was swimming 88.21 
far canoe 44.20 OS& L % x ltc ux tclowl yat in the 

middle (of the) canoe they two 

laid him down 126.23 
sweat-house 62.25 faeil/Z&tc tsxu lal to mfiL in the 

sweat-house lay that old man 

28.11, 12 



tila qai (many) live 36.11 hi nl Lwva kats IE til IE ma xqat 

tila qayltc there lived the kins 
men (among) the people (who) 
below lived 60.11 

By prefixing to the noun the local prefix x- (see 22), and by 
suffixing to it the suffix -e*td -lie, the idea FROM is expressed. 

qa yis sky 6.1 xqa yisltc he laq from the sky he 


L/ta country 30.28 xysai L/ta ttc from another coun 

try 26.6 

pgai back 82.13 xyu xwdmd L!o x k vfie ir wat xpqai - 

hltc two men were supporting 
him from the back 40.9 

When preceded by the discriminative x- (see 23), this suffix 
assumes a modal significance, exercising the same function as the 
English adverbial suffix -LY or the word LIKE. 

nmafhenet it is populated 12.4 hats kwa xmahe ntltc sto waq just 

like a person he stood up 114.23, 

wmahe ntltc k tto wtt IE ma like 
persons she saw the beings (look) 

a yu sure enough 7.4 go u s dVl In xa yuwltc tsxau wat he 

killed a little of everything 
(literally, [of] everything not 
enough-ly he killed) 64.19, 20 

salmon 34.14 xqa lyeqe i tc U kwma etwat as 

salmon they look upon it 130.14 
xta nuxwltc Ldwa kats sideways he 

was sitting 38.10 

one 5.5 xyVxettc dafmil xytfx&tc he ll 

hu u mafk e each man has one 
wife (literally, one [modal] man, 
one [modal] their wives) 48.5 

The prefix may sometimes be omitted, as shown by the following 

qantc where 8.8 yi kwanL qantd tc tety la perhaps 

shall which way this 1 go 100.18 

qaic small 128.29 qai eitc ha u U yu wilt into small 

pieces they divided it 130.26 

tsa yux u small 20.5 isa yiixwltcpi lstat to pieces it was 

smashed 124.14 



Owing to its modal significance, this suffix expresses the idea of 
our collective numerals IN TWOS, IN THREES, when added to the cardi 
nal numerals. 

go u s qa ntcfLtc xyuxwaf JieHc U la everywhere in pairs they went 48.8 
wylpssfri&tc in threes (yVpssn three) 

68. Local Suffix, Indicating Motion, -etc 
The suffix -etc indicates motion, action, and may be rendered by AT, 


spruce-tree 20.5 L\a% yat IE tsafyux u tchclf ?mletc he 

put it on the small spruce-tree 

ds msit prairie 22.12 Is yl dEmste tc Lhtfnap a good 

prairie through he goes 22.11 
yixa wEx house 22.25 yixaJ wsxetc la into the house he 

went 28.10, 11 
yixa wExetc djl to the house he 

tclwal fire 38.8 tdwa letc tlcits into the fire he 

shoved it 32. 24 
a face 10.3 ~kw%na e i vjatafhetc he is looking at 

(his) face 

When suffixed to a stem with an a-vowel, the suffix is changed tc a 

-ate (see 7). ies 

xoPp water 6.9 t E k!wtt xa a patc into the water 

dove 26.27 ikuntce im 

Llto! ground 6.7 L! to! ate leml yat on the ,.:-- .?i 

put it 64.1 

In some cases it may be suffixed to verbs. 

tUa qai (many) live 36.11 tci he laq IE ma tlla qa^ ade ree 

he arrived, where t verbal dis- 
were living 36.12, 1? 

sto u <j he stands 20.4 tso IE ma qal sto u qet Q were mutual 

to the person (that 
he came 98, 4, 5 re brothers mu . 

ah canl (they) play 94. 8 helaq IE ma ahcanl 

to the people (tl^-,^- fiv 
98, 14, 15 /s ( mu tually) 90. 8 
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 - 24 s s 71 _ 79 

* * 


69. Local -ewitc 
The local suffix -ewitc is rendered by TOWARDS. 

north Mldje witc qai ctt to the north he 

scattered 48.24 
e qatce aside 26.20 eqatce witc kwfcHcwfFl& yu to one 

side he was rolled 94.19,20 
yi qantc behind yiqantce witc ilx backwards he 

looked 32.13 
gaits inside 140.24 qai tsowitc il te x tUs (inside) they 

entered 22.29 
yixa wEx house 22.25 yixawExe witc nla towards the 

house I am going 

70. Instrumental -Etc 

It expresses our ideas WITH, AGAINST. When suffixed to a stem 
with an #-vowel, it is pronounced more like -ate; while, if suffixed to 
a stem with an ^-vowel, it invariably sounded like -etc. When the 
instrumental idea WITH is to be expressed, the stem to which this 
suffix is added is very often preceded by the prefix x- (see 24) . 

ma luk u paint ma lukwEtc lta ya u Id a red paint 

with was painted his face 10.2, 3 

ix canoe 44.20 ma xix s tc ylxu me people in 

canoes travel (literally, with ca 
noes) 90.3 

tcftltc! hammer 26.26 tqanLts tcft ltc/Etc IE Jcwi f la u he 

struck with a hammer the ice 

Vwe* lucky 20.14 hata ywns rmx so wEtc all cam u 

mxe ir o* m & n lucky rnoney with they are 

playing 94.27 
& pitch 82.23 qfde yEtc la u pa a ts with pitch it 

was full 74.25 

T , e basket 28.27 xmlk e Etc towi tinlye in a basket 

he was dropped down (literally, 
examples: with a basket) 28.9,10 

qantc whky 6.1 qafyisstc tskwl against the sky it 

struck 22.4 
qaic small * 24.2 tqa lisEtc pana qtsxEm in the sun 

he is warming himself 32.8 

tsafyux u smaL62.5 Qs ne fx tUs tdUe JiEtc she jumped 

against the door 76.2 



In the following instance the suffix is changed, without any apparent 
cause, to -ystc. 

wa lwal knife 78.11 t E qanLl yeqEm xwa lwalyEtc they 

hit her with a knife 80.5 
In another instance it occurs as -a u tc. 

go u s dl*l tsaya neha u tc nL/pe ne dlH with all kinds of small birds 46.2 

When suffixed to the article or to the personal pronouns, this suffix 
is changed to -itc. 

IE it 5.1 xle itc ux k /int with it they two 

try it 7.4 
ty ne I 50.25 tyne ltc he laq with (or to) me he 


<?ne thou 15.7 ytfne itc with, to thee 18.11 

xd he 15.10 hex& ttc with, to her 86.3 

xwm we two hexwinne itc with, to us two 24.3 

71. SUPERLATIVE -eyiin 

This suffix indicates great quantity or quality. It corresponds to 
our superlative. 

tsd t yux u small 20.5 TIE tsdyuxwe yim o!la the smallest 


he mis big 14.5 hs heWdse yim ykxd wEx the big 

gest house 

It is added mostly to terms of relationship that denote either a 
younger or an elder member of the family. In such cases it implies 
that the member spoken of is the younger (or elder) in a family con 
sisting of more than two members of the same degree of kinship. 

hem k u natc elder sister wdndj L/dts JIE hemkuntce yim 

(out of two) 50. 8 that way spoke the eldest sister 



-tnl is suffixed to nouns of relationship onty, and expresses a degree 
of mutual kinship. It is etymologically related to the verbal dis 
tributives -ne\ -dnl (see 25, 37). 

sla atc cousin 42.21 ux slaftcinl they two were mutual 

cousins 42.15 

ha Late elder brother 72.27 lin haLtctinl we are brothers mu 

miLkwl y&tc younger brother kafsfmfo U miLJkwi tdni five they 
72.1 (are) brothers (mutually) 90.8 




It is added only to the particles tcitc, qantc, mi ldtc, dffl, wit, Itc, to 
the adverb nVdtc, and to the stem Itse ts (see pp. 406, 407, 408, 411). 

tcnftcu xaflal u men what are they doing? 92.18 

xtctftcu tsn xafnis how is it that I am sick ? 

la u qa ntcu la that one where did he go? 94.25 

mi ldtcu hanL e e wu txe when will you return? 28.3,4 

dtf lu lie ts eFynlo^wat what usually are you looking for ? 54. 3 

hanL tE%s k /int with what shall we two try it? 7.1, 2 

= d ! i i l + -tc+-Etc + -u (see 108, 25, 70, 11) 
xwi tu tsttx tl yat who did it? 

1 tcu efdowafya e xkan which one do you want? 50.17 
U m ctcu how many are they ? (literally, [are] they a few ?) 
Itse tsu hemi stEs t i ye yixafwEx how big is your house? (literally, 
how [the] largeness [size] of your house ?) 

74. Ordinal -is 

The ordinal numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals (see 101) 
the suffix -Is. The first two numerals are irregular, especially the 
ordinal for ONE. The adverbial stem lla AHEAD, the temporal adverb 
yuvnnt BEFORE, or the same adverb with the adjectival ending -lysx, 
are used in lieu of the missing regular ordinal numeral for ONE. 
The ordinal for TWO is formed by adding the suffix -is to the adverb 


I la, yuwVnt, yuwi ntlyEx first 
aso ww second 

he* xa I la Lowi tat she first ran (literally, ahead) 56.9 

lefy yuwVnt hu^mis my first wife (literally, my wife [whom 1 had] 


leg* aso wts /m uf mts my second wife 
Compare also Jielm/i Ms next day (he lml to-morrow 162.9) 6.7 

Of an obscure composition is the indefinite ordinal tslfwis THE LAST. 
Its first component can not be explained, while the ending is plainly 
the ordinal suffix -2s. 

tso cku tsl wis now (this) must (have been) the last one 120.1 


76. Multiplicative -en 

The multiplicative numerals are formed by adding to the cardinals 
the suffix -en TIMES. 

1. yixe n 6. ylxel wwqen 

2. tso u xe n 7. yuxwafwwqen 

3. ylpSE nen 8. yixe 1 alialen 

4. hecL ir Len 9. yuxwa! aJidlen 

5. katfs misen 10. Lepfqafnien 

The numeral for TWICE is irregular. It seems to be composed of 
the conjunction tso NOW, of the inclusive personal pronoun ux, and 
of the multiplicative suffix -en. 

yixe n sLafqa la once bathing she went 84.24 

tso u xe n hanL fywu txe in two days will I return (literally, twice) 

Jcat" E f mJlsen qafxantc x ne x tUs five times upwards (they) jumped 

tad k u Jcwa nictcefn qaliml ye then, perhaps, in a few days . . . 

(literally, now. perhaps, it seems, a few times, morning it got) 


To this group belongs also the indefinite weste n so MANY TIMES, 
formed from the stem wes so MANY. 

Ms weste n tsix ta Ms western ysai L/tci ltc nltse ts I stay here 
just as long as in the other country (literally, also so many 
times here, and also so many times in another country, I stay) 
26.8, 9 

76. Ordinal-Multiplicative -entcts 

The ordinal-multiplicative numerals, expressed in English by AT 
THE FIRST TIME, AT THE SECOND TIME, are formed by means of the 
compound suffix -entcis. This suffix consists of the multiplicative -en 
(see above), of the modal -tc (see 36), and of the ordinal suffix -is 
(see 74). 

xylxe^vneqe ntds L/eHc Id iluwe x tcis at the sixth time went out 
her heart 76. 6, 7 

E 7mse f ntcis at the fifth time 

The ordinal suffix -is may be omitted, as shown in the following 
example : 

heci? Lento qaliml ye la u laatafya la sla atc on the fourth day he 
went to his cousin (literally, four times [at] morning it got . . . ) 
42.20, 21 

S 75-76 


77. Distributive -Mna 

Distributive numerals in the sense of ONE EACH, ONE APIECE, are 
formed by adding to the cardinal numerals the suffix -hina (see General 
Remarks, pp. 326, 327). The first two numerals, yixe 1 and yuxwa^ 
change their final vowels into a before adding the suffix. This change 
may be due to purely phonetic causes (see 7). The numeral for 
THKEE, yVpsEn, drops its final n before taking the suffix. 

yixahi na one each 

yuxwahi na two each 

yipsEhi na three each 

hec^Lhi na four each 

JcaPsmiaM na five each 

go u s yixahi na U nhu u md k e IE ivi nqas u JwPme all of the Spider s 

children have wives each (literally, all, one apiece, they with 

wives [are], the Spider s children) 58.9 
yixaM na he is mi laq we two have one arrow apiece 

78. Irregular Plurals 

The majority of nominal stems have the same forms in singular and 
plural. There are, however, a number of nouns and adjectives that 
show in the plural a formation which is distinct from the singular 
form. This formation is based upon two grammatical processes, 
suffixation and phonetic change, and may be said to be of a petrified 
character. It is impossible to describe, or even suggest, the pro 
cesses that may have taken place in this formation; hence no attempt 
will be made to discuss them in detail. 

The following is a list of nominal stems that occur in two distinct 
forms, one for the singular, and the other for the plural: 

Singular Plural 

a la 10.8 hV me 20.3 child 

ku u mis 24.6 h^ma k e 20.3 woman 

to mfa 20. 2 tEmd Le 24. 1 old man 

dafmtt 14. 7 ti mttl 56. 18 man 

ma 10.1 men 24.22 human being 

Jc nes k ene yese 30.16 hunchback 

tsd yux u 20.5 tsaya ne 48.7 small 

tce xet tce mxet 46.19 short 

qaL kdLE mka 134.25 tall 

airway 112.27 aiA maqak.%Q > big 

ttitclO.9 titca ne &6.3 kind, manner 


This distinction is not consistently carried out. Cases where the 
singular form is applied to denote plural concepts are quite numerous. 
This phenomenon is very natural, since in place of the idea of plurality 
we find rather the idea of distribution developed in Coos. 

79. Plural of Terms of * Relationship, -lyas 

The only substantives that form a plural by means of a specific 
plural suffix are the terms of relationship. The suffix employed for 
this purpose (-lyas) may be added directly to the -stem, or may be 
preceded by the suffix of relationship, -ate (-ate) (see pp. 365, 366). 

mEanl yas parents 86.12 

Jc r anya x Ltc younger sister 50.14 kiolLtd yas younger sisters 82.14 
ha Late older brother 72.27 haLtd yas,haLl yas older brothers 


e k u Late father 20.13 ek u Ltd yas, ek u Ll yas fathers 

equate mother 68.16 e ntd yas mothers 

This suffix may be present in the stem L/ta yas VILLAGE, derived 
from L/ta EARTH, GROUND, COUNTRY. The initial^ of the suffix would 
amalgamate with the final a of the stem into a (see 9), and the noun 
would express a collective plural. 


Besides the suffixes discussed in the preceding pages, Coos has a few 
suffixes of obscure function, that occur sporadically only, and that are 
confined to certain given stems. These suffixes are as follows: 

-i occurs in one or two instances, and is rendered by AND ALL. 

ml laq arrow 12. 10 ; nmi laqa heml yat IE ma u kwa xaL nmiflaqai 
with arrow he is 20.18 she took out a person s bow and 

arrow and all 62.23 
lafmak bones 40.12 nte*t ta nla mak i with flesh and 

bones and all 

-ca is suffixed to the noun hu^mik OLD WOMAN. It was explained to 
me as having an endearing character, but instances are not 
lacking where the suffix is used in a derogatory sense. 

wandj L/afxzm IE hu u mi k ca thus talking is the (dear) old woman 

82.19, 20 
Lxant tdwale tc IE hu u rmfk ca (she) threw it into the fire, the (bad) 

old woman (the Giant- Woman) 




[BULL. 40 

-ayvtns occurs in three instances, and seems to have a nominalizing 

tdhats he put it out (the light) 

ice titd you two come in! 

hethJte rich 26.2 

k HLtdha yims la u tdilefet it (the 
fire) is burning continually (lit 
erally, without [being] put out 
it is- caused to burn) 40. 25, 26 

titca yims tydowafya to come in I 
(should) like 

hatafyims money 20.15 

-ayaL, are suffixed to a few verbal stems, and seem to 
denote the performer of an action. 

In- to hunt 24.26 
ali canl he plays 
LO U - to eat 

Ini yaL ma, a hunter 
alicanl yaL a player 
Lowl yaL a person that eats 
qacqayafyaL a shadow ( 2) 104. 9 

lye, -dye. This suffix is added to a number of stems expressing 
adjectival ideas. It is idiomatically employed in the formation 
of comparison (see p. 417), and in some instances it is used to 
indicate plurality of adjectival concepts. When used for the 
purpose of expressing comparison, it seems to have a nominal 
izing function. 

pL/is heavy 
x i lwis deep 
wu us light 


PL! is 

mi tsis 128.20 
xu us 


pdL. d ye 
mdtsd ye 
wwawi ye 

yu kwa POLL! a ye xkwi na u tc they 
(pi.) look very heavy (literally, 
much as if weight [according toj 
appearance) 64.8 

a*& L la u x iluwl ye IEX ya bas the 
maggots go halfway deep (liter 
ally, middle, goes its depth [of] 
the maggots) 40.12 

his xci ta he dx xwafwlye IE ^ne 
they two are as light as you 
(literally, also he and their two 
light weight [as] yours) 




-ylya is suffixed in one or two instances to local adverbs, giving them 

an adjectival coloring, as it were. 


hifnl there 5.2 Mnl y%ya ma dtil la u mi tsis from 

there the people something 
know 128.19, 20 

tsi he il tama lis hinlfyiya ma just 
their fashion (of the) people from 
there 130.8, 9 

The function of this suffix may best be compared to that of 
the German suffix -ige in phrases like 

der heutige Tag this day 

die dortigen Einvwhner the inhabitants from there 

-I has been found suffixed to the -article only. It seems to express 
the idea of instrumentality, although this idea .ma}^ be due to 
the prefixed instrumental n-. 

IE it, he, the 5.1 rile* hi la with it he went 42:8 

nle hl wu txe with it she returned 

The infixed h is due to hiatus ( 10). 

Reduplication (81-83) 
81. Introductory 

Reduplication as a means of forming grammatical processes is 
resorted to frequently in Coos. The reduplication may be either 
initial or final. Initial reduplication affects the consonant, vowel, or 
whole syllable. It consists in the repetition of the weakened vowel 
or consonant of the stem, or in the duplication of the first stem- 
syllable. The connecting vowel between two reduplicated consonants 
is the obscure -vowel; but, owing to the great tendency of Coos 
towards euphony, this obscure vowel is frequently affected by the 
stem- vowel (see 7). Final duplication is always consonantic, and 
consists in the repetition of the final consonant by means of a con 
necting obscure vowel, which very often changes its quality in accord 
ance with the stem- vowel preceding it, or with the vowel of the suffix 
that follows it (see 7). 

The grammatical use of reduplication is confined chiefly to the verb. 

82. Initial Reduplication 

Initial reduplication expresses, in connection with the proper verbal 
suffixes, intensity of action, repetition, duration, and customary 
action. It is employed, furthermore, in the formation of the passive 




[BULL. 40 

voice. Syllabic reduplication is used very often in addition to a pho 
netic device (see 84) for the purpose of forming a number of verbs 
expressing transitive ideas of continuous duration. These verbs do 
not then require any of the transitive suffixes. This latter application 
may be of a later, secondary origin. 

Examples of reduplication of initial sound, or of initial consonant and 
following vowel: 

wl l n- to cheat 
qaic small 128.29 

ai wfo (he) killed them 124.4 
pils- to tear up 
tl w - to coil 
LO U - to buy 

Examples of syllabic duplication: 

tc&ne henl he is thinking 24. 13, 

dm- to attract 

ltislo uf wat he recognized it 

ux hi to u ts they two put it 

down 7.4 
l&p- to paint 

LO U X- to hit 

po u ~kw%s slave 

WCL- to twist 

si x its he shook it off 42.3 

efwtwlna mi I am cheating you 
qEqai cu Id uA tin clubbed (into 

pieces) is his blood 10.6 
U aiatfwaf yu the} T were killed 58.8 
pEpUsu ye he was torn up 48.16 
ntitlwe 1 wat I am coiling it 
LO u LO u w~i ye<][Em it is being bought 

88.13, 14 

en JianL tcfintdna! %s you sha n t 

think of me 88.29 
dmeima e i waq it was attracting by 

means of its breath 88.25 
itl tisi lu (she) is being recognized 


la u Mthltdwe if wat these he is put 
ting down 34.8 
xle itc lipll yap Id d with it she 

painted their faces 122.6 
xna a nt la u Ld u xLd u wax many that 

one were hitting 80.4, 5 
md pd u Tcpd u> wak u people she was 

enslaving 70.15 
xqe ri lto iw,Lwe i yaL slowl} T she is 

twisting him 60.7 
nsix sl yax I am shaking it off 

Owing to the fact that reduplication and duplication are based upon 
the principle of consonantic or stem weakening, the repeated element 
occurs very often in a changed form. The following rules have been 
observed in this respect: 

(1) The semi-vocalic y reduplicates into a long I. 
yixe ntce together 64.8 lyixantcu ye it was gathered up 

yaf& wat he is coaxing him wdndj U I yatu thus they were 

coaxed 98.4, 5 





x tl it slid down 26.19 

(2) The spirant x in consonantic combinations, when reduplicated, 
becomes Tc . In the same manner alveolar s becomes the affricative ts. 

is x L/o u t we two put it in U k ! ix L!dwe if wat they are putting 

them in frequently 52.9 
k fa tl yu it was slid down 94.5 

yixe n sLd qala once to bathe tsisLofqaai she was bathing 84.21 

she went 84.24 

std u q he stood 20.4 tsEstoge if yu he was made to stand 

on his feet 

(3) The reduplication of the fortis palatal Tc! consists in the mere 
amplification of the consonant by means of a prefixed a-vowel. 

Tcla lat he shouted 36.7 akla laai IE ku u mis shouting- is the 

woman 56.5 

(4) Combinations of two or more consonants, of which a velar, a 
palatal, a nasal (m, n), an h or /, form the second element, reduplicate 
the second consonant. The lateral (I) is in such cases preceded by a 
vowel, since initial combinations of Z + velar axe impossible. 

skwl wat he informed him wandj kiviskwl wat that way he is 

informing her 60.19 
xEtsxawe 1 wat he is putting it 


ktmLkwa yu it was cut off 76.14 
ma qssqafyu the person was 

seized 10.4 
xaL/xane^wat he is throwing it 

aqa lqsonafya he became afraid 

tsxawl yat he put it down 


Lkwa at he cut it off 
sqats he seized it 36.20 

L/xant he threw it 42.10 

a lqas fear 66.4 
Llha tsa he put on 28.23 

of him 28.24, 25 
haLlha yu it was put on 

xmenl yat he tipped it over mExmene if wat he is tipping it over 


qfmits she ate it 24.16 mzqJml yu it is eaten 142.6 

x E all yat he hugged him 116.4 elxeHe ir yu he was hugged 
Compare also 

lai xwU she jabbed him 112.17 Usxu ye he was jabbed 

Lhio u t he opens (the door) rioLlridwe* wat he is constantly 

opening (the door) 

(5) Syllables ending in an m, n,l+ consonant omit the m, n, and I in 
the repeated syllable. 

TvuAlt- to roar kwitkwi ltaai it is roaring 114.6 

?- to cut qasqa lsaai be is cutting 



x ?ie /x tits he jumped 32.4 x ltx i ntaai he is jumping 

mi ntc&ts she asked him 62. 15 niUcmi ntc^ yeqEm he is asked 

ha u mx- to dress hides ux ha u xha u ma u x they two are 

dressing hides 68.27, 28 
da mtt man 14.7 w tEltdfmUtu you two (will) get 

strong 120. 17, 18 
k!wanx u - to cut (the hair) Jclwaf xklwanax he is cutting his 


tsilfc to tie a knot tsi k tMak he is tying a knot 

slip- to comb (hair) si ps^lap he is combing (his hair) 

A number of stems occur in parallel forms showing both conso- 
nantic reduplication and syllabic duplication. 

yixe ntce together 64.8 lyixantce^n& yu it was gathered 

UP , 

ysxyixentce* ne l yu it was gathered 

up 84.16 
x ne et he is on top 10.1 x inx ine 1 ivat he is putting it on 


x i x intu it is being put on top 
mintc- to ask mitcmi natc she is asking 80.12 

msntintqufye he was asked 
cuLts he set afire ciLcu Laai it is burning 

CECU LU fire was set to 58.11 

83. Final Reduplication 

Final reduplication is used for the purpose of expressing distribu 
tion, mutuality, and, in intransitive verbs, an action that is performed 
now and then (see 37). It is also employed as a means of forming 
neutral verbs that indicate actions of long incessant duration. 

ysq he went away qai nis la u yaq E qafnl from the 

shore they are running away (one 
after the other, singly) 36.18,19 

so ux t- to trade fa so ux titafnl hanL we two will 

trade (mutually) 16.7, 8 

liu u ims woman 26.7 wilExa na la u hu u 7nisisd f nl them 

selves they marry 12.5 

sto u way he stood 20.7 stowa qEqdnl he is continually 

standing up and sitting down 

IvuAWyat he rolls it Jcwil E la f m IE balti mis rolling is 

the ocean 6.2 

kw a a tis dream 98.7 la u Jcwa a t E s%sd f 7n he is constantly 

dreaming (literally, now and 
then) 72.1 





Ik! id tE xd a p runs down the 

water 16.9 
x pi IE yixafwEx it burned 

down, the house 58.12, 13 
imi twe he came back 28.9 

k! ux wl r IE hu uf fnis the woman 

was lost 54.19 
nsq he ran away 100.16 

lk!wa k u ts xd a p is continually run 
ning down the water IT. 4 

x pafap IE yixafwEx burning 
(down) is the house 

wutxa xa te is hv me came back 
(one by one) our (dual) children 

hetypLpa wfakfu wax" my hat got 
lost (impersonal) 

U nsqafqa they ran away- (sever- 

There are a number of stems expressing verbal, nominal, and adjec 
tival ideas, that appear invariably in reduplicated or doubled form. 
Some of these expressions are onomatopoetic in character; others 
may have been borrowed from the neighboring languages; while still 
others may be new formations, necessitated by the introduction of 
new ideas and concepts through the contact of the Coos with the 
white people. (See also 116.) 

The following is a partial list of such stems: 

e qeq killing spot 80.14 
(compare e qe- to die) 

yi myfan eyelash (compare 
yim- to twinkle) 

wa lwal knife 78. 11 

Wplip white man s paint (com 
pare l&p- to paint) 
tco xtcox rabbit 60.23 

Jia x hax wagon 

hatx - to drag) 
hethe te rich 26.2 
he u he u knot 92.8 
pu spus^ cat 

pu^xpux a spout 30.25 
mus mus 1 cow 

taP ta" basket 112.4 
tsEtse kwm cane 28.18 
mtsElim button 

g img l mis rain (compare g i mlt 

it rains) 
(compare k Vnk in stick 

k isk a siL fish-hawk 

ku kwn raven 

qatqai/L belt 28.7 (compare 

to put a belt on) 
qa lqal digging-stick 26.17 
x i nx bn saddle (compare 

x ne et it is on top) 
xa Lxat ax (compare Lxat- to chop) 
xwa lxwal eye 40.1 
xwi tsxut deer 64.19 

tafntan to come ashore (whale) 128.28 

pl x-pi to go home 28.3 

yu yu to stop (while traveling) 5.2 

Chinook jargon. 



Phonetic Changes ( 84-85) 

Grammatical processes by means of phonetic changes are few in 
number, and not clearly developed. The phonetic change may be of 
a vocalic or consonantic character. 

84. Vocalic Changes 

Vocalic change is confined to the verb, and consists in the amplifi 
cation of the stem by means of a vowel (usually the #-vowel), or in 
the modification of the vowel connecting a suffix with a stem. Stem 
amplification is employed for the purpose of forming active or transi 
tive verbs from verbal stems, and of denoting duration of action. 
The latter application occurs in verbs that have already been transi- 
tivized by means of some transitive suffix. The stem is frequently 
duplicated before amplification is applied to it (see 82, 83). For 
another explanation of this phenomenon see 4, 11. 

ikwiL- to follow In tdte tkwl yaL (the} r ) can not fol 

low him 

tdnL- to reach yixa wExetc td naL la k u ma fr. 

to (the roof of) the house reached 
its horn 86.25, 26 

sto u q he stood 20.4 nhdL/ sto waq at the foot of the 

tree he stood 26.17 

ux yu yu they two stopped ux yu wl yu they two stopped (for 
(for a moment) 5.2 a long time) 5.5 

k!a u - to peck k llo wit k/a wat he saw him (in 

the act of) pecking at it 20.9 

silp- to comb one s hair st psUap he is combing his hair 

mintc- to ask wdndj mUcmi natc that way she is 

asking 80.12 

WIL- to twist xqe ltc wlLW& yaL slowly she is 

twisting him 60.7 

Modification of a connecting vowel, whenever it occurs, is employed 
for the purpose of indicating duration of action. As this phenomenon 
has been discussed more fully in connection with the transitive suffixes 
-t and -&, the reader is referred to the chapters dealing with those 
suffixes (see 26 and also p. 357), in order to avoid repetition. 

uxli dt they two shake it 13.8 li cat JIE L/ta (he) is shaking the 

earth continually 16.2 

ntnu ximt I felt it fymu xwat I am feeling it 

nltits I painted it tyltats I am painting it 



85. Consonantic Changes 

The application of consonantic changes as a means of forming gram 
matical processes is a very peculiar phenomenon, characteristic of 
the Coos language. Its use is confined to a very few instances; and 
the process, while to all appearances consisting in the hardening 
of the final consonant, is of such a petrified nature that it is no longer 
possible to analyze it. It occurs only in a few nouns of relationship, 
and its significance may be said to be endearing and diminutive. The 
following examples of consonantic change have been found: 

kwe *s a young woman 86.1 kwe ik a young girl 12.2 
/m u mis woman 24.6 hu u mik old woman (used in the 

same sense as we use our phrase 


da mil man 14.7 to miL old man 20.2 

dl lol young man 22.6 dl ldL young boy 60.2 

Syntactic Particles ( 86-95) 
86. Introductory 

By syntactic particles is meant here the great number of enclitic 
and proclitic expletives that are employed in Coos as a means of 
expressing grammatical categories and syntactic relations. They 
cover a wide range of ideas, and refer more properly to the whole 
sentence than to any specific part of it. With the exception of two 
particles, none of them are capable of composition; that is to say, 
they can not be used with any suffix or prefix, although two or even 
three particles may be combined into one. Such combined particles 
usually retain the functions of each of the component elements. All 
syntactic particles are freely movable, and may be shifted from one 
position to another without affecting the sense of the sentence. 

87. Temporal P articles 

1. han ABOUT TO. It denotes actions that will take place in the im 
mediate future. Its position is freely movable, and it may be 
placed before or after the verb. 

tso han Jcwtflt TIE k itsima mis now he was about to bend the half 

x E all yat han /IE dl lol he is about to hug the young man 114.26. 



2. hanL SHALL, WILL. It is regularly used to denote a future action, 

and it is the sign of the future. It either precedes or follows 
the verb. 

nei} pka katc hanL Qfcfto wU I will see my grandfather 

go u s dVl hanL ha wl everything will grow 9.3 

dn sqats lianL ts tcfwdl you shall seize that yonder fire iO.18, 19 

is all cam hanL we two will play 38.11 

In IE YI hanL not good will (it be) 

3. Ett INTEND, ABOUT TO. It gives the sentence the force of a peri 

phrastic future. It either precedes or follows the verb. 

i gantc Eit efla when anywhere 3^011 intend to go 15.3 
i dl*l il Lowe if wat Eit when something they intend to eat 38.2 
qaite* ux wutxa xa Eit te is hl if me I thought that they two should 
come back, those our (dual) children 44.7 

4. nlkfwa USED TO (BE). It denotes an action that took place long 

ago. It is often used as a sign of the past tense. In such cases 
it is always preceded by the particle he USUALLY (see below), 
and it follows the verb which is used in its repetitive form. 

te* nik!wa ye e ne u na hin this used (to be) your shinny club 38.16 

xa a p nlu qwit nilc/wa water I used to boil 

nvnwl naai he nikfwa I used to cheat 

nsi psilap he nx ne k nlklwa I used to comb my hair 

By suffixing to nik/wa the obsolete suffix -ll, the temporal adverb 
nlk/wafll YESTERDAY is obtained. 

nlk/wafll nqa la yesterday I crossed (the river) 

hu u m%s he laq IE nikfwa ll a woman arrived yesterday 142.10 

5. he USUALLY, FREQUENTLY, HABITUALLY, denotes an action that is 

performed very frequently. The particle either precedes or 
follows the verb. The verb is very often used in the repetitive 
form, whenever possible. 

go u s mi late he Lfa vcEm always usually he is talking 15.4 
tEmaf Le ma la u tc/icila cheat he old people on that sit habitually 

When following the future particle hanL, or its potential form yanL 
(see p. 391), lie coalesces with them into hanLawe and yanLawe 

yanLawe diH e qa u wenisa f naya^ hanLawe xle itc I nuwl e-L/a xEm 
whenever you will get mad at something, you will talk with it 


loud (literally, if shall usually something you get angry at it 
shall usually with it hard you be talking) 16.3, 4 
yanLawe xqantc ma hu yam, lsla u hanLawe e Jcwa nana ya when 
ever a person gets ready to come from somewhere, this you 
shall usually tell (literally, if shall usually from where a person 
get ready [to come] this shall usually you tell it) 19.3, 4 

The particle he amalgamates with the adverb yu VERY into a tem 
poral adverb, yuwe WHENEVER. 

xa faW S he yuwe la u yixu me warm usually (it is) whenever that 

one travels 24.6 
yuwe yi mat ha u go u s im latc ldJc u lo f kwaai whenever he twinkles 

(his eyes), it is always lightning 16.6, 7 

The same process may have taken place in the rare adverb towe 
WHEN. The first component may be a stem, to-, while the second 
element is the particle he. The example given below will sub 
stantiate this assertion. We have here a complex of two sen 
tences stating a fact of frequent occurrence. In the first sen 
tence the repetitive particle occurs clearly, while it seems to be 
missing in the subordinate sentence. And since, according to 
the examples given above, all the components of a complex of 
sentences must show the particle he, it is safe to assume that the 
frequentative particle is one of the two elements in towe. The 
example follows : 

xyEai L/tafltc he ux yixu me towe hu u mis hlkfa mtlye from 
another country usually they two travel when(ever) a woman 
gets her monthly courses 26. 6, 7 

88. Particles Denoting Degrees of Certainty and 


6. kwa IT SEEMS, AS IF, LIKE, KIND OF, denotes an object or an action 

the quantity or quality of which is not intimately known to the 

hats Jcwa to hits just as if he hit it 

ka a s kwa li cat TIE L/ta almost as if he shook the earth 16.2 

hats Jcwa u yu wina qaxEm lot Ldw& wat just like a rainbow is 

spread out that (which) he was eating 32.14 
hats kwa tytd miL just like an old man 1 (am) 

7. ylJtu, k u MAYBE, PERHAPS, i GUESS. Both forms appear without 

any apparent distinction. This particle may apply to any part of 
speech in a sentence, and its position is freely movable. It has a 
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 25 88 


dubitative character. It expresses the possibility of a certain 
action taking or having taken place, and at the same time doubts 
the certainty of its occurrence. 

hi nl k u e k Exsm ll ye ha Latc there perhaps amongst (them) is 

3 r our elder brother 94.28 

tsi k u %c heivese nl merely perhaps you two are lying 28.13, 14 
LafyEtat k u (she) may get hungry 64.15 
e e xd nis k u maybe (that) you are sick 

This particle is very often followed by the negation In NOT. 

yiku In xd nis he is probably sick (literally, maybe [or maybe] 
not he is sick) 

When followed by the future particle hanL, it amalgamates with it 
into yikwanL or kwanL (see 8, 9), and it is translated by 


nl kwanL afya nqafya won t I loose my breath? (literally, not I 

perhaps will [be] gone my breath) 54.13, 14 
la u nxL/ts kwanL suppose I hit that one with a club (literally, 

that one 1 hit it with a club perhaps shall) 124.16 
yikwanL di lte* nLOwet wat I wonder what I shall eat (literally, 

maybe will that there I eat it) 32.19, 20 

It is contracted with the following UL into yikuL, kuL (see 9 and 
p. 391). 

yikuL In Idyl perhaps that will be good (literally, perhaps would 

[be] that not good) 
yikuL xtcltc yuL Lim nha^ts I wonder how it would be if I 

should make a dam (literally, perhaps would [be] how, if should 

a dam I make) 34.16 
In kuL qaic ha u pit ten xmi nkatc could not my son-in-law cut off 

a chunk? (literally, not perhaps would a chunk cut off this my 

son-in-law) 128.29 

When followed by the particle U SURELY (see p. 388), it is contracted 
with it into yikwtt or kwtt (see 8), and lends to a statement a 
high degree of probability. 

qafwax kwtt ll ye ha Latc above may (be) surely your elder brother 
96.4, 5 

The particle yiku, fc u , appears sometimes as yikwa, yikive, or kwe. 
The reason for this phonetic change could not be found. 

yikwa qantc la where may it have gone? (literally, perhaps some 
where it went?) 88.3 



yikwe dtfl ts nlc ilo wit what may it be that I see? (literally, per 
haps something this I see it) 108.11 

kwa kyje yu In a yu L sla% (I) wonder if it is not so, cousin? (liter 
ally, as if perhaps very not surely [it] must be, O cousin!) 38.21 

8. hakwal, kwal. A compound particle having the same signifi 

cance as Jcwa. It consists of the unexplained prefix ha- (which 
seems to occur also in hamlL, see p. 392), the particle kwa^ and 
the abbreviated form of dVl (see p. 407). 

hakwal % id yam IE IVkwit kind of reddish (were) the feathers 20.10 
k!wa a nt hakwal qa l u xtat he heard some kind of a noise (literally, 
he heard as if a noise were made) 60.29 

9. qen denotes suspicion. It is very difficult to render it in English 

otherwise than by a whole sentence. 

Jcwa qen dl l l L/i msq she suspected some scent (literally, as if, 
suspicion, something [a] smell) 24.10 

kwa gen md ic SLna ^wat it seems as if you two are hiding a per 
son (literally, as if, suspicion, a person you two are hiding) 24.11 

10. qaiku expresses a supposition on the part of the speaker. It 

was invariably rendered by i THOUGHT. Its first component 
can not be analyzed, while the second is clearly the particle k u . 

qaiku ux wutxa xa sit te is hl if me I thought they two were going 

to come back, these our two children 44. 7 
qaiku In U ye*ne^ Id I thought not surely (this was) your property 


11. qainl. Neither of the two elements of this particle can be 

analyzed. It indicates that a certain fact came suddenly into 
one s recollection, and may best be translated by OH, i RECOL- 
LECT, i REMEMBER. It is usually amplified by the particle L 
(see p. 392), which either follows it immediately or else is placed 
at the very end of the sentence. 

qainl L nwa waLa u qciyis he recollected that this was a spider 
(literally, recollection, must be, with [its] spider, world) 30.3 

qainl lc u nlo we d qafyis L he came to remember that there was 
such a thing (literally, recollection, perhaps, with such a thing, 
the world, must [be]) 32.9 

12. natsl. It is used by the speaker for the purpose of expressing 

doubt. It was rendered by i DOUBT. 



natsi xdtfl la u Ldw& wat I doubt (whether) some one (will) eat it 

natsi xtcltc Im sqats (we) doubt (whether) we (shall) catch it 

56.19, 20 

13. hen HEARSAY. It denotes that a certain occurrence or fact is 

known to the speaker from hearsay only. It may best be trans 
lated by I WAS TOLD, IT IS SAID. 

ha wl hen IE wi nqas u temi sndtc grew up the Spider s grandson, 

it is said 66.11, 12 
pEULd wai hen ta ntan whales are reported to (have) come ashore 

yeFne u L r le hen la u nai wit your enemies (as I heard you say) those I 

killed 110.16, 17 

14. il SURELY, CERTAINLY, confirms a statement, and gives it the 

appearance of certainty. It is often used in apposition to kin, 
whenever the speaker wishes to imply that he himself was a wit 
ness of a certain occurrence. It denotes knowledge by experi 
ence, and may be translated by i SAW IT. It either follows or 
precedes that part of a sentence which it is to specify more 

ma U nLdwe if wat persons I do eat, indeed 24.18 

nUoxqai nis md U 1 am a doctor, surely 10.2 

tcl U e*Ld u k u there, indeed, sit down 38.22 

nk Uo wit U I saw him, for sure 

xa ms U he is sick (I saw it) 

Is yl hanLel it will be good certainly 15.9 (hanLel = hanL + tt 

see 7) 
In hel sla not so, cousin 42.23 (see 7) 

15. cku indicates knowledge by evidence. It is used whenever the 

speaker wishes to state a fact that occurred beyond doubt, but 
whose causes are not known to him. It is composed of C E (see 
p. 389) and k u . It may be rendered by IT MUST HAVE BEEN 

yu xwa cku hu u mafk e yu kwe two women must have gone ashore 
126.11, 12 (the speaker knows this fact to be true by examining 
the tracks on the sand beach) 

hats cku kwa xmci la u tcl hUhltowe 1 wat just it must be as if a per 
son that thing there put it 112.2 (the evidence of this fact was 
the finding of the object in question) 


89. Particles Denoting Connection with Previously 

lExpressed Ideas 

16. yiqaXy yiqa. The exact significance of this particle is not clear. 

LESS, RIGHT AWAY, JUST. In some cases it denotes a continual 

yiqa In to hits JIE to qmas still not he hit the woodpecker 22.5 

yiqa hanL tsix e hak u to u wat tl ye ix at any rate, you will here 
leave your canoe 5<L 10, 11 

yiqax hanL nla right away I am going 

ma yftfxwd md la, yiqa il tsxau wat even if two persons go, never 
theless they kill them 90.10 

hats yiqa xqa wax fax kwina etwat just continually from above they 
two look at it 6.9 


xqa wax hd kfwitem, la u qats kwa d yu Ldwa hai qa xantc from 
above, some one pulled him, however, it seemed as if he surely 
ran upwards (03^ himself) 92.9, 10 

qats kwiLkwd yu, hats lEqa u we IE a la nevertheless it was cut off 
(and) it just died, the child 76.15, 16 


ma yu xwd md la, yiqa il tsxau wat even if two persons go, never 
theless they kill them 90.10 

ma yanLawe ti mili dl*l e s to hits, yiqa hanLawe la u ettsxau wat 
even if strong something you will strike, still you will kill it 
124.11, 12 

ma with the negative particle In is rendered by NOT AT ALL. 

ma in m,d Jcwad nlya, ma wdndj L/d xEm not at- all people he 
saw, nevertheless that way he was talking (making believe that 
he saw them) 30.27 

19. na, nayim BECAUSE. 

e alqsitd r mi, nayim wdndj e L/d xEm you scare me, because that 

way you are talking 110.15, 16 
nd d yu qa lyeq ha ltsat because surely salmon (will) come into the 

river 36.26 

90. Particles Denoting Emotional States 

20. C E expresses slight surprise at a state of affairs that has come into 

existence contrary to one s expectations. 

hu u mis C E la d la a female (was) his child (a boy was expected in 
this case) 108.6 89-90 


dd mtt C E a yu a man (it was) surely 

tsliml ye C E summer it got 30.20 

tso G E Lq! now it was cooked 34.2 

yu C E Le #k!a lat too loud you shout (literally, very contrary to my 

expectations you shout [the speaker ordered the whale to shout 

loud, but he did not expect such a noise; hence the use of C E in 

this sentence]) 36.15 
hd wl C E IE wi nqas u temi snatc grown up (has) the Spider s 

grandson (this statement was made by a person who believed 

the boy to have been dead) 64.24, 25 

C E is combined with the future particle hanL into canL, and with the 
potential UL into CUL (see 9). These new particles express 
expectation that will certainly be fulfilled, and may be trans 
lated by I HOPE, IT OUGHT. 

tFls yl canL you will be all right (I hope) 124.14 

nl canL tcltc xa ltll (I hope) he won t do anything to me (literally, 
not to me, it ought, what he does) 116.2 

yu CUL nk ! ak %na w%s yuL ni/i mlet I ought to get very tired, if I 
keep on spearing (literally, very much, it ought to be, I with 
out laziness, if should 1 spear it) 34.17 

Is yl CUL % la u In kwiLkwa yu good it might have been if that one 
not had been cut off 76.16 

la u CUL ni citc is pll yat (of) that a little we two ought to take 
home 112.3 

C E is frequently prefixed to the demonstrative pronoun is, forming 
a new particle cts or eta. This particle often follows the 
interrogative forms of tcitc, dftf l, and wit (see pp. 407, 411), 
giving the interrogation a tinge of surprise, as it were. 

e vn tu eta who are you? (literally, you, who is it?) 

d& lu eta ts nk tto wit what do I see? (literally, what is it that I 

see?) 106.16, 17 

xtci tcu eta tE la u In L. f no u tat why does it not come open? (liter 
ally, why is it that that one not comes open?) 76.4 

21. ell INDEED. Composed of C E and U. It has retained the signifi 
cance of both of its component elements. It consequently 
denotes, a fact known by actual experience, at the occurrence 
of which the speaker is surprised, as it came into existence 
contrary to his expectations. 

Ms oil e s ne ye me i lo! kuk u la u x na at also indeed, thou, O heart of 

salmon! runnest? 36.19, 20 
tso oil xwandjl ye now, indeed, that way it is 8.2 
ne dl you it is, indeed 10.3 


This particle occurs frequently with the transitional suffix -lye 
(see 35). 

hl nl dll ye mand/j k!wa a nt there, indeed, already he felt it 
32.16, 17 

22. httc indicates surprise. The native Coos is unable to render it. 

Its meaning was deduced from the sense of the sentences in 
which it occurred. 

fitf-hats dafmtt k Uo wit tsvcu kite IEH hem k u ntitc suddenly a man 

she saw lying with her elder sister 50.22, 23 
ma hem tset kite a person was laid bare 58.22 

91. Particles Denoting the Conditional 

23. UL WOULD, SHOULD. It puts the sentence in which it occurs in 

a potential mode. It may either precede or follow the verb to 
which it belongs. 

hat" E imsen qalimi ye UL wu txe ten a la in five days, if should 

return my child 42.22, 23 
la u UL nk Uo vnt aWcanl u men (I) should be the one to see them 

play, if 92.16 
nk VLo u ts UL I should find it if - 
xtd tcuL how would it be if 5.2 (contracted from xtcl tcu + UL; 

see 9). 

24. yuL IF SHOULD, IF WOULD. It gives the sentence a conditional 

tinge. It occurs usually in the subordinate sentence whenever 
UL has been used in the co-ordinate sentence, although it is fre 
quently used independently of UL. It always precedes the verb. 

octci tcuL yuL is so x titafnl how would it be if we two should trade? 

yuL kwina etwat la u In UL aiatfwa yu IE hl if me if she had seen it, 

they not would have been killed, the children 58.10, 11 
Idyl yuL tynLi me good (would it be) if I should have a fish-trap 


25. yanL IF expresses the conditional in the present or future tense. 

It usually precedes the verb, and it is used in subordinate sen 
tences in apposition to hanL. It also occurs independently of 
hanL. Since the native Coos does not distinguish between the 
conditional present and future tenses, yanL is used to express 
also the present conditional. 

U nl hanL Jcwinafll, yanL nc E a lctet they will not see me, if I [will] 
work 128.23, 24 



yanL en dowafya xwandj, yixe 1 dl l l hanL e^mUsrmtsto! m% if you 
don t want it that way, one thing I will teach you 124.7, 8 

. . . yanL ysai Lftafatc is Jie laq when in another country we 
two shall arrive 28.23 

nk ttnt yanLel I guess, I will try, surely (literally, if I shall try, 
surely; yanLel=yanL + U; see 7) 

92. Exhortative Particles 

26. L MUST, NECESSAEILT. It signifies that a certain state of affairs 

or an action must take place. It has therefore the force of an 
emphatic imperative. It is placed either before or after the 
verb (or noun), no matter whether the verb is used in its impera 
tive form or not. 

Itdla afo L cin la EX close to the shore you (must) go 30.23 

qa xantc L pEl tE loud you (must) shout (literally, shout upwards) 

In L tdtc xa ltE tety d d nM don t you do anything to my husband 

(literally, not [must], manner, do it, [to] that my husband) 26.15 
<nne tila qai L you must stay (here) 
e lsqa u wiya > tanl L you (must) tell a story 38.13, 14 
Id L UL IE YI this must be good (literally, that thing, necessarily, 

should be good) 40.25 

27. hamlL, m^L, tt. The exact function of this particle defies all 

attempts at an explanation. It was usually translated by LET 


referred to the speaker. When referring to the person spoken 
to or spoken of, it was rendered by BETTER, YOU MAY, PLEASE, 

hamiL nJcwina e i "wat I should like to look at him 

mlL dilte 1 to hits better hit this one 124.15 

hamlL e s ne xle Uc e s k !% f ntqEm you may with it try 92.1 

hamiL e L/dts please, speak 16.2 

mlL halt! e ne xle itc e^L/dts now you with it speak (a while) 16.5 

IL hanL xtdtc xa lalf what (would be) better to do? 86.10 

In examining these sentences one must arrive at the conclusion that 
hamiL (or mix,) is of an exhortative character. By its means the 
speaker either asks permission of the imaginary person spoken 
to, to perform a certain action, or he conveys a polite command 
to the person spoken to. In both cases the granting of the 
desire is a foregone conclusion. 



hamlL and mlL are contracted with the periphrastic Jian into hamlLan 
and mlLan, adding to the particle a future significance. 

hamlLan QL/eHc let me go out 28.26 

hamlLan ni Jc in nwilo u wat let me look for wood 102.3 

mlLan e s muxtttsa m% permit me to feel of you 72. 17 

28. kwis LET us TWO. This particle is composed of the particle k u 

PERHAPS and of the inclusive form of the personal pronoun is 
WE TWO. Its function is that of an imperative for the inclusive. 
The verb, which it always precedes, takes the imperative suffixes. 

hwls Lxa tE let us two chop wood 26.15, 16 

Jcwis tsE mtUsE tE taha UJc let us two loosen that quiver 122.27 

29. Jcwin LET us (ALL) exercises the function of the imperative for 

the first person plural. The first component is, beyond doubt, 
the particle k u PERHAPS. The second element can be no other 
than the personal pronoun for the first person plural lin. The 
contraction of k u +lm into kwin may have been effected by the 
analogy of /c u + is into fcwis. 

Jcwin Le tsxe wE let us kill him quickly 68.3 
~kvnn sqa tsE let us seize it 

93. Particles Denoting Emphasis 

30. he*. By its means the Coos emphasizes any part of speech. It 

usually precedes the word to be emphasized. 

he* yu xtcafyux u ma a very insignificant man (literally, emphasis, 

very small man) 42.6 

he 1 xd I la Lowi tat xaf a patc she first ran into the water 56.9 
he 1 dl Jcwe^k l ye surely, indeed, it was a girl 12.1, 2 

Whenever he 1 precedes the conjunction hats, it forms a new particle, 
which is rendered by SUDDENLY. 

he* hats ma k ttd imt suddenly a person she saw 54.2 

he* hats L/nd u tat IE tcfi ls suddenly came open the door 62.5 

31. h&kwdln EXCEEDINGLY (like the English colloquial AWFULLY). 

This particle consists of the following three independent and 
separable components: he*, kwa, and In. Literally translated, 
the particle means VERILY, IT SEEMS NOT. Since the phrase is 
used as a sort of an exclamation with an interrogative character, 
it may best be compared to our English exclamation ISN T THIS 
A FINE DAY! which really means THIS is A FINE DAY. 



h&kwaln Is yl u $luwe x t<?is she was awfully glad (literally, what, 

as if not her heart good?) 64.9, 10 
hefkwaln xhu vns ma a very poor man (literally, what, as if not 

a poor man?) 42.5 
h&kwa U In dowafya they liked him very much (literally, what, 

as if they not liked him?) 24.29 

32. ItE is used in direct discourse only. It always follows the word 

that is to be emphasized. 

n ne Its IE e^doioayExtaf^s qa u wa I am (emphatic) the one you 
wanted (last) night 50.25, 26 

e*hu u mls HE! you will (be) a woman (emphatic) 24.20 

te* HE kwa xaL ll ye e k u Latc this (emphatic) (is) the bow (of) thy 
father 62.24 

qa lyeq Its In HE pEnLd wai it is salmon, not whale (literally, sal 
mon [emphasis], not [emphasis] whale) 130.12, 13 

94. Restrictive Particles 

33. La ONLY. It limits the action to a certain object. It always fol 

lows the word so limited. 

la u La In tcitc xalt (to) that only not anything he did 68.13 
wa Lwal La a tsEm a knife only give me 80.14, 15 
wdndj La ux kwee niyem that way only people know them two 

34. tst SIMPLY, MERELY, JUST. It has a slight restrictive character. 

tsi efqa qal you were merely sleeping 68.19 

yixe n qaliml ye tsi In dl l l one morning, it was simply gone (lit 
erally, once, morning it got, simply, not something) 88.3 

tsi contracts with the following hanL into tsanL (see 9). 
tsanL e ta tc&nts only then shall you have it 78.15 

OS. The Interrogative Particle i 

35. I. This particle, exercising the function of our sign of interroga 

tion, is used only in sentences that have no other interrogation. 
It is usually placed at the end of the sentence. 

afyu efttoxqai nis I surely (art) thou a doctor? 10.4 
- ux la I did they two go (by) here? 96.18, 19 

^wat % ne% ha Late have you seen my elder brothers? 

When preceded by the particle han, I is rendered by MAY i ? 

nq/mits han I may I eat it? 




THE PRONOUN (96-100) 
96. The Independent Personal Pronouns 

Coos has two sets of independent personal pronouns, formed from 
two different stems. 

The first of these two sets is formed from the stem -xkan for the 
first and second persons, and -xka for the third person, to which are 
prefixed the personal pronouns (see 18), giving the following series: 

1st person .... 

nE xkan 

Singular .... 

2d person .... 

e xkan 

3d person .... 

xa kd 

Inclusive .... 

isnE xkan 

Exclusive .... 

xwinnE xkan 


2d person .... 

tce xkan 

3d person .... 

tixx& kd 

fist person .... 

UnnE xkan 


J2d person .... 

clne xkan 

l3d person .... 

tlxd kd 

The obscure vowel in ns xkan is due to the law of consonantic clus 
ters (see 4). 

For the dropping of the glottal stop, inherent in the second person 
singular, see 3. 

The peculiar vowels in the third person singular may be the com 
bined effect of accent and of the dropping of the final n. 

It will be seen from this table that the singular forms are the basis 
for the corresponding dual and plural forms. Thus, the inclusive is 
formed by combining the inclusive pronoun is with the singular for 
the first person ntfxkqn; the second person dual is composed of the 
personal pronoun for the second person dual fo, and the singular for 
the second person e xkan; etc. 

These pronouns have the force of a whole sentence, and may be 
translated by i (THOU, HE . . . ) AM THE ONE, WHO 

nE xkan hanL la u nx intifyat ts xa a p 1 will be the one to run 

away with that water 40.20, 21 
Ms hanL e xJcan yixet efldwint also thou shalt be the one to shoot 

one (arrow) 13.1 




[BULL. 40 

That the dual and plural forms of this set are not felt to be integral 
units, and may easily be separated according to their component ele 
ments, is best shown by the following example: 

tso hanL ns xkan xvnn e^lHta mi now will we two tell thee 
126.21, 22 (ns xkan xwin instead of xunnnE xkan) 

This use of the singular pronouns in place of the plural has been 
referred to in 46. 

The second set of independent personal pronouns may be called the 
"verbal set." These pronouns are formed by prefixing the personal 
pronouns #, s , etc., to the stem -ne, which seems to have a verbal sig 
nificance. The pronouns thus obtained may be translated by IT is I, 
IT is THOU, etc. 

The third persons singular, dual, and plural have no special forms 
in this set; but they are replaced by xd. uxxa, ttxa, forms related to 
xa M, uxxa ka, and ttxafka. 

The series follows. 

fist person .... 

n ne 

Singular .... 

< 2d person .... 


(.3d person .... 


Inclusive .... 

i sne 

Exclusive .... 

xwin ne 


2d person .... 

i cne 

3d person .... 

ti xxd 

fist person .... 

lln ne 

Plural . . . . 

< 2d person .... 

cin ne 

[3d person .... 

il xd 

his hanL ty ne td nla I too will go there 94.22 

halt! e?ne tsix e s std u q now it is thy turn to stand here 64.32 

his xd c E a lctet she too is working 22.26, 27 

The Possessive Pronouns ( 97-98) 
97. The Sign of Possession, ti 

The idea of possession is expressed in Coos by means of the posses 
sive particle $, which follows the term expressing the possessor, and 
precedes that indicating the possessed object. The possessor is not 
infrequently preceded by the article. 



Jc/we he u V nek MLd wi tsa leaves of a willow he found 30.17, 18 

JIE haftdt! u of la x i ntset Hetcit s child got on top 24.23 

ux leml yat IE mexafye u kwa x u they two set up the eagle s feathers 

xwdndj u ty nas JIE tsafyux u laJnik such (was) the name of the small 

river 46.10, 11 

The possessive sign very frequently takes the place of the possessive 
pronoun for the third persons singular and plural. 

Idyl u Uuwe x tcis he was glad (literally, good his heart) 32.5 
afya cku u qa ya she must have lost her breath (literally, gone must 

be her breath) 58.24, 25 
la u ha u we IE tdci mtt the spruce-tree is growing (literally, goes 

its growth, the spruce-tree) 20.16 
la u paa wEs IE xa a p the water is filling up (literally, goes its 

fullness, the water) 44.17 
a wl u Ldivafwas she finished eating (literally, it ended, her food) 


JIE e stis ma aLi maqa u ix some people had large canoes (liter 
ally, some people, large their canoes) 44.20 
yfaxwa H hu u md k e he has two wives (literally, two [are] his 

wives) 20.3 
djl u x na at IE nd u sk % li the Big Woman came quickly (literally, 

comes her quickness, the Big Woman) 78.26 

The possessive sign is employed in impersonal sentences, where the 
subject of the sentence is qa yis WORLD or rtien PEOPLE. In these 
cases the subject is placed at the end of the sentence, and the posses 
sive sign is affixed to the possessed object, immediately preceding the 
subject. The sentences are rendered by THERE WAS, THEY ARE. 

k JaL/taf fa qafyis there was no land (literally, without [its] land 
the world) 5.5; 6.1 

In tdle xEm u qafyis there was no low tide (literally, not [has] its 
dry condition [the] world) 15.8 

nwa waLa ft, qafyis there was a spider (literally, with its spider 
[is] the world) 30.3 

qaici ms kwee ti u men people were living in a small place (liter 
ally, in a small place their living [place have] people) 50.7 

tcl ti k me u men there they were standing (literally, there their 
standing [place, severally have] people) 74. 28 



98. The Possessive Pronouns Proper 

The possessive pronouns proper are formed by prefixing to the 
personal pronouns #, <? , etc. , the article IE or hs, or the demonstrative 
pronoun ts. These forms may be regarded as loose prefixes. 

[1st person .... 




Singular . . . 

hd person .... 


ll ya 

tl ye 

(3d person .... 


Id, la 


Inclusive .... 

he ls 

le is 

te is 

Exclusive .... 

he xwin 

le xwin 

te xwln 

2d person .... 

he lc 

le lc 

te lc 

3d person .... 

he &x 

le &x 

te fix 

("1st person .... 

he lin 

le lin 

te lln 

Plural . . , ^ .-, 

^2d person .... 

he cln 

le tin 

te tin 

[3d person .... 

he ll 

le U 

ie U 

The second person singular ll ye has resulted from the combination 
IE + eF. This phonetic irregularity remains unexplained. The forms 
ll ya and la occur before nouns having a- vowels (see 7). 

afyu dll ye hen kw a a tis surely, true came my dream 100.14 

la u kwina etwat ll ye Uuwe Hds that one is looking into thy heart 


plants ll ya kxla bend thy foot 120.13 
hdn ye es la u L/k Us into his mouth she poured it 102.12 
la u hanL he is kala lis these shall be our two subjects 124.6 
halt!yu na a nt he lin c E alcta was too great (is) our work 68.27 
Ldvm Jcats he il equate living is their mother 84.21 
Id L! aha! was her clothes 110.3 
Ldwa kats La a! la his child remained 110.10 
xd nis le xwin e k u Ldtc sick is our (dual) father 126.18, 19 
ic la tslt le ic e k u Latc you two go and get your (dual) father 20.13 
dx kwiskwl wat le ux e k u Ldtc they two were informing their (dual) 

father 20.25 

l E yuwi ltE le dn so wd! wiggle your fingers! 122.8 
Qtsxau wat hanL ten im nkatc I will kill that my son-in-law 26.22 
tl yex e k u Ldtc hanL la u k i f Ld u ts tl ye ix thy father will find thy 

canoe 54.11 

A peculiar form of the possessive pronoun for the first person singu 
lar is the frequently occurring nen. This form may be explained as a 
reduplicated stem, in which the first n is, so to speak, the article for 
the first person singular, formed in analogy to IE or hs. 

nenpka katc hanL nk ilo wU my grandfather I shall see 
aiatfwafyu nen hl ir me killed were (all) my children 62.18 




The personal pronouns without prefixes are often employed as pos 
sessive pronouns. In such cases the second person singular e e occurs 
as #. 

I tcu tydafmtt? which one (is) my husband? 80.3 

a ya tyqafya I am out of breath (literally, dead my breath) 66.27 

na a nt hanL ye? Ldwa was you will have much to eat (literally, much 

will [be] your food) 54.6 
k!a hanL ye e n fc/wints tyldats a rope around thy neck I ll put 94.12 

In two instances the possessive pronoun of the third person singular 
is amplified by the addition of the possessive sign. 

hd u Uuwe x tds he is good-natured (literally, good [is] his 
dzu ll Id d kwl yos a fur-seal (as) his dog 132.2 

A possessive pronoun expressing absence is formed by prefixing to 
the personal pronouns the prefix Jc /d-. The form for the first person 
singular only could be obtained in this series. 

nl kwwkwl ll tsx k / 
grandmother 62.12 

u ma, not me informed that my (absent) 

Besides these pronouns, there is another series of independent pos 
sessive pronouns. They are formed by prefixing to the verbal form 
of the personal pronouns ft ite, e?ne, etc., the article TIE or IE, or the 
demonstrative ts, and by suffixing the possessive sign u. 

Singular . ... 

fist person .... 
J2d person .... 
(3d person .... 

hen neu 

Dual . . . . 

Inclusive .... 
Exclusive .... 
2d person .... 
3d person .... 

hexwin neu 

Plural . . . i " 

fist person .... 
<2d person .... 
(3d person .... 

helin neu 
hecin neu 

The second person singular shows a phonetic irregularity which I 
am at a loss to explain. 

These pronouns are independent, and have a verbal significance. 
They may be rendered by IT is MINE, IT is THINE, etc. 




[BULL. 40 

heqfne^ld ts qttfma my property is that camas 112.6,7 

efhenfne* % le you (are) my enemy 118.3 

yne u ptfl L/a nex thy cradle is new 38.17 

hexd u Id Jiln it is his property (it is said) 116.21, 22 

99. The Reflexive Pronouns 

The reflexive pronouns are formed by prefixing the possessive pro 
nouns to the stem tet BODY. The possessive pronominal prefixes for 
the first and second persons singular are n- and ye s - respectively. 
The third person singular has no pronominal prefix. The rest is 

fist person .... 


Singular . . . 

<2d person . . ., .... s . 


(.3d person . . . 


("Inclusive . . ." ; 

he istet 


Exclusive .... 

he xwintet 

2d person .... 

he tctet 

3d person . / ; . 

he fixtet 

(1st person ..... 

he ttntet 

Plural .... 

< 2d person .... 


1.3d person .... 

he iltet 

Qtet I hit myself 
ld u/x tlt yeHet watch thyself 74.3 
wdndj pi ctdts tet thus he warmed himself 32.8 
fix L/x i nx it he tixtet they two examine themselves 84.3 
il yu xtits he Utet they rubbed themselves 52.13 

The particle i msx ALONE is not infrequently placed before the verb 
(see 108), and emphasizes the subject. 
xi niEx ^to liUs i^tet alone I hit myself 

100. The Demonstrative Pronouns 

The demonstrative pronouns exhibit a variety of forms. Attempts 
have been made to discover whether the different forms may not 
indicate position from the standpoint of the speaker ; but they have 
proved unsuccessful, owing to the fact that this idea does not seem to 
be clearly developed in Coos. Only the first two pronouns seem to 
accentuate this distinction. The following demonstrative stems have 
been found. 



te l denotes an object that is near to the speaker, and may be translated 
by THIS HERE. It always precedes the object to which it refers. 

te* hanL to hits this here he shall hit 20.14 
te 1 eFpa a ts this here you fill up 78.12 

It is frequently employed as an adverb in the sense of HERE. 

te* Qyixu me here I travel 26.9 

nte 1 hdL* I (am) here, O elder brother! 72.26. 

tE indicates an object that is away from the speaker, and may be 
rendered by THAT THERE. It usually precedes the object. 

tkwlLet wat tE to qmas he is following that (there) woodpecker 22. 2 
fax k Uo wit tE L/ta they two saw that (there) land 6.5 
dVlteE tc ts nLfaqa ehvat with what (shall) I point my finger (at) 
this one (there?) 40.24 

tE often exercises the function assigned in English to the conjunc 
tion THAT. 

xtci tcu ts go u s mi latc e yixu me why (is it) that always you 

travel? 48.14 
xtci tcu tE wdndj e^lta is why (is it) that thus you tell it to me? 

(For ts as a prefix in possessive pronouns, see 98. See also under 

la u below, and lewi, p. 402.) 

dtlte 1 * A compound pronoun composed of the indefinite particle dtfl 
SOMETHING (see p. 407) and the demonstrative te* THIS HERE. It 
may be translated by THIS HERE. 

dilte? Jc u ll yex this stone here 124.16, 17 

dllte . A compound of dl*l SOMETHING (see p. 407) and tE THAT THERE. 
It is usually translated by THAT THERE. 

dilte tE k u ll yex that stone yonder 
dUtef ma the person yonder 

la 11 , ha u . This pronoun has the force of a whole sentence. It 
applies to both subject and object, and it is used in singular and 
in plural alike. It invariably precedes the subject or object 
to which it refers. It may be translated by HE, THAT is THE 
ONE ; HE IT is. 

ylxe n qaliml ye la u L/eHc Jidl to mfa one morning that one went 
out, (namely) that old man 20.4. 

xqantc la u fJ x t E tsa la u tti la from where he (was the one to) 
scent it, there he (was the one to) go 22.24 

la u Id xwVlux u ~ba!nx u tat that (was the one) his head became bald 

3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 26 100 


la u tEmd Le ma la u tc!idla e i wat he it is the old people (it is they 

who) sit (on) that, usually 38.3 
la u In la u Vlxats he did not look at it (literally, he was the one, 

not, it was the thing, he looked at it) 40. 8 
la u hanL fix c E a!lctet it is they two (who) shall work 68.26 
Jc idaf minatc ha u x L/tt into the bowl she put it 102.6, 7 

la u and ha u are frequently emphasized by the prefixed article or by 
the demonstrative pronoun ts. 

IE la maTc , lala u is Hldjl ysx the bones, those are the Umpqua 

Indians 50.5, 6 

lala u he Ldw& wat that s what she usually eats 24. 5, 6 
tsla u nha ux ts IE L/ta I am the one who made that land 10.3, 4 

In composite sentences having one and the same subject, la u and ha u 
are used in the subordinate sentence to avoid the repetition of 
the subject. 

Jcrwnafwas &! x t E tsa (Is dl lol) % la u hVnl std u q smoke scented (the 

young man) as he stood there 22.23, 24 
xafnana ya la a la i la u lsqa uf wE his child made him feel sorry, 

when it died 42.18, 19 

lewt, a demonstrative pronoun with verbal force. It is invariably 
followed by the article or by the demonstrative pronoun ts; and 
it is sometimes, for the sake of emphasis, preceded by la u . It 
may be translated by IT is, THAT is. 

lewi IE enl k exEm that is it, ^ticking out 46.11 

he 1 <nl lewl ye IE tc!% lE surely, indeed, it was a door 72.25 

y lial, a demonstrative pronoun used for subject and object, singu 
lar and plural. It precedes the subject or object. It denotes 
objects that have been previously mentioned. It is composed 
of the article IE, hs, and of the abbreviated form of the particle 

dl { l SOMETHING (see p. 407). 

qa notc sto u q lal to mil, outside stood that old man 20.4, 5 

wandj L/ats lal hu^ mik thus spoke that old woman 102.10 

aso sqats hat hu u rmk IEX swal again seized that old woman 

the grizzly bear 102.21, 22 
ux nsqa qa hot tEma Le they two ran away, those old people 

24.12, 13 

hal and lal have a nominalizing function, and often take the place 
of our relative pronouns. 

hats kwa la u u yu wina qaxEtn lal Lowet wat just like a rainbow 

was spread out (that thing) which he was eating 32.14 


tti tcu tE la u xtd u s hot ^L/aha etwat why (is it) that that thing stiff 
(is) which you have on 110.4, 5 

Id has a nominal force, and denotes THAT KIND, SUCH A THING. It 

always precedes the object. 
a yu Id k i f Ld u ts hs pafxwiya surely, that kind he found, the man- 

zanita berries 32.10, 11 
tsd afyu Id ha ux ts now surely, that thing she made 60.16 

When preceded by a possessive pronoun, Id expresses the idea of 

henfne u Id tE qs ina that camas belongs to me 112.6, 7 
Lo has a local meaning, and may be translated by IN IT, ON IT. It 
always follows the object to which it refers. 

p^sik* aftsEm LO m dtc xa a p ha^wE a cup give me, in it a little 

water have 68.17, 18 
tsetVx ume LO he u Jie u JIO^WE! on this side make a knot (literally, 

where this side is, on it a knot make) 92.7, 8 

k*!dn MY ABSENT. The prefix of this possessive pronoun may be 
regarded as a demonstrative pronoun (see pp. 323, 399). 

THE NUMERAL ( 101-102) 
101. The Cardinals 

1. yixe? 20. yuxwaf ka 

2. yuxwaf 30. yipsdnka 

3. yi psEn 40. hecL if Lka 

4. lie ctfL 50. kat^E f miska 

5. kat*E mis 60. yixe if wieqka 

6. yixe if yn-eg 70. yuxwaf wieqka 

7. yuxioafwieq 80. yixe? ahalka 

8. yixet ahal 90. yuxwaf ahalka 

9. yuxwa ahal 100. yixe if nt fe foi 

10. Lepfqafrn 111. y%xe ir ni k in Lepfqa ni 

11. Lepfya ni yixe i u qtsl ylx^u qtsl 

12. Lep/qafnl yuxwau qtsl 

The Coos numeral system is of a quinary origin, and, strictly 
speaking, there are only five simple numeral stems; namely, those for 
the first five numerals. The numerals for six, SEVEN, EIGHT, and NINE 
are compounds, the second elements of which can not be explained. 
In the same manner the numeral for TEN defies all attempts at analysis. 

Besides the cardinals, Coos exhibits special forms for the ordinal, 
multiplicative, and distributive numerals, formed by means of adding 
certain numeral suffixes to the cardinal numerals (see 74-77). 



The collective numerals expressed in English by the phrases IN 
TWOS, IN THREES, etc., are formed in Coos by means of suffixing to 
the numerals for TWO, THREE, etc., the adverbial suffix -e f fc(see 67). 

yuxwafheftc la u hithltdwe 1 wat in pairs he is putting them down 

34.7, 8 
wyipSE r rieHc in threes 

The collective numeral for ONE, yixe ntce, shows a peculiar forma 
tion. It consists of the cardinal yixe 1 , the distributive suffix -n (see 
pp. 327, 341), the modal suffix -tc (see pp. 327, 340, 369), and the suffix -e 
(see p. 359). 

yixe ntce sqats together he seized them 64.8, 9 

yixe ntce il nL/ta/yas together they (live) in (one) village 122.18. 

102. The Decimal System 

The units exceeding multiples of ten have forms exemplified by TEN 
(TWENTY) ONE OVER. Thus Lep/qa ni yixeW qtsl ELEVEN literally 
means TEN ONE OVER, etc. The "tens" are formed by means of 
suffixing to the numerals from ONE to TEN (exclusive) the suffix -ka. 
The numeral for ONE HUNDRED, translated literally, means ONE 
STICK, which indicates that the Coos may have used counting-sticks 
for the purpose of counting up to one hundred. Two HUNDRED 
would mean TWO STICKS, etc. The numeral ONE THOUSAND does not 
seem to have been used at all. There is no special stem for it. 
The natives to-day form this numeral by adding the noun n% ~k, %n 
STICK to the numeral stem for TEN, expressing ONE THOUSAND by the 
phrase TEN STICKS. 

THE ADVERB ( 103-106) 

103. Introductory 

The dividing-line between adverbs and particles can not always 
be drawn very definitely. This is especially true in the case of the 
three particles expressing locality, time, and modality (see 112). 
Adverbs express local, temporal, and modal ideas. A few of them 
may be said to express local phrases. In a number of cases two 
adverbs have been combined for the purpose of indicating a new 
adverbial concept, which is nothing more than an amplification of 
the ideas conduced by each of the two separate component elements. 
Some of the local adverbs seem to distinguish slightly between the 
idea of locality that is near the first, second, or third person; although 
SS 102-103 




I am somewhat doubtful on that point, owing to the fact that this 
idea is hardly recognizable in the demonstrative pronouns. 

The great majority of modal adverbs occur with the adverbial suffix 
of modality -to (see 25, 36), and are often preceded by the modal 
prefix - (see 24). It is conceivable that this suffix may have been 
originally adverbial par excellence, and that it gradually became con 
fined to adverbs expressing mode and manner. This opinion may be 
substantiated by the fact that the adverbial suffix -tc, when added to 
nouns, expresses other adverbial ideas besides those of modalit}^ It 
is also suffixed to a number of stems expressing local phrases. 

The following is a complete list of adverbs that have been found in 


104. Local Adverbs and Phrases 

OM L between, halfway 5.1 go! wax high up 8.11 
e qatce to one side 42.3 qai nas close to the fire 82.19 

I la before, ahead, in front qai ms away from the shore 36. 18 

gaits inside the house 140.24 
gat below 36.11 
qapu kul the other side, across 


qa xan up 34.4 
qal down, below, under 116.9 
xtse tix from here 136.3 
xqafwax from above 6.4 
xqaflin from under 90.4 
xle tix , leftix* from there 12.2; 


Itcila ais close to the shore 30.23 
L/ha wais near, close to 50.20 


yVhelq close by 60.21 
yiqa te* close there (?) 90.23 
yiqa ltsfix close here 104.12 
yiqai nl so far, right here 14.4 
hi ni there 5.2 
tl u over there 90.21 
tsix here 24.4 
tsi x tl over here 13.5 
tse tix over here 
tcl there 7.4 

tele etc back in the woods 88.11 
qaya a tc, qa titc down the 

stream 24.24; 54.1 

105. Temporal Adverbs 

aso again 


ai wa still, yet 7.6 

yuwe whenever (yu + he [see 

9]) 24.4 

yuwi nt before 178.25 
hats E yu always (hats + yu [see 


halt! now lo.6 

mandj already (used for the 

purpose of expressing the 

past tense) 20.1 

tE ma at the same time 17.3 

tl x tse to-day 19.9 

Jcwl yal now 9.1 

1 E ai wa while (Is + aiwa; the arti 
cle is prefixed here for the 
sake of emphasis) 




[BULL. 40 

106. Modal Adverbs 

a yu sure, enough 16.2 
yu very, very much 11.5 
haltfyu (halt! + yu) too 

wandj, xwandj thus, that way 

68.16; 6.8 

ps lukwltc entirely 130.7 
ta u , ta so, such 52.16 
na a nt much, many 44.18 
m dtc a few, a little 68.17 
tso no both ways 6.2 
tsqe yixetc edgeways 
g l, g l kwa a little 36.6; 


M a s almost 20.19 
x u ,yux,yuxti k i hardly 28. 17 

xwe lixetc in a stooping position 


xpiye etc homewards 42.7 
txa nuxwltc sideways 38.10 
xtema atc crossways 64.28 
xno we right 44.9 
xd y l tcitc clear around it 128.18 
xqe li ltc slowly 60.7 
xLofqatc belly up and mouth open 


XLeye entc truly 148.1 
XLdwe entc wholly 44.17 
lai sama quickly, hurriedly 30.1 
I nuwl very, very much 15.6 
L E pe xetc belly side down 58.14 
Ldwe entc entirely 30.11. 

A number of purely local adverbs occur with the modal suffix, 
implying the modal character of a local idea. 

qa xantc upwards (literally, in the manner of up) 14.1 

qa notc outside 20.4 

qettc downwards 6.4 

yi qantc backwards 

lE xatc inside 62.8 

e hentc far off (compare e he he was gone 108.9) 26.23 

qa tUc down stream 54.1 

tsqai tc up stream 160.15 

The temporal phrase xteml towetc FROM THAT TIME ON 42.12 may also 
belong here, although the original stem is no longer recognizable. 

Whenever these modalized local adverbs are used in connection with 
verbs expressing motion or active ideas, they take the verbal suffix -e 
(see 55). 

dhentc sto u q far off he stood 

qa notc l%n tsxu outside we lay 

qdtc fix ttx down they two 

looked 14.2 

In e eke nice yixu me not you far 

away go 112.24 
qano tcail Llettc outside they went 

qe ltce tsi x tl Jie laq down right 

here it came 13.5 


PARTICLES ( 107-112) 
107. Introductory 

No formal distinction can be made between the stems that were 
termed u syntactic particles" (see 86-95), and the words treated 
in the following chapters. Both exhibit practically the same phonetic 
structure. There is, however, a vast difference between these two 
sets of words, which asserts itself in the grammatical use to which 
they are applied, and in the morphological treatment that is accorded 
to them. None of the syntactic particles can be clearly and definitely 
rendered when used independently ; or, in other words, the syntactic 
particles are capable of expressing concepts only in a complex of 
words. On the other hand, all particles proper express definite ideas, 
regardless of whether they are used independently or not. However, 
the most important point of distinction between syntactic particles and 
particles proper lies in the fact that the latter are capable of word 
composition. Hence all grammatical processes may be applied to 
them; and, as a matter of fact, the majority of them occur with a 
number of nominal and verbal suffixes. 

108. Pronominal Particles 

By means of these particles Coos expresses the ideas conveyed by 
our indefinite, interrogative, and relative pronouns. The following 
particles are employed for this purpose: 
w%t SOMEBODY is applied to persons only. It often exercises the 

function of a relative pronoun, and is then translated by WHO. 
In xwit la u k Wwfcta nobody that one can overtake 92.21, 22 
kwacb nlya wit lot hu u mik* she knew who it was that old woman 

d1 l l SOMETHING is applied to objects other than persons. It always 
follows the object to which it belongs. 

he mis dl l l qJfttd wfa big something I saw 62.21 

go u s di l l hanL ha wl everything will grow (literally, all something 

will grow) 9.3 

yu xwa, dVl gJc tto wit two things I saw 112.26, 27 
ntda ha dtil tti he laq animals arrived there (literally, something 

[that is] with legs [walkers] arrived there) 46.1, 2 
nL/pe ne dl l l ten. he laq birds arrived there (literally, something 

[that is] with wings arrived there) 46.2, 3 



dffi is very often abbreviated to I. 
k/weni f ya u l i^wilo^wat for some food I am looking 

(See also under lal, hot, p. 402.) 

By suffixing the interrogative suffix -u (see 73) to dl l l and vnt, 
two interrogative pronouns are obtained that may be rendered 
by WHAT and WHO respectively (see also p. 390). 

dtf lu he ts e wilo u wat what are you continually looking for? 54.3 
xvn tu tsVx tl yat who did it? 

wlctce takes the place of our interrogative pronoun. It always 
stands at the beginning of the sentence, and may be rendered 

wictce e dowa, ya which one do you want? 50.16 

It c WHICH occurs very rarely. It may be said to exercise the func 
tion of our relative pronoun. 

lie yu he mis whichever is the biggest (literally, which [is] very 

big) 30.21 
lie he nq!e fi ltse whichever had a handkerchief 70.19 

ALONE. This particle exercises the function of the reflexive 
pronoun in intransitive sentences. It is usually placed at the 
beginning of the sentence, and precedes the verb. It is then 
rendered by MYSELF, THYSELF, etc. (see also p. 400). 

la u L E an alone they went down into the water 36.18 
% nlEx ifrc E a lctet alone I work, I myself work 
inlEx Ldwa kats alone he lived 106.24 

This particle occurs sometimes as mlsxa ma or inlsxa Tia. These 
forms frequently precede verbs having reciprocal suffixes. 

mlsxa na la u hu^mfeisti m the} marry one another 12.5 
inlExa Wla fax ya lanl they two speak to each other 
iniExa nd lin to u sisa m we are hitting one another 

When used in connection with possessive pronouns, % nlEX assumes 
the function of a reflexive possessive pronoun, and may be 
rendered by MY (THY) OWN. 

tyha ux ts tyyixa wEx I build my own house 

a i^ha ux ts nyixa wEX I build my own house 


109. Numeral Particles 

I Jfl BOTH, go u s ALL, hE ma ALL, denk EACH, EVEET, and yEai 
ANOTHER, may be called numeral particles. hE ma is used to 
indicate plurality of the object, and immediately follows the 
verb, while go u s precedes the verb and usually denotes plurality 
of the subject (see 18). 

go u s -wandj il Lla xEm they all that way talk 50.9, 10 

xgo u s ma la u J&waaf niyaha ya all people came to know it 102.29 

T^lc itl-wita hE ma I overtook them all 

alqsa ya hE ma he is afraid of them all 

denk klwl lis every night 82.9 

halt! y^ai 1 x ne x tits qa xantc now another one jumped upwards 

76.3, 4 
halt! yEai ma Lowi tat now another man runs 78.28 

I k l expresses the idea of duality in both subject and object of the 

I fcl to hits he hit both of them 114.4 
e qe i Jc 1 dead (are) both 120.5 
Ik l fa tda at both walked 120.19 

110. Conjunctions 

Coos has a number of stems that must be classed as conjunctions. 
The following may be regarded as such: 

Ms also hats just 

ta and tso now, then 

i when, as, since, while 

his and ta serve as copulas between nouns and sentences. 

his xa c E a lctet also she is working 22.26, 27 

kwaa nlyahaf ya lax ha Late his lax efnatc his lax e Jc u Latc (they) 

came to know it, her elder brother, also her mother, also her 

father 86.22, 23 
sqats ta tdwale tc L. xant he caught and into the fire he threw him 


i connects subordinate clauses with the principal clause. 

a ya ft iluwe x tcis i la u lk!wa k u IE xa a p he was tired (waiting), 

while it was running down, the water 17.3, 4 
laqtso u wat i.djl he waited, as he came 118.9, 10 
i la u sqats la u xdhi ye la u Id when one seizes it, it belongs to him 

(literally, when that one seizes it, that one becomes he [to 

whom] that thing belongs) 92.22 



hats serves to introduce a new idea. It was conventionally rendered 
by JUST, although it hardly conveys the idea expressed by our 
English word. 

Lqa at % tdwa letc kwi nait. Hats kwa mi la IE wa wa i la? xai la 
he opened his mouth, as into the fire he looked. Just like a 
liver the little girl as she became warm 108.24, 25 

afyu I nuwl tdttl yat JIE tdwdl. Hats yMqax qa qal IE swal surely, 
she built a big fire. Just right away fell asleep the bear 
100.27, 28 

hats . . . hats is usually rendered by AS SOON AS. Hats prefixed 
to the adverb yu VERY forms a new adverb, hats E yu, which was 
invariably rendered by ALWAYS (see 105). 

tso indicates a syntactic division with a continuation of the same 
thought. It was translated by NOW. 

"haml Lan ni k m nwiio u wat" wdndj L/d xsm IE hu u milc . Tso 
afyu tsd yux u mi k e sqats " (please) for wood I will look," thus 
said the old woman. Now, surely, a small basket she took 102.3, 


mitsisl ya lal hu u mik IEX swal, tso aso sqats hat hu u m%k IEX swal 
knew that old woman the bear, now again he seized that old 
woman, the bear 102.21, 22 

tso eFVltafmi tso hanL e ilx when I tell you, then you shall look 
(literally, now I tell it to you, now shall you look) 17.2, 3 

111. Interjections 

a nta LOOK, BEHOLD! It is always placed at the beginning of the 

a nta te 1 tl ye nd laq look! here (are) your arrows! 22.28 
a nta Jc Uo witE behold, see it! 94.25 

td l the greeting formula of the Coos. It was rendered by HALLOO. 

to! I sla halloo, cousin! 44.3 

ta l HEX a la halloo, my child! 28.21 

112. Miscellaneous Particles 

1 n NOT, a particle of negation. The particle of affirmation is En. This 
is, however, rarely used, being supplanted by the syntactic par 
ticle il SURELY (see p. 388). 

In k VLoHs he did not find it 22.18, 19 

fix In kwaa mya they two did not know it 22.9, 10 

(See also 9.) 
SS 111-112 


qantc PLACE, WHERE. 

qantc lsla u lad yam, la u his xa tcl la wherever they went, he also 

there went 22.17, 18 

nkwaafnlya qantc I know where (it is) 80.14 
go u s qantc everywhere 46.22 
In qantc k i r LO u ts nowhere he found it 

ml latc TIME. It is used mostly in connection with the numerical 
particle go u s, and is then rendered by ALWAYS. 

go u s vni latc L/a xEm always he is talking 14.5, 6 
miflatcu hanL e wu txe when will you return? (literally, time, 
question, shall, you come back) 28.3, 4 

tCltC MANNER, KIND, WAY, MODE (see also p. 390). 

go u s tcltc U ali canl all kinds of (games) they are playing 30.25 
tcltc he Ldwet wat whatever he is eating (habitually) 
U in tcltc tsxau wat they can not kill her (literally, they [have] 
no way [to] kill her) 80.24 

a watu WHETHER OR NOT. This particle is very rarely used. 

a watu ndjl I may or may not come 

a watu In tsi x tl he laq (they) may or may not come here 90.15 

113. The Stem Itse ts 

Morphologically speaking, it is a verbal stem Its-, transitivized by 
means of the suffix -ts, but its application covers such a wide range 
of different ideas that each of them will have to be enumerated 

(1) It is used as an expletive particle with a significance that adapts 
itself to the sense of the sentence. 

In kwee nlyem Itse ts he tt na a ntEs no one knew how many they 
were (literally, they [indefinite] not know it. what [was] their 
number) 78.2 

ysai Lfta ltc nltse ts in another country I stay 26.8, 9 

xtcl tcu Itse ts KE noPsk i ll what is the matter with the Big Woman 

ttse ts yVlc u U la u henl yess him Lowa kats he may have been sit 
ting there for a long time 40.14 

Jcwaa nlya xtcltc hanL IE Its&m he knew what was going to happen 
(the -em in ItsZm is the indefinite subject suffix [ 30]) 26.19, 20 

ttx In kwaafnlya qantc ha u Itsem they two did not know where he 
was 22. 9, 10 

In hanL tcltc Itsem to you nothing will happen 66. 5 



(2) When the transitive suffixes, other than -&, are added to it, its 
significance is clearly verbal. 

yi kwanL xtcitc nltsitsl wat I wonder what I shall do with it 86.8 
yifkwanL xtdtc xwin eFltsitsa mi I wonder what we two shall do 

with you, how we two shall keep you 24.3, 4 
xtcl tcu e*ltsitd u wat tl ye wix l lis how did you get that your 

food? 64. IT, 18 
In kwee nlyem wtwtc U I tsetu no one knew what became of them 

52.1, 2 

114. Verbs as Adjectives 

The use of verbs as adjectives is confined to a few sporadic instances. 
These verbs are, as a rule, intransitive, although they occur with the 
transitive suffix -. (See also 117.) 

IkwVllt ha u yixu me she travels blazing (red-hot) (Jkwtt- to burn) 

24.18, 19 
Ikwifllt tsaxa lisEtc la u ld f q u tits by means of red-hot pebbles she 

boiled it 102.6 

Whether the phrases paa hlt IE yixd wEX THE HOUSE is FULL, 
g img i mU IT is RAINING, belong here, is a problem which is hard 
to decide, although the psychological relation between these examples 
and those quoted above is not inconceivable. 

115. Nouns as Qualifiers 

Substantives are often used to qualify other nouns. In such cases 
the qualifying noun always precedes the qualified substantive, and 
both nouns retain their nominal character. 

dl loL of la a young boy (literally, a young male child) 60.2 
hu^m/ik ma Ldwa kats there lived an old woman (literally, an old 

female being) 100.20, 21 
to miL dd mil tsxu an old man lay (literally, an old male man) 

tsaya ne t% f mUl le ux htf me their (dual) little children were boys 

(literally, little male children) 42.16 

116. Vocabulary 

All Coos stems are either monosyllabic or polysyllabic (mostly 
bisyllabic). Monosyllabic stems consist of a vowel followed by one 
or two consonants, of one or two consonants followed by a vowel, or 
of consonants, vowel, and consonants. Some of the bisyllabic stems 
that are found in the language have been expanded by means of 
grammatical processes (see 4, 84). 





Examples of monosyllabic stems: 

ai w - to kill (many) 58.8 
a w - to quit 14.4 
etk - to be among 46.13 
ttx- to look 14. 2 
&l- to tell 7.8 
tin- to set up 34.23 
ha*- to gamble 38.23 
hu- to be ready 19.3 
pa a - to fill 15.7 
sqa- to seize 10.4 
Lqa- to believe 28.13 
tsxa u - to kill (one) 14.7 
ysq- to run away 36.19 
yoq- to split in two 7.3 
win- to wade 58.2 

Examples of polysyllabic stems: 

e he to be gone 38.15 
yi xux u - to have, to carry 54.12 
wu txe to come back 28.4 
ha Jc u t- to leave 30.8 
sitstfn- to go and see 9.7 
Mid*- to see 6.5 

hale- to crawl 32.10 
ha u p- to tear off 58.14 
pin- to shake 58.24 
mil- to swim 24.27 
t&t- to enter 22.29 
tdl- to be ashamed 
k!al- to shout 24.22 
wing- to weave, to pile 18.1 
rnmtc- to ask 62.15 
tsimx - to fasten 46.7 
k imst- to pick 17.1 
fkwlL- to follow 9.9 
tqanL- to strike 28.1 
tqa*L- to put a belt on 28.22 

hwi na- to look 6.4 
aJca nak to stick out 42.1 
Itisil- to recognize 30.28 
yixu me to travel 10.3 
Wk fae to stand 62.22 

With the exception of the terms of relationship, the nouns indicat 
ing parts of the body, and all other words of a denominative character, 
the Coos stems are neutral and receive their nominal or verbal 
character through the suffixes. 

sto u q- to stand 20.4 
L!O- to speak 9.3 
L/Jia- to put on 28.22 
lo wak u lightning 18. 5 

stowa qwis wall 90.18 
L/e y%s language 14. 5 
L/ahafwas clothes 110.3 
lo kwit it lightens 18. 8 

In a few instances nouns have been formed by reduplication or 
duplication of a neutral stem. 

tqaiL- to put around 28.22 

tco u - to jump 

Lxat- to chop wood 26.16 

pux u - to spout 

Wp- to paint 

arm- to be on top 

yim- to twinkle 

qa f tqaiL belt 28. 22 
tco xtcox rabbit 60. 23 
xa Lxat ax 

pu u xpux u a spout 30. 25 
li plvp paint 
x i nx in saddle 
yi myim eyelash 



117. Structure of Sentences 

The structure of the Coos sentence is very simple, owing chiefly to 
the fact that in the absence of incorporation, subjects, objects, and 
predicates are expressed by means of independent words. No strict 
rules can be laid down for the consecutive order in which the differ 
ent parts of a sentence occur. It may, however, be said in a most 
general way, that all adverbial ideas precede the verb, and that the 
subject of the sentence tends to appear at the very end, especially in 
subordinate clauses. The object may either precede the verb or 
follow it. 

Tcwile LeHc tsxu lot to mfa in the sweat-house was resting that old 

man 28.11, 12 

ylxd wExetc la IE hu u mis into the house went the woman 
IEX tsfyna hEtc L/dts IE mafqaL with the thunder-language spoke 

the crow 
xwdndj u lu nas TIE tsd yux u lafniJc this is the name (of) the small 

river 46.10, 11 
sqats IE hu u mis IEX swal seized the woman the grizzly bear 

102.21, 22 

ma wwn wutxal yat a person we two brought home 128.8, 9 
tytd hUs IE dl lol I hit the young man 

Nominal attribute complements precede the noun. When following 
the noun, they assume a predicative function. 

tsd yux u lafnfbk a small river la nik tsafyux u the river is small 
he mis yixd wEX the big house yfaa wEX he mis the house is big 
xd ms ma a sick person md xd ms the person is sick 

No formal distinction is made between coordinate and subordinate 
clauses, nor is the succession of the parts of speech changed in dif 
ferent types of sentences. Subordinate clauses may precede the 
principal clauses whenever the occasion requires it. Subordinate 
clauses are distinguished by means of conjunctions that are placed 
at the beginning. 

fci Lo u ts IE gs md IEX dl lol % la u hi m he laq the young man found 

the kamass when he arrived there 
i la u tsxu IE hu u mis k ilo wit IE yufml as the woman lay (there) 

she saw the stars 


118. Idiomatic Expressions 

An exhaustive discussion of the Coos idiomatic expressions is lim 
ited a priori by the scope of the present work. Consequently only 
the most salient features of this phase of the language will be pointed 
out in this chapter. 

Perhaps the most striking examples of idiomatic phraseology are 
found in the manner of expressing verbal concepts, like IT GROWS, IT 
FILLS UP, IT RUNS, etc. These ideas are expressed in Coos by means 
of a phrase which consists of the verbal stem TO GO or TO RUN and of 
the abstract derivative of the particular verbal concept preceded by 
the sign of possession u (see 97). 

hd wl he grew up 64.12 la u ha u we JIE tdcl mil the spruce- 

tree grew up (literally, goes its 
growth [of] the spruce-tree) 

la u ha u we le ux ha wis L/td their 
(dual) ready land began to grow 
(literally, goes its growth [of] 
their [dual] ready land) 8.10, 11 

x i lwis deep asi L la u x Uuwlfye IEX ya bas the 

maggots went halfway deep 
(literally, halfway went its 
depth [of] the maggots) 40.12 

paa- to fill la u paa wss IE xd a p the water is 

filling up (literally, goes its full 
[mark of] the water) 44.17 

x in- to run nle hl la u x na ot with it he ran 

(literally, with it went his swift 
ness) 42. 8 

la u x na at JIE cx wil the bear 
ran (literally, went his quick 
ness [of] the bear) 

mil- to swim djl u mi le [it] swam [towards her] 

(literally, came its swimming 
[motion of]) 86.3 

hamL- to float la u hamLaLd was lal tsa yux u L/td 

that small piece of land kept 
floating (literally, went its [con 
ception of] floating [of] that 
small place) 46.10 




[BULL. 40 

Another idiomatic expression worth while mentioning is the manner 
in which our terms THERE is, THEY ARE, are expressed. The Coos 
subject of such a sentence is either the noun qa yis WORLD or m&n 
PEOPLE, which are invariably preceded by the sign of possession (see 

tc!l- to be dry tdll u qafyfo there was low tide 

(literally, dry its [condition of 
the] world) 18.6 

In tc/le xEm u qa y%s there is no 
low tide (literally, not dry its 
[condition of the] world) 15.8 

ni k in wood, tree 26.25 Jc /dm Jc m u qa yis there were no 

trees (literally, without trees its 
[appearance of the] world) 8.7, 8 
nwa waLa u qa yis there was a 
spider (literally, with spider its 
[condition of the] world) 30.3 
nlo we u qa yis there was such a 
thing (literally, with that thing 
[was as] its [asset the] world) 

qaicb nis Jcwee ti u mln they were 
living in a small place (literally, 
a small place [had as] their liv 
ing [place the] people) 50.7 
qak elerii we u men they began to 
shout (literally, began their 
shouting [act, of the] people) 

tci ti k ineumZn they were stand 
ing there (literally, there [the] 
standing [place was of] people) 


wa waL spider 

Id that thing 32.10 

kwee ti many live 

k!al- to shout 

ti k ine many stand 

To the same group of idiomatic expressions belong phrases like I 


HEAVY, etc. The verb of such phrases in Coos is always the stem la 
TO GO, which is preceded by the attributive complement amplified by 
means of the modal suffix -tc (see 36). Consequently such a phrase, 
literally translated, means INTO A STATE OF . . . i (THOU, HE . . .)GO. 

Iqa- to be hungry 
PL!- to be heavy 

Iqatc nla I am getting hungry 
la he is getting heavy 


A very peculiar expression, though by no means confined to Coos 
alone, is the manner of forming sentences that have dual subjects. 
Such sentences present two possibilities. Either both subjects are 
actually expressed, or only one is indicated while the other is under 

1. In sentences where one subject is understood, duality of subject 
is indicated in Coos by using the verb in its dual form, followed imme 
diately by the (expressed) subject. 

yixd wexEtc ux wu txe hdl to infa into the house they two returned 
(the whale and) that old man 30.15, 16 

tso a yu tcl ux la, IE umd catc now, surely, there they two went 
(he and) the grandmother 66.19 

yi xen qaliml ye tsi I nta ux la Id hu u mis one morning just hunt 
ing they two went (he and) his wife 110.26 

a yu tcl uxla IE tek itsffnatc surely, there they two went (she and) 
the granddaughter 80.15, 16 

2. If both subjects are expressed, it will be found that, in addition 
to the dual form of the verb, the dual pronoun is placed before either 
one or both subjects. 

hi ril hanL ux tila qai IE u mdc ux pkak there shall they two live 
(namely) the grandmother (and the) grandfather 68.28 

wdndj La ux kwee rilyem ts ux tsn na ux md qaL thus only they 
two are known, that Thunder (and) Crow 19.10, 11 

In a few instances a similar treatment has been found in sentences 
with plural subjects. 

yixd wExetc U la IE dd mil into the house they went (the two 

women and) the man 128.7 
tsi U huwe ltsem IE hu u mw just they got ready (he and) the (two) 

women 130.17, 18 

The last idiomatic formation worth mentioning here is the manner 
of expressing comparison of adjectives in accordance with the three 
degrees, the positive, the comparative, and the superlative. 

A comparative statement in the positive degree is expressed b}^ means 
of a whole sentence in which the adjective is treated as a noun appear 
ing with the nominal suffixes -ES, -tss (see 57), or -lye, -dye (see 
p. 376), and is placed between the subject and object with which it is 
compared. The sentence is invariably introduced by means of the 
conjunction hfis ALSO (see 110); and its comparative character is 
3045 Bull. 40, pt. 212 27 118 


further indicated by the use of the modal adverb to, ta u , so, SUCH 
(see 106), which immediately follows the subject of the sentence. 

his ty ne ta nhethe tess tE e ne I am as rich as you are (literally, 

also I such I [have] wealth [as] this you) 
his gfne ta Tixd nisES IE e ne I am as sick as you are 
his ty ne ta u ills yitEs tE e ne I am as good as you are 
his n ne ta u nJie mistES IE e ne I am as tall as you are 
his xd ta xwd wiye IE e ne he is as light as you are 
Ms xd ta u pdL fd ye IE e ne he is as heavy as you are 
his ts Id nik ta u x lluwi ye tE baltl mis that river is as deep as 

that ocean 

In many instances the abstract noun expressing the adjective con 
cept is repeated after the object, in which case the object (and also 
the subject) assumes the function of a possessive pronoun (for pro 
nominal subjects and objects) or of a genitive case (for nominal objects 
and subjects). 

his ty ne ta tyqaine ES Wye qaine ss I am as cold as you are (liter 
ally, also [of] me such [is] my cold [condition as is] your cold 

his e?ne ta ye ne uf qldna tEs tE hen ne u qldna tss you are as young 
as 1 am (literally, also [of] thee such [is] thy youth [as is] that 
my youth) 

The comparative degree is expressed by means of a sentence in which 
the adjective is used in its simple form, while the object is indicated 
by the use of the instrumental suffix -stc (see 70). There is a 
marked tendency to place the object at the beginning of the sentence. 

ye nditc ^Is yl I am better than you are (literally [as compared], 
with you I [am] good) 

hexd itc tyldyi I am better than he is 

tyne itc e qaL you are taller than I am 

xd nne itc tsd yux u he is smaller than I am 

xwin ti mill y ne itc we two are stronger than you are 
The superlative degree may be expressed in two ways. Either the 
numeral particle go u s ALL (see 109), amplified by means of the 
adverbial suffix -Etc (see 70), is placed before the simple form of 
the adjective; or else the nominalized adverb ila liatcEm (see 58, 
104) is used for that purpose. 

xgo^sitc tils yl I am the best of all (for the use of the prefix x- 

see 24) 

ts$ te ka po xgd u sitc pL/is this here is my heaviest coat 
xd ila JiatcEm he TTiis hethe te he is the biggest chief 
xdlla hatcEm to miL md L/ta yasitc he is the oldest man in the 




tJx 1 sla tclm. 2 La u3 il 4 kwee ti. 5 La u3 I k I 6 ux 1 nhu u ma k e- 

They cousins (were) These they lived These both they two with wives 

two mutually. together. 

he. 7 I k I 6 tsaya ne 8 le ux 9 ti mili 10 hP me. 11 Yi xen 12 qaliml ye 13 

are. Both small their (dual) male beings children. Once morning it got 

tsi 14 witcwehe x tci 15 la 16 a la. In 17 he mye 18 xa nis 19 la 16 a la. 

just sick it is his child. Not a long time sick his child. 

Tsi 14 hats 20 lEqa u wE 21 la 16 a la. Xanana ya 23 la 16 a la, i 23 la u3 

Merely just died his child. Sorry (it) makes his child, when that 

him (feel) one 

lEqa u wE. 21 Tso 24 il 4 aqana ya. 35 Helmi his 26 In 17 Lo wiyam. 27 

died. Now they buried it. Nezt day not (he) eats. 

La u3 maha eVat 28 IE 29 a la. Heci/Lentc 30 qaliml ye 13 la u3 

That is looking after it the child. Four times at morning it got that 

one frequently one 

laata ya 31 la 16 sla atc. 2 "E 32 tcine henl. 33 Ta I 34 sla! 35 Xtcftcu 38 

went to him his cousin. "Thou thinking art. Halloo, cousin! How 

1 Personal pronoun 3d person dual (18). 

2 sZa- COUSIN; -ate suffix of relationship ( 65); -inl distributive ( 72, 11, 7). 

a Demonstrative pronoun ( 100). 

4 Personal pronoun 3d person plural ( 18). 

Plural stem (51). 

6 Numeral particle ( 109). 

7 n- WITH ( 21); Mwn&k-e WIVES ( 78); -e auxiliary ( 44, 10, 7). 

8 Plural formation ( 78). 

9 Possessive pronoun 3d person dual (98). 

10 Plural formation ( 78, 115). 
" Plural formation ( 78). 

ONE ( 101); -en multiplicative ( 75). 
- MORNING; -lye transitional ( 35). 

1 4 Restrictive particle (94). 

15 witcwahaxtc- SICK; -I neutral intransitive suffix ( 81, 7) 
i fi Possessive pronoun 3d person singular ( 98, 7). 

i 7 Particle of negation ( 112). 

l *henl- A WHILE; -lye transitional ( 35, 9). 

i 9 zan- SICK; -is nominal (56). 

Conjunction (110). 

21 Singular stem (51). 

**xan- SICK; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun ( 50, 7). 

"Conjunction WHEN, AS, SINCH, WHILE ( 110). 

"Conjunction ( 110). 

Keqe DEAD; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun ( 50, 7). 

u helml TO-MORROW; -Is ordinal ( 74, 10). 

v LOU- TO EAT; -am ( 55). 

2a maha- TO WATCH; -eiwat frequentative ( 33). 

29 Definite article (17). 

^he ctiL FOUR; -entcis ordinal multiplicative ( 76). 

31 la- TO GO; -t transitire ( 26); -dya non-active object pronoun ( 47), 

32 Personal pronoun 2d person singular ( 18). 
**tcine- TO THINK, -enl verbal ( 45, 10). 
"Interjection (111). 

Vocative ( 65). 

- modal (24); tcltc particle ( 112); -u interrogative ( 73). 



ye* 37 iluwe x tcis, 38 katVmisen 39 qaliml ye 13 uL 40 wu txe ten 41 a/la." 

thy heart, five times morning it gets should return that my child." 

Wandj 42 Lla xEm. 43 "In 17 hel 44 sla. 35 Hats 20 e 32 qla mtsam! 45 

Thus talking "Not surely cousin. Just thou eat! 


La u3 ni wets hanL 46 ye 37 iluwe Hcis." 38 Wandj 42 Pit. 47 

That happy will (be) thy heart." Thus (he) told 

one it to him. 

Tso 24 qats 48 I nlye 49 tcitc 42 u 50 iluwe Hcis. 38 Hats 20 wandj 42 

Now still no more manner his heart. Just thus 

tcine henl. 33 "E 32 Lalaha mi 51 hanLel." 52 A yu 53 In 17 yu 54 

thinking (he) is. "Thee get even with, shall surely." Surely not very 

I thee 

he nlye 18 a yu 53 witcwehe Hd 15 la 16 a la. In 17 he niye 18 

long time surely sick it is his child. Not long time 

xa nis. 19 Mandj 55 lEqa u wE. 21 He kwalnta 56 u 50 iluwe Hcis, 38 

sick. Already (it) died. Very bad his heart 

i 23 la u3 lEqa u wE 21 la 16 a la. A yu 53 cill ye 57 IE 29 wandj 42 

when that died his child. Surely indeed he thus 

one it was 

Lia xEm, 43 i 23 la u3 dowa ya 58 wu txe la 16 a la. Tso 24 a yu 53 

talking when that wants ft (to) return his child. Now surely 

condition one 

tci 59 la. "Ta l 34 sla! 35 A yu 53 cuL 60 wutxa xa 61 Eit 62 

there (he) "Halloo, cousin! Surely ought (to) return singly about to 


te is 63 a la. Kat E rnisen 39 qalimi ye 13 ux 1 wu txe hanL 46 te is 63 

this our child. Five times morning it gets they return shall these our 

(dual) two (dual) 

a la." Wandj 42 Pit. 47 "In 17 hel 44 sla! 35 Hats 20 hanL 46 

children." Thus (he) told "Not surely cousin! Just shalt 

it to him. 

e 32 q!a mtsam! 45 La u3 ni wets hanL 46 ye 37 iluwe Hcis." 38 Wandj 42 

thou eat! That happy will (be) thy heart." Thus 


Lla xEm. 43 "Qaiku 64 ux 1 wutxa xa 61 Eit 62 te is 63 h^ me, 11 ta 65 

talking "(I) thought they return singly about to these our children, and 

condition. two (dual) 

w Possessive pronoun 2d person singular ( 98). 

HEART (?); -is nominal ( 56). 

FOUK; -en multiplicative (75). 
Syntactic particle denoting the optative (91). 
41 Possessive pronoun 1st person singular ( 98). 
Modal adverb (106). 
KL. ci- TO SPEAK; -xEm generic ( 30). 

44 Syntactic particle denoting degree of certainty ( 88, 7). 
7. m- TO EAT; -ts transitive ( 26); -am ( 55, 11). 
46 Syntactic particle (87). 
*iiH- TO TELL TO; -t transitive (26). 
8 Syntactic particle ( 89). 
<9 In NOT; -lye transitional (35). 
M Sign of possession (97). 

81 Lala- TO GET EVEN WITH; -ami transitive subject and object pronoun i THEE ( 46, 10). 
K hanL SHALL; U SURELY ( 87, 88, 7). 
w Modal adverb (106). 
"Modal adverb (106). 
66 Temporal adverb ( 105). 

66 Syntactic particle ( 93); ta so [literally, VERILY, NOT so] ( 106). 

67 cil syntactic particle (90); -lye transitional ( 35). 

K dow- TO WISH, TO DESIRE; -aya non-active object pronoun ( 47). 

w Local ad verb (104). 

"Syntactic particle ( 90, 91). 

61 Reduplicated stem wutxe TO COME BACK (83). 

z Syntactic particle (87). 

63 Possessive pronoun inclusive, dual ( 98). 

84 Syntactic particle denoting degree of knowledge ( 88). 

Conjunction (110). 


qats 48 la u3 en 66 dowa ya 58 xwandj. 67 He i68 hanL 46 yiqa 69 In 17 

however that thou didst want thus. (Emphatic) shall still not 

thing not it 

wutxa xa 61 Eit 62 yanLawe 70 ma lEqa u wE, 21 nayim 71 en 66 dowa ya 58 

return singly going to whenever beings die, because thou not didst want 


xwandj. 67 Xnowe 72 i 23 cil 57 tE 73 xwandj 67 e 32 I lta is." 74 Wandj 42 

thus. Right when indeed that thus thou didst tell it Thus 

there to, thou me." 

tcine hem. 33 Ma 75 xnowe 72 lEla u3 wandj 42 Pit. 47 Kat E misen 39 

thinking (he) is. However right that s thus (he) told it Five times 

(the thing) to him. 

qatfmi ye 13 uL 40 wutxa xa 61 Eit, 63 yuL 76 xwandj 67 Llats. 77 LE>! uL, 40 

morning it should return singly going if thus speak. Good would 

gets to should be 

yuL 76 kat E misen 39 qalimi ye 13 wutxa xa 61 Eit 62 hE 29 ma lEqa u wE. 21 

if five times morning it return singly inten- the people die. 

should gets tion (who) 

Tso 24 yiqai m 78 hela qaxEm. 79 Wandj 42 hatctleni yeqEm. 80 

Now so far it got (the story). Thus the story is being told. 


Once upon a time there were two cousins. They lived together. 
They were both married, and each had a little boy. One morning one 
of the boys became sick. He was not sick long before he died. The 
father felt sorry when the child died. Then they buried it. 

The next day he (the father of the dead boy) could not eat. He was 
merely looking at the dead child. On the fourth day he went to his 
cousin. "Halloo, cousin! What do you think? Should my child re 
turn after five days?" "Oh, no, cousin!" answered the other one. 
u You simply eat, and you will feel happy." He did not know what 
to answer. He was merely thinking to himself, "I will certainly get 
even with you." 

After a short time the other man s child became sick. It was not 
ill very long before it died. The father was very much grieved when 
his child died. He therefore went to his neighbor and said to him, 
"Halloo, cousin! I think oar two children ought to return. They 
ought to come back after five days." But the other man answered, 

"c 8 THOU ( 18) ; In NOT ( 112, 9). 

MX- modal ( 24); wandj THUS ( 106). 

es Syntactic particle ( 93). 

w Syntactic particle ( 89). 

yanL IF (future)( 91); he CUSTOMARILY ( 87). 

71 Syntactic particle ( 89). 

72 x- modal (24); ndwe ALL EIGHT. 

7 3 Demonstrative pronoun ( 100). 

74 IH- TO TELL, -t transitive ( 26); -ais transitive subject and object pronoun ( 46). 

"Syntactic particle ( 89). 

76 Particle denoting the optative ( 91). 

77 L/a- TO SPEAK; -ts transitive ( 26). 

M Adverb (104). 

79 helaq TO ARRIVE; -xEm generic ( 30 4 : . 11). 

/ STORY; -enl verbal ( 45, 11); -iyeqEm passive ( 40). 


"Oh, no, cousin! You just eat and you will feel happy again. I 
had intended that our dead children should come back, but you did 
not wish it that way. And now, whenever people die, they will not 
come back, because you objected to it. You were right when you 
spoke against it." 

He was justified in thus addressing him. People would have come 
back after five days if he had originally consented to it. It would 
have been good if the dead people could come back. Here the story 
ends. In this manner people relate this story. 

Nma henet 1 tE 2 Llta. Go u s 3 tcitc 4 ii mx ne 15 ma. 

With people it that land. All kinds mixed up (they (the) 

" eings. 

(mutually) was there were) mutually beings. 

Jl 6 k latclwal. 7 Il 6 k !axa a p. 7 I 8 d! 1 ! 9 ii 6 Lowe^wat 10 

They without fire. They without water. When something they eat frequently 

Eit, 11 la u3 ft 6 Llpeqaqa e wat. 12 Xle itc 13 t a lats. 14 La u2 

intend, that they in the arm-pits to be, With it with (they) dance. Those 

thing cause it frequently. 

tEmii Le 15 ma la u2 tciicila e wat 18 he. 11 Tso 8 he 11 pi ctci, 17 

old people that cause it to be under- custom- Now custom- warm it 

thing ueath, frequently arily. arily gets, 

tso 8 he 11 la u2 qlmits. 18 Yuwe 19 qa lyeq Ll le, la u2 he 11 il 6 

now custom- that (they) eat. Whenever salmon comes they are usually they 

arily thing out, the ones 

LtLle^yat. 20 Wandj 21 yuxtik 21 he ll 22 Lowa was. 23 La u2 

scoop it out. That way barely their food. That 


skweyem yeqEm 24 IB 25 tclwal. "Xtcl tcu 26 UL, 27 yuL 27 la u2 lin 28 

it is talked about the fire. "How would if that we 

it be, should thing 

in- adverbial ( 21); ma PEOPLE; -e auxiliary ( 44,10); ~n distributive ( 37,25); -t transitive 

2 Demonstrative pronoun ( 100). 
s Numeral particle ( 109). 
< Particle (112). 
*ltmx-- TO MIX; -nei distributive ( 37). 

Personal pronoun 3d person plural ( 18) 
ik: d- privative ( 20). 
sConjunction ( 110). 

e Pronominal particle ( 108). 

i<>o- TO EAT; -enuat frequentative ( 33,8). 

"Syntactic particle (87). 

l2 L. peq- TO BE IN ARM-PITS; -aeiwat frequentative causative ( 34); see also reduplicauon (83), 

"a;- instrumental (24); Particle (17); -Etc instrumental (70). 

f al- TO DANCE; -ts transitive ( 26). 

is Plural formation (78). 

utc. tctl MA.T; -aeiwat frequentative causative ( 34). 

17 ptctc- TO BB WARM; -I neutral intransitive ( 31). 

I8 q. m- TO EAT; -ts transitive ( 26). 

19 jm VERY ( 106); he CUSTOMARILY (87); see also 9. 

*>LtL. - TO SCOOP OUT; -iyat causative ( 27, 2). 

"Modal ad verb (106). 

82 Possessive pronoun 3d person plural ( 98), 

LO- TO EAT; -awas verbal abstract ( 59,8). 

u skw- TO TALK ABOUT; -enl verbal ( 45); -lyeqsm passive ( 40,9). 

* Article (17). 

MZ- modal ( 24) ; tcitc MANNER ( 112); -u interrogative (73). 

CT Syntactic particle (91). 

18 Personal pronoun 1st person plural ( 18). 


l a ata ya?" 29 "Tcl 30 hanL 31 1m 28 la." Tso 8 a yu 21 tcl 30 il 6 la. 

go to it?" "There shall we go." Now surely there they went. 

A yu 21 tc! 30 il 6 he laq. A yu 21 tclila at 32 tE 2 tclwal, i 8 il 6 

Surely there they arrived. Surely to burn it is that fire, when they 

caused there 

te Hits. 33 Hats 8 yiqax 34 k ilo wit 35 IE 25 xa a p. Lowa kats 36 

entered. Just right away (he) saw it the water. Sat 

tcl 30 IE 25 ma ha lqait. 37 Xta nuxwltc 38 Lowa kats. 36 "Ta I 39 

there the person (he) came to. Sideways (he) was sitting. "Halloo, 

sla! Is 40 ali canl 41 hanL." 31 Hats 8 kwa 42 In 4 klayaha e wat. 43 

cousin! We play shall." Just as if not (he) hears it. 


XpEkwi ltcume 44 Lowa kats. 36 Tso 8 he nlye, 45 tso 8 i lxats. 46 

From the opposite side (he) sat. Now (after) a while now (he) ooked 

at him. 

"Qanfya ta 47 e 48 hen ne u49 sla hitc 50 cantE?" 51 Wiindj 21 Llats. 52 

Stranger thou my cousin (surprise) (?) " Thus (he) spoke. 

"E 48 lEqa u wiya tanl 58 L." 54 "Ma 34 cku 42 e 48 hen 49 nlla hatcEm 55 

"Thou " storytell must." "But it must thou my at priority 


la ye 56 ha u/ we." 57 Tso s qats 34 Lle tc. He nlye 45 e he qano tca. 58 

goes thy growth." Now, however, (he) went Awhile (he) was outside. 

out. gone 

Tso 8 aso 59 te Hits. 33 "Ta i 39 sla! Anta 39 te 12 nl klwa 31 ye ne u56 

Now again (he) entered. "Halloo, cousin!" Look this used (to be) thy 


pl j l. TE 2 ye ne u56 pi 1 ! la u2 Lla nex. 60 TE 2 hen ne u49 pi 1 ! la u2 

Indian That thy Indian that (is) new. That my Indian that 

cradle. there cradle one there cradle one 

qa lex 61 ; ta 8 te 12 ni klwa 31 ye ne u56 na u hm, ta 8 te i2 nfklwa 31 

(is) old; and this used (to be) thy shinny-club, and this used (to be) 

here here 

* a la- TO GO; -t transitive ( 26); -dya non-active object pronoun ( 47). 

so Local adverb (104). 

si Syntactic particle ( 87). 

wtc. H- TO BUEN; -eet causative passive ( 41,7). 

^text- TO ENTER; -ts transitive ( 26). 

"Syntactic particle (89). 

Mk ilou- TO SEE; -t transitive ( 26,8). 

* s Lduku- TO SIT; -ts transitive ( 26,11). 

vhclq- TO ARRIVE; -t transitive ( 26,7,11). 

88^;- modal (24); tanuxu- SIDE; -lie modal (67,8). 

39 Interjection (111). 

<Personal pronoun inclusive, dual ( 18). 

aZCTOY; -eni verbal (45,7). 

"Syntactic particle (88). 

uk. ayaha- TO HEAR; -eiwat frequentative ( 33). 

x- locative ( 22); pskwll- OPPOSITE; -tc adverbial ( 25,104); -ume nominalizing ( 64). 

^henl- A WHILE; -lye transitional ( 35, 9) . 

* 6 ilx- TO LOOK; -is transitive ( 26). 


8 Personal pronoun 2d person singular ( 18). 

<9 Possessive pronoun 1st person singular (98). 

"Syntactic particle ( 90). 

61 Can not be analyzed. 

"i. ci- TO SPEAK; -ts transitive ( 26). 

MlEqauwiyatas STORY (compare IsqauwE TO DIE) ; -enl verbal ( 45,7). 

"Syntactic particle (92). 

"M- adverbial ( 21); lla BEFORE ( 104); -tc adverbial (25,103,10,7); -Em adverbial abstract ( 58). 

56 Possessive pronoun 2d person singular (18, 98) . 

vhau- TO GROW; -e ( 80); see also 8, 118. 

58 gcwd- OUTSIDE; -tc adverbial ( 25,104); -a directive ( 65). 

59 Temporal adverb ( 105). 

K L/an-NEW; -ex adjectival ( 66). 

ftqal- OLD (compare qalu WINTER); -ex adjectival (66). 



[BULL. 40 

hen ne u49 na u hin, 

my shinny-club, 

ta 8 te i2 m klwa 81 

and this used (to be) 

ni ldwa 31 hen ne u49 kwii sis. 62 Lla nex 60 

used (to be) my ball. New (is) 

te i2 hen ne u49 kwti sis. 62 Kwa 42 kwe 42 

this my ball. As if perhaps 


hitoHsa tExa. 63 

ye ne u5e kwa sis, 62 ta 8 

thy ball, and 

te i2 


ye ne u56 


kwii sis. 62 


Qa lex 

Old (is) 

yu 21 


In 4 


a yu 21 



TcI 3C 


TcI 3( 


(he) put them down for 

ii 65 


halti tEme 11 . 67 

gamble together. 

A yu 21 


Is 40 


"Yi kwanL 68 

"Perhaps shall 

k ilo wit. 35 

(he) saw it. 


e* 48 L5 u k u . 

thou sit down. 

all cam 41 


dPltcE tc 69 


i 8 


la u2 


Ll tEta 72 

IE 25 

puts (his) hands the 
behind (his) back 
(one of) 

yuL 27 wi yetc 

if would a piece of 
abalone shell 


na irrxqa 


L sla." 

must cousin." 

cili y e 64 sla. 

indeed cousin 
it is 

Tso 8 a yu 21 ux 66 

Now surely they 

70 Llaqa e wat, 71 

point my finger at 
him frequently, 

Tcine heni. 73 "Yi kiiL 7 * 

(He) is thinking. " Perhaps 

would be 

ham,." 81 



that I 

xtcitc 75 yuL 27 wi yetc nxwa lxwal 76 

in the if would a piece of in eye 

Lexa tcEin 79 haiiL 31 n 77 qa qal. Cin s 

Inside, the part shall I sleep. You 

n 77 Ll tEta." 72 Wandj 21 Lla xEm. 82 

I put (my hands) Thus talking, 


x Llowa e wat? 78 

cause it to be inside? 

behind (my) back." 

A yu 21 yiqa x 

Surely just 

34 wandj. 21 

that way. 


Tso f 


L!o x k imi is 81 hanL, 31 yanL 27 

support you me shall, if shall. 

Wandj 21 Pit 83 IE 25 ma nat. 

Thus (he) told the crowd. 

it to 

la u2 

a yu 21 LlaqaVwat, 71 f 8 

surely (he) points (the) finger when that 
at him, frequently one 

LltE ta. 72 

puts (his) 


(his) back. 

Itsem. 87 



A yu^yuxwa 109 ma Llo^ ine^wat, 84 Tcftcu 85 ^ 

Surely two persons support him steadily. How sur- things 

Xya bas 



ate up 

la 90 pi mris, 91 lit 90 

his anus, his 

ye es, la 

face, his 


tcul, la 90 

nose, his 

? ; -is nominal (56). 

^hitou- TO PUT DOAVX; -ts transitive (26); -tEx direct object pronoun plural (54); -a indirect object 
pronoun (49; see also 7). 

"ctl syntactic particle ( 90); -lye transitional ( 35). 
Syntactic particle (88). 
es Personal pronoun 3d person dual (18). 

vhai- TO GAMBLE; -t transitive ( 26); -t transitive ( 26); -men reciprocal ( 29; see also 4). 
8 j///:u syntactic particle ( 88); ham SHALL ( 87, 8, 9). 
*dli\ SOMETHING ( 108); -tc adverbial ( 25); -Etc instrumental (70). 
70 Personal pronoun 1st person singular ( 18, 98). 
KL. aqa- TO POINT AT; -eiwat frequentative (33). 
L. tEta TO PUT ONE S HAND BEHIND THE BACK (during a game). 
ntcin- TO THINK; -em verbal ( 45, 10). 
tiyiku PERHAPS ( 88); UL WOULD BE <; 91, 9). 
75 x- modal (24); talc particle ( 112). 
76 n- adverbial (21); xwalxwal EYE (83, 116). 
"Personal pronoun 1st person singular ( 18) . 

78 a; L/ow- TO BE INSIDE ( 54); -aeiwat frequentative causative ( 34, 8). 
v>lexatc INSIDE ( 104); -Em adverbial abstract ( 58). 
so Personal pronoun 2d person plural ( 18) . 

^Lloxk in- TO STEADY, TO SUPPORT; -dis transitive, subject and object pronoun THOU-ME ( 46). 
82 L. d- TO TALK; -xsm generic suffix ( 30). 
ssfiZ- TO SAY TO; -t transitive (26). 
s *L. 5xk-in- TO SUPPORT; -eiwat frequentative ( 33). 
tcUc particle ( 112); -u interrogative ( 73). 
86 Syntactic particle denoting surprise ( 90). 
8Jft- TO DO, TO BE ( 113); -lm suffix denning the subject ( 30). 
88 x- discriminative (23); yabas MAGGOT. 

89 2/ofc- MAGGOT; -t transitive ( 26); -ts transitive ( 26, 25); -a indirect object pronoun ( 49). 
80 Possessive pronoun 3d person singular (98). 
91 piltk-- ANUS; -is nominal ( 56). 


k u ha nas. His 8 Inlhem yeES 92 xya bas 88 qlmits. 18 La* 2 in 4 la u 2 

ears. Also (in) no time inaggots ate him. That not that 

one thing 

i lxats. 46 Hats 8 yi qa 34 tcl 30 Lowa kats. 36 Xyuxwa 93 ma 

(at) looked. Just continually there (he) sat. Two per 


L!o x k ine i/ wat 84 xpqai hltc. 94 Wfyax x Llowa e wat 78 Ian 95 

supoort him steadily from (the) back. Abalone shell (he) caused to be his in 


xwa lxwal. Lexa tcEm 79 qa qal. La u 2 qats 34 kwa 42 a yu 21 

eye. Inside, the part (he) slept.. That one just as if surely 

kwi nait. 96 Kite 50 wi yax IE 25 x LlI ye 97 Ian 95 xwa lxwal. Hats 8 

looked at it. Surprise abalone it inside it is his in eye. Just 


lii mak- Lowa kats. 36 Asi L 30 la u 98 x iluwl ye 99 IEX IO ya bas, i 8 

bones sitting. Halfway goes its growth (of) the inaggots, when 

la u 2 xya bas 88 Lowe 1 wat. 10 Itse ts 101 y iku 65 il 65 la u 2 hem y eES 92 

that the maggots eat him continually. May be surely he for some time 


hi nl 30 Lowa kats. 36 Tso 8 wandj 21 tcine heni. 73 "YikwanL 68 dfttcE tc 69 

there (he) sat. Now thus thinking. "Perhaps shall something 


tEn 70 Llaqa e wat?" 71 Hats 8 kwanL 102 in 4 30! 21 dPl 9 qaya u/ wlye, 103 

that I point my finger at Just as if not very something scared, 

him frequently? shall he becomes 

yuL 27 xle itc 13 n 77 Llaqa e wat." 71 Wandj 21 tcine heni. 73 Yi qa 34 In 4 

if would with it I point my fingers at Thus thinking. Still not 

with him frequently." 

i lxats 46 IE 25 ya bas; ma 34 ii 65 hats 8 la mak- sli/ne 1 . 10 * Yi qa 34 in 4 

(he) looked the maggots; how- surely just bones joined Still not 

at ever together. 

i lxats. 46 "Ci n 105 k elle^wat. 106 Gin 80 sqats hanL 31 tE 2 tclwfll, yanL 27 

(he) looked "You not forget it. You grab shall that fire, if shall 

at it. there 

lin 28 tqats. 107 La u2 his 8 tE 2 xa a p cin 80 x intfta 108 hanL." 31 

we win (game). That one also that water you cause it to run shall." 


Wandj 21 Lla xEin. 82 Yixe i/109 ma wandj 21 Lla xEm. 82 "NE xkan 110 

That way talking, One person that -way talking, "I 

condition. condition. 

hanL 31 la u2 n 77 x intl yat 111 tE 2 xa a p. Te i2 la u2 e 48 xintfyat 111 hanL 31 

shall (be) the I run, cause it that waterr This the you to run, cause it shall 
one there here one 

92 I/i negation ( 112) ; I abbreviated form of dUl ( 108); henlye A WHILE; -ES noun of quality (67). 

93 x- discriminative ( 23); yu xwii TWO ( 101). 

94 x- FEOM ( 22); pqai BACK; -lie local suffix ( 67, 10). 

y -la possessive pronoun 3d person singular ( 98); n- adverbial ( 21). 

S6 kwina- TO LOOK; -t transitive (26). 

97 X-L.I- TO BE INSIDE ( 54); -lye transitional ( 35). 

88 Sign of possession (97). 

"x-ilu- DEEP; -lye nominal suffix ( 80,8). 

10 IE article ( 17); x- discriminative ( 23). 

101 See 113. 

"vkiva AS IF ( 88); ham SHALL ( 87, 9). 

I03 qayau- TO BE AFRAID; -lye transitional (35, 8). 

i 4 sli- TO JOIN; -nei distributive (37). 

i 5 cin personal pronoun, 2d person plural (96); In NOT (see 9i). 

icfijfc-ej- TO FORGET; -e^wat frequentative (33); see 83. 

107 tq- TO WIN; -ts transitive ( 26). 

^x-Ent- TO RUN; -lyat causative ( 27); -a indirect object pronoun ( 49, 11). 

109 Cardinal numeral ( 101) . 

u Personal pronoun 1st person singular ( 96). 

"i x-Ent- TO RUN; -lyat causative ( 27). 



[BULL. 40 

tE 2 tclwal." 

that fire." 

Tso 8 xwandj 21 ! 1 ^. 83 

Now thus (he) told 

it to 

Kwi yal 112 


bait! 1 



he 11 


LltE ta." 72 Wand j 21 Pit. 83 "Yi kwanL 68 dl ltcE tc 

Thus (he) told "Perhaps shall something 

put (thy) 
hands behind 
(thy) back." 

"Hats 8 In 

"Just not 

it to 


tEn 70 

here I 

Llaqa e wat?" 71 

point the finger at 
him continually?" 


yu 21 


yuL 27 



dl l 9 


x-owa yasEtc 118 

snake with 

yu 21 

117 27 






la u2 


tclila at. 

to burn, it is 





qayawa waL. 115 Lo 116 L 

very scaring. That neces- 

thing sarily 

n 77 L&qa e wat." 71 K !atc!ha yims 

f point (my) finger at Without dying down that one 

him continually." (the fire) 

x owa yasEtc 118 L!a qat. 121 Lowitl yeqEm. 122 

snake with (he) pointed (He) is watching 

(the) finger himself. 

at him. 

X owa yas 


Itsern. 87 


be Iaq 


ban 123 

his at 

Ma 34 


IE 25 



dji letc xaTmats. 124 

thighs wraps around. 

126 In 4 k ilo wit. 35 

not (he) sees it. 


x owa yas. 


Han 123 

His to 



AkVnak 128 

Sticks out 

ban 123 tcul 

his in nose 

la u2 

he Uta hEX 129 

(the) tongue the 

la u2 te x tits 33 IE 25 

nose that one enter the 

k ilo wit. 35 Sl xits 132 

x owa yas. 


x owa yas 


Hats 125 kwa 42 xtcitc 7 

Just looks like something 

Han 123 we bel la u2 

His to waist that 


la u2 kwa 42 I nuwit. 127 

that one as if threatens 

(to go). 

Hats 8 ban 130 kwa 42 

Just will as if 

Qai x -qa yona ya, 131 i 8 

Afraid, (it) made him, when 


(he) saw it. 



la u2 


(He) shook it 

IE 25 


e^qatce. 133 

one side to. 

Nsqa ya. 134 

(He) ran away 


X i x inttt 136 

(It) is being taken 
away quickly 

x intl yat 111 Is 25 

(to) run, causes the 



from it. 

H^kwam 137 


Throw (indefinite) 
(People shout at him) 

xbu wis 138 




H^yu 139 


xtca r yux u138 




(he is) 



la u2 


" 2 Temporal adverb ( 105). 
us Temporal adverb ( 105). 
^Personal pronoun 2d person singular ( 96). 
usqayau- TO FEAR; -awaL nominal suffix ( 59). 
us Demonstrative pronoun ( 100) . 
"7 Syntactic particle (92). 
UB x-owdyas SNAKE; -Etc instrumental ( 70). 

"H- /a- privative ( 20); tc. ha- TO EXTINGUISH; -dyims nominal ( 80). 
.ni- TO BURN; -aat passive causative ( 41, 7). 

TO POINT AT WITH ONE S FINGER; -t transitive ( 26). 
122 louxt- TO WATCH; -lyeqEin passive ( 40, 3, 11). 
i23M possessive pronoun 3d person singular ( 98) ; n- adverbial ( 21). 
^xalin- TO WRAP AROUND; -ts transitive ( 26). 
^Conjunction ( 110). 
i26Temporal adverb ( 105). 

VERY, modal adverb ( 106); -t transitive (26). 
- TO STICK OUT ( 4). 
129 hE article (17); x- discriminative (23). 
iso Syntactic particle (87). 

isigayaw- TO SCARE; -anaya direct and indirect object pronoun ( 50, 3, 82). 
\32gix-- TO SHAKE OFF; -ts transitive ( 26). 
iss Local adverb ( 104, 103, 55). 

u*nEq TO RUN AWAY; -aya non-active object pronoun ( 47). 
WL. xan- TO THROW; -aya ( 47) ; -lm suffix defining the subject ( 30, 9). 
wx-snt- TO RUN; -u present passive ( 38, 82). 
137 Syntactic particle (93). 
iss x- discriminative (23). 
139 he syntactic particle (93); yu VERY, modal adverb ( 106). 


tlkwi tsa 140 IE 25 xa a p. Xpiye etc 141 Lwa hait 142 hE 25 men. 143 

kicks it the water. In the manner of run the people. 

going home 

K u ha fiasatc 144 ha u2 lExalxa yu 145 hE 25 tclwal. Nle hi 146 la u 98 

Ear in that one was put in the fire. With it goes his 

x-na at. 147 LE 25 xa a p ha kwal 148 hE mtset, 149 i 8 la u2 tlkwi tsa. 140 

quickness The water as if (to) lay bare, when that kicked it. 

(he runs). caused, it was, one 

Mandj 150 hats 8 gi mtset 151 lE tsix . 153 K u mene iletc 153 Llxa na 154 

Already Just (to) rain caused right here. Brush into (he) threw it, 

it was 

IE 25 tclwal. Klwe hetc 155 la u2 Lixant. 156 Hats 8 Lixant, 156 

the fire. Willow into that threw it. Just (he) threw it, 


mandj 150 Ikwi Iitu. 157 Tso 8 aso 150 il 6 wu txe tsiVtl. 158 

already to blaze, it begins. Now again they returned here. 

Xteml towetc 159 Ml 160 ntclwa le. 161 Xtemi towetc 159 towe 162 

From that time on they with fire are. From that time on usually 

g-i mlt. 163 La u2 xwandj 21 towe 162 g i mit. 163 Xwandj 21 La 164 

(it) rains. That (is) thus (the usually (it) rains. That way only 

manner how) 

kwee myem. 185 Tso 8 tci 30 a/wixEm. 166 

know it (indefinite). Now there end, condition. 


The earth was full of people. All kinds of people lived in a 
mixed -up fashion. They had no fire or water. Whenever they 
wanted to eat, they would put the food under their arms (in order 
to heat it). They would dance with it, or the old people would sit on 
it. And when the food became warm, then they would eat it. When 
ever salmon came ashore, they used tfo scoop it out. 

TO KICK; -is transitive ( 26); -a indirect object pronoun ( 49). 
111 x- modal ( 24); pi*-- TO GO HOME; -eetc modal ( 36; also 3). 
l * 2 Lowahai- TO RUN; -t transitive (26). 
i Plural formation ( 78). 
wkuha nas EAR; -etc local ( 68, 7). 

>lax- TO BE INSIDE (singular object); -ayu past passive (39, 83, 54). 
nan- adverbial ( 21); -Is article ( 17); -I instrumental ( 80, 10). 
m See 118, 

"8 Syntactic particle (88). 

149 hsm- TO LAY OPEN; -ts transitive (26); -et causative passive ( 41). 
J5o Temporal adverb ( 105). 

iwp-jm- TO BAIN; -ts transitive ( 26); -et causative passive ( 41). 
2 IE article ( 17); tstx HERE, local adyerb ( 104). 
153 kumene U BRUSH; -etc local (68). 
lM L. .rcm- TO THROW; -a indirect object pronoun ( 49). 
^khvehe- WILLOW; -etc local ( 68, 9). 
166 L. xan- TO THROW; -t transitive (26). 
wikwil-TO BLAZE; -t transitive; -u transitional ( 35, 114). 
158 Local ad verb (104). 

i 59 x- FROM, locative ( 22); temltowetc (see 106). 
1K <>12 article ( 17); il personal pronoun 3d person plural ( 96). 
i n- WITH, instrumental ( 21); tc. wal FIRE; -e auxiliary ( 44). 
162 See 87. 

i&g-lm- TO RAIN; -t transitional (26, 114). 
"4 Syntactic particle ft 94). 

16 H-wacw- TO KNOW; -aya non-active object pronoun (47); -tin suffix denning the subject ( 30, 7). 
166 o,. TO FINISH, TO END; -xEvi generic ( 30). 


In this manner they had hardly any food. They were all the time 
talking about fire. u How would it be if we should go after tire?"- 
"Let us go." They went. When they arrived, they found the fire 
burning; and one of them saw the water. The chief of the people 
(to whom they came) was sitting indoors. He was sitting sideways. 
"Halloo, cousin!" said the earth-chief. "Let us gamble (for the fire 
and water) !" The sky-chief acted as if he did not hear. The earth- 
chief sat down opposite him. After a short time the sky-chief looked 
up and said, "You belong to a different tribe, so in what way are you 
my cousin? You must tell a story." But the earth-chief answered, 
"You are older than I," and he went out. After a while he came 
back and said, " Halloo, cousin ! Look! this here is your Indian cra 
dle. 1 Your Indian cradle 1 is new, while mine is old. And this here 
is your shinny-club, 2 while that there is my shinny-club. 2 This is 
your ball, 2 and that one is my ball. 2 Your ball 2 is new, but mine is 
old. Is it not so ?" Then he put all these things before him. The sk} T - 
chief looked at them, and said, "Indeed, it is so, O cousin! Sit down 
here, we will gamble." 

They began to play. The earth-chief thought to himself, "With 
what shall I point my finger at the player who puts his hand behind his 
back? Suppose I put a piece of abalone shell into my eye? I will 
sleep in the inside part of my eye." Then he said to his followers, 
"You shall support me when I put my hands behind my back;" and 
what he demanded was done. 

Then he pointed his finger at him (the sk}-chief) when he put his 
hand behind his back. Two men were supporting him. Thus things 
happened. Maggots began to eat up his (the sk\ T -chief s) anus, his 
face, his nose, his ears. Soon the maggots ate him up; but he did 
not notice it. He kept on sitting there. Two men were still sup 
porting him from the back. He had an abalone shell in his eye, and 
was sleeping in that inside part. Now it seemed as if the sky-chief 
were looking at it. To his surprise, he saw an abalone shell in the 
other man s eye. By this time only bones had remained of him, for 

1 " Cradle" or "bed" is a piece of canvas (in former days tanned hide) spread on the ground and 
stretched by means of pegs or nails, before which the player participating in the so-called "game of 
guessing" was squatting, while mixing the sticks in his hands, which were held behind his back. Upoij 
receiving the guessing-signal from a player of the opposite side, the sticks were thrown on the "cradle, 
usually one by one, while the marked stick was laid bare. 

2 The informant was mistaken in the use of these terms. "Club" and "ball" are used in a game 
of shinny, while the game played by the two chiefs was the favorite game of "guessing." 


the maggots had eaten up almost half of his body. The earth-chief 
was sitting there for a while, and began to think, "With what shall 
I point my finger at him? It seems that I ought to point at him with 
some very terrible thing." The sky-chief still did not look at the 
maggots. Only his bones, joined together, were sitting there. Still 
he did not look. 

Now the earth-chief said to his people, "Don t forget to seize the 
fire as soon as we win the game. And you take hold of the water." 
One of his men said, " I will run away with the water, and you ought 
to run with the fire." The earth-chief said to the head man of the 
sky-people, "Now it is your turn to put your hands behind your 
back." All the time he was thinking to himself, "With what shall I 
point my finger at him? It seems that nothing terrifies him. It will 
be very good if I point at him with a snake." 

In the mean time the fire kept on burning. He then pointed at him 
with a snake. But he (the sk} r -chief) was on the lookout. The snake 
coiled around his thigh. Still he did not mind it. It crawled up to 
his waist and threatened to go into his mouth, all the while sticking 
out its tongue. Soon it seemed as if it were about to enter his nose. 
The sky-chief became afraid when he saw this. He shook off the 
snake and ran away. People were shouting at him. 

The earth people quickly seized the fire. A very poor man ran away 
with the fire, while a little man kicked the water. They were running 
homewards. The man put the fire into his ear while running. As 
soon as the water was spilled, it began to rain. The fire was thrown 
into some willow-brush, and soon began to blaze. Thus they returned. 
From that time on, people have had fire; and from that time on, it has 
rained. Thus only the story is known. This is the end of it. 







Introduction 437 

1. Distribution and history 441 

2-17. Phonology 443 

2. Vowels 443 

3. Consonants 444 

4. Sound groupings 445 

5. Accent 447 

6. Phonetic laws 447 

7-12. Vocalic processes 448 

7. Diphthongization of I and u 448 

8. Consonantization of i- and u- 449 

9. Contraction 450 

10. Vocalic hiatus 452 

11. Vocalic harmony 452 

12. Effects of accent 452 

13-17. Consonantic processes 454 

13. Consonantic metathesis 454 

14. Consonantic euphony 455 

15. Simplification of double consonants 455 

16. Modifications of t and k 456 

17. Minor Consonantic changes 458 

18. Grammatical processes 459 

19. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 459 

20-136. Morphology 461 

20-21. Prefixes 461 

20. Prefix of relationship TO- 461 

21. Discriminative q- (qa-) 462 

22-105. Suffixes 463 

22. General remarks 463 

23-81. Verbal suffixes 465 

23. Introductory 465 

24-26. Pronominal suffixes 467 

24. The subjective pronouns 467 

25. The objective pronouns 472 

26. Position of pronouns in verbs accompanied by adverbial 

forms 479 

27-48. Objective forms 480 

27. Introductory 480 

28-31. Indicative suffixes denoting personal interrelations- 481 

28. Direct object of third person -un (-a%) 481 

29. Direct object of first and second persons -ids (-aflte) . 482 

30. Indirect object of third person -ux (-a%) 483 

31. Indirect object of first and second persons -Emts. . . 483 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 28 433 


20-136. Morphology Continued Page 

22-105. Suffixes Continued 

23-81. Verbal suffixes Continued 

27 48. Objective forms Continued 

32-37. Indicative suffixes expressing possessive interrela 
tions between object and subject 484 

32. Introductory 484 

33. Suffix indicating that the object forms an insepa 
rable part of the subject -Itx (-aHx], -tx 485 

34. Suffix denoting that the object is possessed by the 

subject, but separable from it -utsm- (-afttsm-) 487 

35. Suffix indicating that the object is possessed by a 

third person object -id (-a^l) 489 

36. Suffix expressing an object possessed by a first or 

second person object -ults (-a^lts) 490 

37. Suffixes denoting possessive interrelations for tenses 

other than the present -ititi, -a w iti, -yzxaHi 491 

38-39. Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and posses 
sive interrelations 493 

38. Passive suffixes for verbs requiring in the active a 

double object -imE, -urns ( -a^rnE) 493 

39. Passive suffixes denoting possessive relations of the 

subject -ultx, -xamltx 494 

40-48. Imperative forms denoting pronominal and posses 
sive interrelations 496 

40. Introductory 496 

41. Exhortative suffixes expressing the direct object of 

the third person -yun, -iwyun, -ml 497 

42. Imperative suffix expressing the direct object of 

the first person -Its (-aHs] 499 

43. Imperative suffix indicating the indirect object of 

the third person -yux 500 

44. Imperative suffix denoting the indirect object of 

the first person -imts 501 

45. Imperative suffix denoting that the object is pos 
sessed by a third person -il 501 

46. Imperative suffix indicating that the object is pos 
sessed by a first person -llts 502 

47. Imperative suffix expressing possessive interrela 
tions between object and subject -tsx 503 

48. Exhortative suffix expressing possessive interrela 
tions between object and subject -ItsmE (-aHsmE] . 504 

49-64. Modalsuffixes 504 

49. Introductory 504 

50. Reciprocal -naw(a) t -muxu- 505 

51. Distributive -ifax -. 507 

52. Tentative -*c 508 

53. Negative -ll (-aH) 508 

54-59. Modal elements of the passive voice 509 

54. Introductory 509 

55. Present passive -xam 509 

56. Future passives in -atam, -I (-a*), -aa 510 

57. Past passive -xamyax 512 

58. Passive verbs in -utn- (-a^tn-), -HUE (-a^ns) 512 

59. Durative passives in -Isutn- (-isiims,} -usn- 514 


20-136. Morphology Continued Page 
22-105. Suffixes Continued 

23-81. Verbal suffixes Continued 
49-64. Modal suffixes Continued 

60-64. Modal elements of the imperative and exhortative 

modes 516 

60. Introductory 516 

61. Imperative suffix for intransitive verbs -Em 516 

62. Imperative suffix for transitive verbs -~is (-als) 517 

63. Intransitive exhortative -Ixmi (-alxmi) 518 

64. Exhortative -I 519 

65-74. Temporal suffixes 520 

65, Introductory 520 

66-70. Semi-temporal suffixes 520 

66. Inchoative -st 520 

67. Terminative -Ixai (-atxa*) 521 

68. Frequentatives -at!i, -itx (-a%) 522 

69. Duratives -is (-a ? s) , -us 524 

70. Intentionals -awax, -a w un 526 

71-74. True temporal suffixes 527 

71. Introductory 527 

72. Present -t 527 

73. Future-tax 528 

74. Past-yax 529 

75-77. Verbalizing suffixes 531 

75. Verbalizing -a*, -& *. 531 

76. Auxiliary -s, -t 532 

77. Suffix transitivizing verbs that express natural phe 
nomena -L! 533 

78-80. Plural formations 534 

78. Introductory 534 

79. Plural -, -uwi 535 

80. Plural -tx 537 

81. Irregular suffixes -n (-in), -myax (-m) 538 

82-105. Nominal sufhxes 539 

82. Introductory 539 

83. Diminutive -isk in 539 

84. Augmentative -il md 540 

85-87. Case-endings 540 

85. Introductory 540 

86. The locative case -a, -us 541 

87. The relative or genitive case -sml, -Em 544 

88. The possessive suffixes 545 

89-96. Adverbial suffixes 549 

89. Introductory 549 

90. Local suffix indicating motion -tc 549 

91. Local suffix indicating rest -u (-") 551 

92. Local suffix -lx (-efa, -yax) 552 

93. Local suffixes -ya, -HE 553 

94: Adverbial suffixes indicating modality -lie (-a l tc), - na. 554 

95. Adverbial suffixes indicating time -tlta, -ita 556 

96. Modal adverbs in -a 557 

\ 97-105. General nominalizing suffixes 557 

97. Nominal - (-a) , -u^i 557 

98. Nominal -I (-a*) 559 


20-136. Morphology Continued P ag8 
22-105. Suffixes Continued 

82-105. Nominal suffixes Continued 

97-105. General nominalizing suffixes Continued 

99. Nouns of quality in -?&* (-t uwi) 560 

100. Nouns of agency in -yaVx, -ll (-aH), -tf, -t. wi 561 

101. Nouns m-ax 562 

102. Nouns in -uni (-am) 563 

103. Nominalizing suffix indicating place -a mu 563 

104. Adjectives in ~t 564 

105. Irregular suffixes -Em, -1st, -ivt, -yiiwi, -iwi 564 

106-109. Reduplication 566 

106. Introductory 566 

107. Duplication of the initial syllable 567 

108. Duplication of final consonants 567 

109. Duplication of stems 569 

110-112. Vocalic changes 569 

110. Introductory 569 

111. The discriminative case 570 

112. Intensity and duration of action 572 

113-115. The pronoun 575 

113. The independent personal pronouns 575 

114. The possessive pronouns 577 

115. The demonstrative pronouns 579 

116-117. The numeral 586 

116* The cardinals 586 

117. The decimal system 587 

118-121. Theadverb 588 

118. Introductory 588 

119. Local adverbs and phrases 588 

120. Temporal adverbs 589 

121. Modal adverbs 589 

122-133. Particles 589 

122. Introductory 589 

123. Pronominal particles 590 

124. Numeral particles 591 

125. Conjunctions 591 

126. Temporal particles 593 

127. Particles denoting degrees of certainty and emotional states... 594 

128. Particles denoting connection with previously expressed ideas. 596 

129. Exhortative particles 597 

130. Restrictive particles 598 

131. Miscellaneous particles 598 

132. The suffixed particle -u (-a) 601 

133. The stem L/a a* 602 

134. Nouns and verbs as qualifiers 603 

135. Particles as verbs 604 

136. The conditional clause 604 

137. Vocabulary ." 606 

138. Structure of sentences 607 

139. Idiomatic expressions 608 

Texts 611 


In 1884 J. Owen Dorsey spent a month at the Siletz reservation, 
Oregon, collecting short vocabularies of the Siuslaw and Lower Ump 
qua, as well as of other languages. Prior to Dorsey s investigations 
the linguistic position of Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua was a debated 
question. Some investigators believed that these two dialects belonged 
to the Yakonan family; while others, notably Latham and Gatschet, 
held them to form a distinct stock, although the} observed marked agree 
ment with some features of the Yakonan. After a superficial inves 
tigation, lasting less than a month, Dorsey came to the conclusion 
that Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua were dialects belonging to the 
Yakonan stock. This assertion was repeated by J. W. Powell in his 
" Indian Linguistic Families" (Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology, p. 134), and was held to be correct by all 
subsequent students of American Indian languages. This view, how 
ever, is not in harmony with my own investigations. A closer study 
of Alsea (one of the Yakonan dialects) on the one hand, and of Lower 
Umpqua on the other, proves conclusively that Siuslaw and Lower 
Umpqua form a distinct famity, which I propose to call the Siuslawan 
linguistic stock. 1 The term " Siuslaw" was given preference over 
" Umpqua "or u Lower Umpqua," in order to avoid the ambiguity of 
meaning which might arise from the fact that we have become accus 
tomed to call the Athapascan dialect, spoken on the upper course of the 
Umpqua river, the " Upper Umpqua." 

The material on which the following sketch is based was collected, 
under the joint auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology and of 
Columbia University, on the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the 
months of March, April, and May, 1911. 

My principal informant was Louisa Smith, a Lower Umpqua 
Indian over TO years of age. Her advanced years, her absolute 
lack of knowledge of the English language, her ill health, and, above 
all, the fact that prior to my arrival on the reservation she had 

Ut is not at all impossible that this stock, the Yakonan, Kusan, and perhaps the Kalapuyan, may 
eventually prove to be genetically related. Their affinities are so remote, however, that I prefer to 
take a conservative position, and to treat them for the time being as independent stocks. 



not used her native tongue for a considerable period, rendered her 
a poor, though willing informant. In the course of this investiga 
tion it was therefore necessary to employ such additional inform 
ants and interpreters as were available. By far the most important 
of these was William Smith, an Alsea Indian and the husband of 
Louisa, who had spent his childhood among the Siuslaw Indians, 
from whom he had gained a fairly good knowledge of their language. 
But he, too, was far from being an ideal informant. His command 
of English was imperfect, his degree of intelligence rather limited, 
his pronunciation of Lower Urnpqua was affected by Alsea pho 
netics, and he was only too often unable to keep apart the Siuslaw, 
Lower Umpqua, and Alsea forms of a given word. However, in 
spite of these deficiencies, his services proved highly valuable, 
because, having previously assisted me in my work on the Alsea 
language, he knew more or less what was wanted of him. My 
other informants were Spencer Scott, a son of Louisa; Louis Smith, 
a full-blooded Lower Umpqua Indian; and Hank Johnson, the son 
of a Lower Umpqua father and of an Alsea mother. The three 
last mentioned were, comparatively speaking, 3 T oung men, whose 
knowledge of Lower Umpqua was imperfect and rather vague. 
They were employed solely for the purpose of settling questions 
that pertained to phonetics, and of disentangling the frequent diffi 
culties that were involved in the collection and translation of texts; 
and if I add that throughout the progress of this work, Louisa 
Smith was suffering from a severe ear-ache (which at times ren 
dered her absolutely deaf), that William Smith had to undergo 
frequent surgical operations because of a poisoned finger, and that 
my other informants could give me only part of their time, I shall 
have mentioned all the difficulties under which the following mate 
rial was collected. Should this sketch, therefore, be found deficient 
in completeness of treatment and clearness of interpretation, it will 
have to be accounted for by the extraordinary circumstances under 
which the work was conducted. 

But if the actual work involved in this investigation was rather 
trying and tiresome, there were other features connected with it that 
rendered it pleasant and enjoyable. These features consist of the 
many courtesies and helpful assistance received from the inhabitants 
of Siletz ; and it is a great source of pleasure to me to record my deep 
gratitude to these kind friends. My greatest obligations are due to 


Superintendent and Mrs. Knott C. Egbert, to the former for his 
untiring efforts to assist me, both officially and personally, in 
whatever way he could, and to the latter for the motherly care with 
which she attended to my personal wants throughout my stay at the 
reservation. My sincere thanks are also due to Dr. Maximilian F. 
Chmsius, the physician of the Siletz agency, for the numerous tokens 
of friendship received at his hand. 

September^ 1911, 




The Siuslawan stock embraces two closely related dialects Lower 
Umpqua and Siuslaw that were spoken by the people living on the 
lower courses of the Umpqua and Siuslaw rivers, in the southern part 
of Oregon. Their northern neighbors were the Alsea Indians 1 (whom 
they called Hani s kite 2 ), on the east they came in contact with the 
Kalapuya (chiefly the Yonkalla tribe, known to them as the Qa ir xgax), 
and on the south they were contiguous to the Coos ( Qu yax). The terri 
tory of the Lower Umpqua was bounded on the north b} T Five Mile lake, 
on the south by Ten Mile lake, while on the east they claimed the whole 
region adjoining the Umpqua river as far as Scottsburg. The posses 
sions of the Siuslaw Indians extended as far south as Five Mile lake, on 
the north they bordered on the Yahach river, and eastwards they 
extended as far as Mapleton. Thus it may safely be assumed that 
these two dialects were spoken in the western parts of what are known 
today as Lane and Douglas counties. No information pertaining to 
the previous strength of these two tribes could be obtained. Their 
numbers have been so greatly reduced, that, besides the four indi 
viduals who served as my informants, and the two or three Siuslaw 
Indians said to be living near Florence, Lane county, there are no 
other members living; and since these people no longer converse 
in their native tongue, the Siuslaw family may be looked upon as an 
extinct linguistic stock. 

! One of the two members of the Yakonan family. 
2 For explanation of alphabet see pp. 443, 444. 



The Lower Umpqua call themselves Qu ltc, and refer to their lan 
guage as Qu ltcax wa as. These terms are of native origin, and are 
formed from the stem qu l or qo l SOUTH. The Alsea called them Tkul- 
mcfk , and they were known to the Coos as Bildjl yEx, i. e. NORTHERN 
Indians. The Siuslaw refer to themselves as Ca yucLa, and were 
called Ca yucLe by the Coos and Qwas or Kwas by the Alsea Indians. 
The etymology of these names could not be ascertained. 

Judging from the scanty notes on Siuslaw obtained by Dorsey and 
myself, the differences between this dialect and Lower Umpqua were 
very slight and of a purely phonetic and lexicographic character. No 
distinct morphological formations were found. The chief phonetic 
feature that seems to separate these two dialects is the change of a 
Lower Umpqua n into I in Siuslaw. 

Lower Umpqua Siuslaw 

pa nu pa l u well, spring 76.12 

qanl nal 19.6 qallfnal knife 50.19 

qa nni qa lni (D.) 1 face 

tsna wi tsla we (D.) bone 

lkwa nuq u lkwdlnk u (D.) hat 

The lexicographical differences cover a limited number of stems and 
words, of which only a few examples may be quoted here. 

Lower Umpqua Siuslaw 

Id n- 23.7 ltdn- to call by name 

fdp- yiq!a u - to split (pitch wood) 

Ll u- 8.3 xu7)ic- to come, to approach 23.2 

t. amc 40. 19 t/i lmfo (D.) child 

xwa Jca 29.5 qami L^s (D.) head 

ll t/a 1 34.23 wits /u we (D.) food 

fcfwl yos 2 cqa octc* dog 

Jco tan 4 34. 10 ta u wEx (D. ) 5 horse 

Texts of myths and tales in the Lower Umpqua dialect were col 
lected by the author, and were published by Columbia University. 8 
All references accompanying examples refer to page and line of that 

1 Words marked (D.) are quoted from Dorsey s manuscripts in possession of the Bureau of American 

2 Coos kwi yos. 

8 Apparently related to Alsea tcqenx. 

< Chinook jargon. 

6 Related to Alsea tfawa yft . 

6 Lower Umpqua Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 4. 


PHONOLOGY ( 2-17) 
2. Vowels 

The vowels have short and long quantities. Resonance vowels, 
marked here by superior vowels, are employed often, as is also the 
obscure vowel E, which seems to be related to short a. In some in 
stances. due to contact phenomena, the obscure vowel partakes of the 
quality of a short o, and is represented here by . The open e vowel 
appears to be lacking, while the long e frequently glides from e to I 
and resembles a long I. Significant pitch appears in a few cases (see 
p. 447). 

The a 1 - and a u diphthongs occur in two distinct forms, one with the 
initial element short or long (a 1 , a u , d\ a M ), and the other with the 
first element short and the second long (a 1 and a u }. The latter two 
forms are closely related to the long I and u with which they constantly 
interchange. This interchange usually takes place after a, A, m, n, q, 
a?, and /, although numerous instances will be found where the substitu 
tion of a 1 and a u for I and u respectively has taken place after vowels 
and consonants other than those enumerated, or where the interchange 
does not occur at all. 

Examples of interchange between I and a 1 : 

inq/a l 30.23 inq/a a 1 river 30.20 

miia ttin gamtta aHmmy mother 100. 12 

d nant 46.18 ci nxcft he thinks 90. 15 

here thou 56.19 tcfi JcPns here we two (incl.) 

he was asked 66.16 skwahcfi xam it is placed (in) 

hl siti ha 1 1 am very ta l Jc E ns aya qaHl sl xa 1 here 

25 - 8 we two (incl.) shall leave 

our canoe 56.5 
Examples of interchange between u and a?: 

waafun 7.4 waa cfin he says to him 20.7 

waxa yutsmE he gave him tkwlhaf kaPtmiE he buried his . . . 

his ... 76.9 40.22 

k!imuL if Lun lc!ima? i L i Lun I am hitting him 

Myatst tsun he put it on 11.8 aqa qcfin he took it off 13.1 

jAlq u tsu ni made of raccoon hamxaP ni made of tied (grass) 

(hides) 70.23, 24 8.6 

ka lutun I tire him out ka la u tin I am tired 

L. aya on a small mikta* L/aya in a bad place 

place 38.19 12.10; 13.1 



The Siuslaw 1 system of vowels and diphthongs may be represented 
as follows: 

Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs 

a t 

a (e) i % o u $ w y a 1 a u a 1 a* u 1 

d d e I o u & a u u 1 

The umlauted d occurs rarely, and is pronounced like d in German 
wiihlen; i is pronounced like the Slavic short y-vowel; and # indicates 
very short quantit}^ 

3. Consonants 

The consonantic system deviates in a great many respects from 
those of the neighboring tribes. Its chief characteristics are the total 
absence of the anterior palatal series (g , k , &*/, ar); the absence of 
all sonants excepting d; the presence of a palatal lateral (I )] and, 
above all, the occurrence of a double series of glottalized explosives 
differing in the quality and amount of stress employed in their 
production. The real explosives are followed in this sketch by the 
sign of exclamation (!), while the glottalized stops of ordinary strength 
will be found accompanied by the apostrophe ( ). The latter seem to 
be confined to the consonants of the dental series and to k. The surds 
t and k occur also as aspirated consonants. 

The following table illustrates the Siuslaw consonantic system: 

Sonant Surd Fortis Aspirated Spirant Nasal 

Velar q q! x 

Palatal k(w) k!(w) V 

Alveolar d t t/,t t , c n 

Affricative - ts, tc ts! , tc! 

ts , tc> 

Labial p p! ( ?) m 

Lateral. L L! I, I , I 

Glottal stop 


y h w Ji u 

The palatal I is pronounced like I in the English word lure. The 
glottal stop occurs seldom, and seems to be associated with the explo 
sive character of the consonants following it, although I did not suc 
ceed in verifying this connection definitely. The aspiration corre- 

1 Whenever the term "Siuslaw " is used, it is to be understood as referring to the whole group, and 
not to the dialect only. 



spends to the character of the vowels and consonants that precede or 
follow it: that is to say, after palatal vowels it is of a palatal character; 
while before the vowels , o, and u, and before velar consonants, it 
becomes guttural. When followed by a vowel, it is changed into an h. 

tutc- to spear 62.2 tuhatca yun he spears it 

qaqun- to hear 30.18 qa q u hantun he heard it 36.23 

si to grow (intr.) 98.10 slhl tcm xintyax I began to grow 

up 100.17 

qnu- to find qnu hun (they two) found it 56.9 

wa ^tux again shall ... 11.2 waha hun ttyatsi tsun again he put 

it on 12.1 

In some instances the aspiration results from the dropping of a t 
before a following n (see 16, 58, 59). 

4. Sound Groupings 

Clusters of two consonants are admissible, except w-l-any conso 
nant other than n. Whenever a w is followed by a consonant other 
than ??, it changes into a voiceless w, represented here by hu . Clusters 
of three or more consonants may occur medially or finally, provided 
a nasal or lateral forms the initial sound of such groupings. 

When, owing to grammatical processes, three consonants that can not 
form a cluster come into contact, an obscure or weak vowel (mostly 
, a, or i) is inserted between two of the three consonants, thus facili 
tating the pronunciation of the cluster. 

A similar insertion takes place in initial clusters beginning with m 
or ?i, and between two consonants belonging to the same series. The 
latter rule applies to clusters in initial, medial, and final position. 
Examples of clusters consisting of w + consonant: 

a l tcnaw- to trade mutually + aHcna /hu tuxts you two will 

-tux + -ts trade mutually 

Loinaw- to hit mutually -f -Em Ldlna hu matd you hit one an- 

+ -tci other! 

xm w na he does 11.11 

Examples of avoidance of clusters in initial position: 

m- (prefix of relationship) mita father 54.22 

-f ta father 
m- (prefix, of relationship) mUa mother 54.23 

+ la mother 



Examples of avoidance of clusters in medial position: 

win%- (to be afraid) + -nawa u x vAn E xna wa u x they two were 

afraid of each other 86.1,2 
qatx- (to cry) + -tux qa txPtux he will cry 

Examples of avoidance of clusters in final position : 

qatchnl tx (to keep on going) qatchnl txan I keep on going 

+ -71 

qa l x (night) -f -nx qa^x^nx (at) night thou . . . 


ta l k (here) +-ns ^ X^isherewetwofincl^SG.G 

hatq (ashore) +-nxan ha ir q E nxan ashore we (excl.) 

hat<?a yun (he asked him) AflfcVyu^ayeaskher74.10 

+ -tci 
tcln- (to come back) -f -nx td nanx they came back 72.23 

Examples of avoidance of clusters of consonants belonging to the 
same series: 

kumi ntc (not) -\--tc kumi ntc E tc not his 92.15 

ants (that one) -f ca ya ants E cd ya that penis 

pmla wax (he intends to hunt) plula wax u x hn we two (excl.) 
-{--xtin intend to go hunting 54.22 

lit!- (to eat) +-tux ll t-IHux (you) will eat 50.2 

taint (how much) +tsx tcint E tsx suppose 38.20,21 

s E aH (such) +L/a ai s E aH E L/a ai such a place 15.1 

Examples of clusters permissible in medial or final position: 

Final Medial 

tsinqft poor 16.10 tsi nq/tanx you are poor 

lakwa ultx (their) . . . was lakwa ultxan my . . . was 

taken away 50.22 taken 

lokwl xamltx his . . . was lakwl xamltxa u x their two . . . 

taken away from him 54.14 were taken away from them 

The only consonantic cluster that does not seem to be permissible is 
the grouping of nx + 7c. Whenever these three consonants would 
appear together in the above-named order, the x is always changed 
into a. 

tstya L/lnx (you will be shot) ts^ ya L/in.a Jc u ria you might get 

+ lc u na shot 

Jc u wa nlnx(i\iQj will be beaten) Tc u wa n nma k u na they may be 

+ Tc u na beaten 


An exception to this rule is found in the following sentence: 

Vkwa yunfmx TPltfl a, 1 you may get (some) salmon 48.18 
In like manner the combination nx-\-u is changed into a a (see 132). 

yaf qu yunanx (thou art seen) yaquyu nanofl thou art seen 

+ -u (-a a ) here 

5. Accent 

Siuslaw exhibits a stress accent, represented here by the acute mark 
( ); and a pitch accent, designated by the mark ( x ). Only a limited 
number of enclitic and proclitic particles show no accent whatsoever. 
The pitch accent occurs mostly in monosyllabic words that have a 
short vowel, and lends to the syllable a sharp, abrupt intonation. Both 
accents are freely shifted from one syllable to another. It seems, 
however, to be a fixed rule that in the past tense the accent is placed 
on the first syllable, and that the locative case-endings and the adver 
bial suffixes must be accented. 

hatqa q he goes ashore 58.17 ha if qiqyax (having) cornea- 

shore 56.13 

qatxi x it gets dark 64. 19 qat xixyax it became dark 34.4 

tPwat<$ tcwnaPx they two are twa f tchicyaxcfin I have been 

spearing it 56.15, 16 spearing it 66.17 

ts!aln pitch 26.6 is/Una (locative case) 94.18 

li t/a 1 food 34.23 lit! ay a 1 (locative case) 13.7 

lqa if tu log 32. 21 Iqatuvnyu s (locative case) 


pk l tl lake 62.18 pk ltlyu s (locative case) 34.11 

sl xa 1 canoe 56.5 SExaP tc into the canoe 34.5 

qa xun above, up 34.21 qaxunt& tc upwards 

s E aftsa thus 8.7 s E atsl tc in that manner 8.1 

yaPktt skfin very small 36.23 yak/isttmu in a very small 

. . . 38.19 

6. Phonetic Laws 

In both dialects a number of phonetic laws are found which affect 
both vowels and consonants. All phonetic processes are due either 
to contact phenomena or to the effects of accent. They may be sum 
marized as follows: 

(1) Diphthongization of I and u. 

(2) Consonantization of i- and u-. 



(3) Contraction. 

(4) Vocalic hiatus. 

(5) Vocalic harmony. 

(6) Effects of accent. 


(1) Consonantic metathesis. 

(2) Consonantic euphony. 

(3) Simplification of double consonants. 

(4) Modifications of t and k. 

(5) Minor consonantic changes. 

7-12. Vocalic Processes 
7. Diphthong ization of I and u 

This is by far the most important phonetic change, owing to the fact 
that it gives rise to a double form of stems that contain these vowels, 
and because it is employed in certain grammatical processes (see 
111, 112). The principle may be described as follows: For the 
purpose of expressing (in nouns) the discriminative case and (in 
verbs) intensity or duration of action, long I and u are changed into 
ya and wa respectively. 

Examples of diphthongization of i: 

hina yunhQ brings him 23.2 Mya nyutsanx I ll take thee 

along 58.6 
hltsi xam it is put on 11.8 htyatsi tsun he is putting it on 

llqat he digs 84.2 a ntsux ya lqcfin those two (who) 

are digging (a hole) 84.5 

ditx- to flop c l yatx it flops around 36.23 

ya fliltunx thou shalt see yoq u *ya wax he intended to see 

36.25 T0.8 

u l E nx ktt nk lt they went to k! inky a wax (I) intend to go and 

look for 60.5 look for 60.5 

Qa attcfix along the North Fork qa u a&,nyax along the sky 32.19 

Examples of diphthongization of u: 

qunl xamlmE it was poured qwa ^nyux pour it into his . . . 

into his ... 29.2 29.2 

L!XU XU U II he knows it 40.16 kum f i ntc w ax IE Q L!x u wax u not 

they two anything knew it 


laJcu kun he takes it lakwa ku u n he took it 64.10 

tutca yun he spears it 64.12 twatci tcuna u x they two are 

spearing it 56.15, 16 

u la u x tkuma yun they two u lns tkvxi mlsun we two (incl.) 
made a dam 48.8 will keep on making dams 


u ltl snow 76.10 wait it snows 

pEku ya vxiL. a,* L. a ai people a ntsux pakwa wax those two 
make shinny-sticks 78.5 (who) are about to play . . . 

shinny 78.10, 11 

Owing to the interchange between I and a 1 and u and a? (see 2), 
these diphthongs are subject to the same amplification. 

7rtq!a l t he started 22.6 hlq!ya a u it will be started 32.1 

msqlaHx they dance 72.13 msq/ya wax (I) intend to dance 


qa tkin is atga qaPts (from) ta l Jc*ns aya qyun here we two 

here he left me 60.4 (incl.) will leave it 56.16, 17 

barn s he keeps on following Wwastyu tsanaP you will follow 

92.7 me 92.3 

The change of I into ya often takes place in the third person sin 
gular, which ends in -I (see p. 468). 

I come frequently Li watH 68.5, (Ll watJya) he 

came frequently 
cVnxyatfin I am thinking (ci n i xyat!l\ cftntxyat/ya 17.6 

he is thinking 
ha!~kwat!in 1 fall frequently (ha Tcwat/l), ha lcwat!ya 90.12 it 

falls continually 
xi l xc&n I work xftl xd 50.9, (xi l xcyd) he was 


psU tdn I (am) ahead psll tcya he was first 48.11 

ya q u hin 1 look ya q u ya he looked 70.16 

gt nsAn I want si n^xya he desires 

8. Coneonantization of i- and u- 

The i- and u- elements of the diphthongs are changed into the semi- 
vocalic consonants y and w whenever they are followed by vowels of 
different qualities. This law affects also the simple short or long i- 
and u- vowels. 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 - 29 


Consonantization of i-\ 

p f btca it (he goes over) -f -a u x pitca ya u x they two go over 88.15 
ll tfa 1 (food) 4- -a ya xatc > wt E nx lit lay a for food 

you will always try to look 13.7 

hut (not) -f -a u x ku ya u x not they two . . . 98.11 

1 - (he finds) + -o* qnuhu yun (they) found it 60. T 

(male) + -a la kukyax tExmu nya she took a 

mortal man 60.23 

xU xcfl- (to work) + -a* xtt xcyat (they two) worked 48.1 

t!l (bear) + -um tllyu m made of bear (hides) 70.24 

si nxl- (to desire) + -un si ^xyun I want it 15.8 

Consonantization of u- : 

Llya a u (fire) -f -a -f -tc hat qmas Liya wato alongside of the 

fire 25.4, 5 

wllu- (to affirm) + -axam wllwa xam he was assured 30. 1 1 

xa u (he died) -f -il kumi ntc xa wll not he dies 15.8 

xa ts/u (two) + -a u x xa ts! u wa u x two of them 40.18 

A peculiar case of Consonantization seems to have taken place in 
the objective case td wa 32.20, formed from the noun td WATER 36.20. 

9. Contraction 

Contraction of two or three vowels following in immediate suc 
cession does not seem to be of regular occurrence, and there are no 
fixed rules governing this process. The following usages ma}^. how 
ever, be stated to prevail: 

(1) Short or long i or u following a vowel of different quality form 

a u 

The combination i + u, however, does not form a diphthong (see 

tsmu - (to assemble) + -lie tEmu if tc xint (they) assembled 

30.15, 16 

qa ntcya (from where) + -Itc qantcya 1 tc from where 
gatcu- (to drink) + -ttxa^n qatcvt txcfin (they) drink (from) it 


(2) A short vowel preceding another short vowel or a diphthong is 
contracted with the following vowel into a short or long vowel or 
into a diphthong. 



a tsa (thus) + -a u x a tsa u x thus they two . . . 

ivaanoJwa (to talk to each waana wa u x they two talk to each 

other) + -a u x other 10.4 

s E a (this) + -a l xa u x s E a l xa u x on this they two . . . 


xa tsfu (two) + -a u x xafts/ux they two . . . 

yalqa aP (a hole) + -un ya lqcfin (they) dig holes 84.5 

a u tc%si (camas) + -a u x a u tdsa u % yuwa ir camas they two 

dig 96.18 

(3) The obscure vowel E is contracted with all vowels preceding 
it into a vowel of a clear quality. 

hau- (to quit) + -sm, ha u?n quit! 

na (I) + -Eml nam E l of me 20.6 

8*0,* na (him) + -Eml s s a i na ml of him 

An exception is 

wa- (to speak) + -s?n wo! am speak! 

(4) Two long vowels of similar qualities immediately following each 
other are contracted into one long vowel. 

psku- (to play shinny) -{--us pEku u s (locative case) 78.18 

A peculiar case of contraction has apparently taken place in the 
genitive case lq!anu if ml OF HIDES 102.1, composed of Iqla nu HIDE, and 
-sml, the genitive case-ending (see 87). 

Another process of contraction takes place whenever a personal pro 
noun (see 24) is added to the suffix -yaxs, which expresses the past 
durative tense (see p. 526). In such cases the suffix -yaxs is invaria 
bly contracted into -Ixs. Attention may be called to the fact that in 
this case we are dealing with a process that is of a character opposite 
to the diphthongization of -, which has been discussed in 7. 

a u s- to sleep 24.1 a u slxsin I have been sleeping, 

instead of a u syaxsin 

qatcu- to drink 76.13 qa tcwa l xsin I have been drinking, 

instead of qa tcuyaxsin 

psku - to play shinny 9.4 pa lcu l xsanx you have been play 

ing shinny, instead oipa kuyax- 

lit!- to eat 13.10 ll tflxs he has been eating, instead 

of li t/yaxs 

i 9 


10. Vocalic Hiatus 

In cases where contraction has not taken place, two vowels occur 
ring in immediate succession are separated by means of an inserted h 
or by means of the accent. No definite rules could be found that 
would show under what circumstances either of these processes may 
be employed. Separation of two vowels by means of an inserted h 
occurs more regularly than separation by means of accent. 

fa q/a (dentalia shells) + -aPni hlq/ahaP ni consisting of dentalia 

shells 70.6 
Lxaii (pole) + -Ins Lxa u JiinE with a spear (in his 

hand) 64.11 

mEJdl (mother-in-law) + -ttin instill hltin my mother-in-law 
Ift a 1 (salmon) + -anx Wla ir anx xaya if salmon the\ T catch 

82.13, 14 
Ll u (he came) + -iZ??, Llu un he arrived 16.3 

11. Vocalic Harmony 

The tendency towards vocalic euphony is so inconsistent in Siuslaw, 
that one is almost tempted to deny the presence of such a process. 
The two examples I have been able to find are extremely unsatisfac 
tory and do not permit the formulation of any clearly defined rules. 

hat mut (all) + -End hatmutu ml of all 

qa xun high up, above 34.21 ga u xun on top 32.19 

12. Effects of Accent 

Besides the frequent tendency to lengthen the vowel of the syllable 
on which it falls, or to lend to it a clear quality, the loss of accent 
shortens or obscures the quantity of the stem-vowel as soon as it is 
shifted to one of the suffixed syllables. This law appears with such 
regular frequency as to make it a characteristic trait of Siuslaw 

While examples covering the whole vocalic system could not be 
obtained, the following rules seem to prevail: 

(1) The a-, i-, and u- vowels of the stem, when they lose their 
accent, are changed into open i (written here i) or obscure vowels 
whenever they precede or follow non-labialized consonants. 

(2) These vowels are changed for the sake of harmonization into 
short u whenever they appear before or after labialized consonants 
or w. 





(3) The unaccented diphthongs lose the second element, especially 
in cases where the stem-vowel is followed by the accented verbalizing 
suffixes -a 1 and -u* (see 75). 

Examples showing the change of a-, 2-, and u- vowels before or 
after non-labialized consonants: 

ma tl dam 48.10 

ts/aln pitch 26. 6 
ma a tc it lay 32.22 

yax- to see 34.4 

tdn (they) came back 7.7 

tslL/i arrow 50.11 

sl xa 1 boat 56.5 
smut" 1 - to end 20.5 
hu u n- to be dark 34.8, 9 
sun- to dive 64.21 

rnitl yu u the art of making dams 

mEtl txa u x they two always made 

dam* 50.12, 13 
tsfttna tc with pitch 24.1 
mitcu fwi many were lying 36.27 
mstca wanx they intended to lie 

down 38.23 

yixa yun he saw it 58.13 
tcEnl tcxint he went back 58.15, 16 
tsiLfa* he shot 50.20 
tsiL/l tc by means of an arrow 15.8 
SEXcfi tc into (a) boat 34.5 
wnftfu 1 it ends 14.6 
hwinu 1 it is dark 
sinu if he dives 

Change of a-, i- (and u-) vowels before or after labialized conso 
nants or w: 

ma f q u L crow 34.23 m u qwa f LEm of crow 34.21 

yafwlsun (you) will pick 36.18 yuwa? he digs 96.18 

Uqwa a tEm trunk of a tree Uqutml a u x goo? into the stem 

92.5, 6 they two went 92.6 

ml ~k u tux he will cut m u kwa if he cuts 

Treatment of diphthongs: 

- to roast (meat) 90.8 
p a a i Ln- to hunt 15.3 

a u s- to sleep 23.9 
tc!ha u c- to be glad 23.3 
uW- to dream 68. 21 

xatca 1 he roasts (meat) 

u l E nx paLnl tx they are hunting 

82,16, 17 

asu* he sleeps 70.2 
tc!hacu ir he is glad 
qutfa* he dreams 

Shortening of the stem- vowel frequently takes place after the suf- 
fixation of an additional syllable, regardless of whether the accent 
had been shifted or not. 



yaP xa* much, many 8. 5 ya xtux (ye two) will multiply 32. 6 

yExd l td w ax xi ntls they (dual) con 
tinually multiply 98.12 

tfamc infant 40. 19 t/i mct/Hux (they) will raise chil 

dren 32.3 

tdmtca mfi ax 27.10 tdmtd mya (locative case) 29.1 

In a few instances accent and suffixation have caused the loss or 
addition of a vowel, and hence that of an extra syllable. 

qlutcu ni woman 30.21 qlutcna? (when) he marries 76.8 

mU/a stfln step-father mUla stfnl tin my step-f atherlOO.5 

waa ir mux u (they two) talk to waa yEmxust (they two) begin to 
each other 10.7 talk to each other 56.4 

waat mxustx (they) began to talk 

to each other 64.20, 21 
qayu wi nts stone qay u na is* tc \jcpon. the rock 62.11 

13-17. Consonantic Processes 
13. Consonantic Metathesis 

This change affects mostly the subjective suffix for the third per 
son dual -a u x (see 24), and (very seldom) the Consonantic combina 
tion n + s or n + ts. 

In the first instance -a u x is transposed into - w ax (contracted some 
times into -ux) or whenever it is added to stems or words that pre 
cede the verbal expression (see 26). This transposition never takes 
place when the pronoun is suffixed to the verb. 

tsim (always) + -a u x tsi m w ax always they two . . . 

pmii s (skunk) + -a u x ants pEn%s w ax those two skunks 

88.6, 7 

ants (that one) + -a"a? a ntsux those two 52.3, 5 

s s atsl tc (thus) + -a u x s s atsl tc w ax thus they two 50. 15, 16 

u l (and, then) -f- -a u x u l w ax and they two 

an tsitc (this his) + -a u x a ntsitcx u these their two 50.4 

This transposition is seldom absent; and parallel forms, like a ntsa u x 
and a ntsux 50.12, stl ma u x 50.21, and stl m w ax 52.20, are extremely 
rare. As a matter of fact, the tendency towards the metathesis of 
-a u x is so great that it takes place even in cases where -a u x is suf 
fixed to stems ending in a vowel. 



qwoa txa 1 (beaver) + -a u x qwoa txa lw ax they two (he and) 

beaver 52.4 
tsimi l d (muskrat) -f -a u x tsimU a wax the} 7 two (he and) 

muskrat 54.19 

The transposition of n + s and ts actually occurs in a few instances 
only, although 1 have no doubt that under more favorable con 
ditions a greater number of cases could have been collected (see 
also p. 599). 

ants . . . ha i qa i> . . . when tsa na a Ll utux when it will come 

he comes ashore 82.5 (this way) 62.21, 22 

. . . ants tkwa myax when it tsa ntci if you ... 74.8 
closed up 78.3 

leu 1 nats if not . . . 29.7 

14. Consonant ic Euphony 

This law requires that the consonants of the ^--series should corre 
spond to the quality of the vowel preceding or following it. Hence 
all velar and palatal ^-sounds following a ^-vowel become labialized. 
Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not possess anterior palatal 
sounds, harmonization of consonants does not take place after or 
before /-vowels. 

Iklanu k* screech owl 86.1 Ikwa nuf hat 

tcu x u s vulva 90.16 tfa ntuq/wl moccasins 

qo r x u m off shore 34.6 tslu xwl spoon 

cuqwa an roast 90.12 Jc!u x wina 1 ice appears 76.13 

qo q u knee cu kwa sugar 1 

15. Simplification of Double Consonants 

Double consonants, when not kept apart by means of an inserted 
weak vowel (see 4), are usually simplified. This process especially 
takes place between two t and n sounds, in which case the repeated 
consonant is dropped. This phonetic law is of great importance; and 
it should always be borne in mind, because it affects the subjective 
suffix for the first person singular -n, when following the transitive 
form in -un. In such cases the subjective pronoun is invariably 
dropped; and since the third person singular has no distinct suffix, it 
becomes at times rather difficult to comprehend by which of these two 
persons a given, action is performed ( 24, 28). 

1 English loan-word. 




[BULL. 40 

hatca l (tall, 
yilct (big) + -f 
wan (now) + -nxan 
si n^yun (he wants it) + -n 
anxa xaPn (he gives it up) + -n 
mi ltcist (he begins to burn) + 

yak/l tc (in pieces) + -yax + 


Compare, on the other hand, 

Vkwa yun (he takes it) + -nx 
L/wa nlsun (he keeps on tell 
ing him) + -nx 

ha tcu u a long (time) 48.2 
yikfu wi large size 
wa nxan now we (excl.) 30.13 
s& nfwyun I want it 30.4 
anxa xcfin I give him up 60.1 1 
mi ltcistx Laa his mouth be 
gins to burn 29.3 
yakfltcya xam into pieces it 
was cut 29.4 

Vlcwa! yunanx you get it 48.18 
L ! wa! riisunanx you keep 
telling him 17.2 


16. Modifications of t and k 

Siuslaw seems to have a tendency to avoid as much as possible 
the clusters tn and kn. Since the phonetic character of certain 
suffixes causes t and n to come into contact frequently, there are 
many cases of sound shiftings due to the influence of n upon the pre 
ceding t. Combinations of this kind are the passive suffixes -utnE and 
-IsutnE (see 58, 59). In these cases the closure is not formed, 
but replaced by a free emission of breath, thereby changing these suf 
fixes into -UUE and -IsunE respectively. It is not inconceivable that 
this process may have a dialectic significance, differentiating the Lower 
Umpqua and Siuslaw dialects, because it was noticed that William 
Smith (who spoke the latter dialect) never used the forms -utnE and 
-IsutnE; while his wife 1 (a Lower Umpqua Indian) invariably hesi 
tated to acknowledge the correctness of the use of -UUE and -IsunE. 
But as I had no other means of verifying this possibility, I thought it 
advisable to discuss this change as a consonantic process. The dialectic 
function of the process under discussion may be borne out further by 
the fact that in a good many instances these two suffixes occur in 
parallel forms. 

waa if he says 8.9 waa yutns 20.6 
si nxi- to desire 18.5 si ^xyutnE 18.4 

waa yunE he is told 
72. 3 

si ^xyuns it is de 
sired 20.4 


i See Introduction. 




hate* - to ask 66.16 hatrfafyutnz 68.3 

xnl w n- to do 10.5 
waa v he says 8.9 

LI U- to come 8.3 

xnl w nutnE 62.9 
waa l sutnE 24. 3 

L/lL/wl sutnE 26.2 

a?- to count 8.5 qa ixutns 62.8 

Ic/aha? he invites 

hatc ayu^nE he is 

asked 66.23 
xm w nunE it is done 
acfi stfnE he is con 
tinually told 23.10 
Ll wlsunE he is con 
tinually approached 

qa LxlsunE (they) are 
continually counted 
tanx Tc/aha yutnE this one you are invited 

tutca yutnE it is speared 8.7 

hakwa yu7iE it is thrown 8.7 
tqulu yunE he is shouted at 78.3 

tutca if he spears 


hdkwa 1 he drops 
tqulu 1 he shouts 

hali tx they shout Ihali suiiE he is continually shouted at 

13.11 14.2 

dl x- to move 27.3 wfl xlsutnE he is continually shaken 27.2 
htyats- to put on ttya tslsutnE it is continually put on 11.7 


The verbal suffix -t expressing periphrastically the idea TO HAVE, TO 
BE WITH SOMETHING (see 76), is very often dropped when followed 
by the subjective pronouns that begin with n (see 24; see also 88). 

atsl tcitin ha 1 thus 1 think s E ats% t<fm ha 1 thus 1 think 21.7 

na m E llt%n wa as my language na m E lln wa as my language 


L/a ltanxan our residence nam E llnxan our . . . 102.5 

hl ir slnxan hlt&V* good (was) our 
house 100.13 

The same tendency of dropping a consonant prevails in clusters con 
sisting of k + n. 

ta a h (this here) + -nx 
ta a k (this here) + -nxan 

tanx this one thou 20.6 

ta nxan these ones we . .25.3 

The dropping of k in these instances may also be explained as 
having resulted from the abbreviation of ta a k into ts (see 115); 
the more so, as an analogous case is furnished by the local adverb 



atlmk THERE, which usually loses its Jc before all following sub 
jective suffixes (see 119). 

stlmk (there) 30.18 + -nx stl m nx there they . . . 32.3 

stlmkts (there you two) 32.12 stlmts there you two . . . 32.6 

stl mtd there you (pi.) 32.8 

17. Minor Consonantic Changes 

In this section those changes affecting the consonants will be dis 
cussed, for which not enough examples could be found to permit the 
formulation of clearly denned rules. 

Here belongs in first place the apparent change of a sonant into a 
fortis in initial reduplication, a process exemplified by only three 

LI U- to come 9.2 LflL/wl sutnE he is continuall} 7 ap 

proached 26.2 

L/lL/wa xam he is approached 

tsmu - to assemble 7.3 tfjsmt/mafseam people assemble 

about him (passive) 23.3 

Another sporadic change is that of q and q! into Jc before the suffix 
of place -a s mu (see 103). 

yaf*- to look 9.1 yiJcyafmu a place from where one 

can see, a vantage point 
ma q/l- to dance 28.7 mEkyafmu a dance hall 

Compare, however, on the other hand, 

yaq u *yafwaxan I intend to look 25.8,9 
mi nqlysm buy a woman! 

A third doubtful process consists in the change which the modal 
adverb Im* xyal x ALMOST, NEARLY (see 121), undergoes whenever 
used with the subjective pronouns for the second person singular or 
third person plural (see 24). In such cases the form obtained is 
always Jc,wl n E x yal x THOU ALMOST, THEY ALMOST, which may be ex 
plained as a result of a simplification from ku i + -nx + xyal x (see 15). 

ku l xyal x smu tfa it almost is Jcwl n E x yal x kuna w un you almost 
the end 10.9, 11.1 beat him 

Jcwinx yal x Ll wll they had al 
most arrived 66.25 




All grammatical categories and syntactic relations are expressed in 
Siuslaw by one of the following four processes: 

(1) Prefixation. 

(2) Suffixation. 

(3) Reduplication. 
(4-) Phonetic changes. 

Prefixation as a means of expressing grammatical categories is 
resorted to in only two instances. Almost all grammatical ideas are 
expressed by means of suffixes. A singular trait of the suffixes in 
Siuslaw is presented by the fact that the adverbial suffixes are added 
to the locative form of the noun and must precede the pronominal 
suffixes. Reduplication is practically confined to the formation of 
intensive and durative actions; while phonetic changes are employed 
for the purpose of forming the discriminative case and of expressing 
duration and intensity of action. 


By far the majority of stems that constitute the Siuslaw vocabulary 
are neutral, receiving their respective nominal or verbal significance 
from the functional character of the suffix that is added to them. All 
stems expressing our adjectival ideas are in reality intransitive verbs. 

Of the two prefixes employed as a means of expressing grammatical 
categories, one indicates relationship, while the other points out the 
performer of an action. 

The suffixes are overwhelmingly verbal in character; that is to say, 
they indicate ideas of action and kindred conceptions. Hence they 
are employed for the purpose of expressing activity, causation, 
reciprocity, the passive voice, the imperative and exhortative modes, 
etc. The pronouns denoting both subject and object of an action are 
indicated by suffixes, as are also the possessive relations that ma} r 
exist between the object of a sentence and its subject. All temporal 
ideas are conveyed by means of suffixes, and Siuslaw shows a remark 
able development of this category, having distinct suffixes that 
express inception, termination, frequenc} 7 , duration, intention of 
performing an action, as well as the present, future, and past tenses. 
Other ideas that are expressed by means of verbal suffixes are mainly 



modal in character, indicating distribution, negation, location of 
action, and the attempt to perform a given act. 

Nominal suffixes are, comparatively speaking, few in number, and 
express chiefly adverbial ideas, such as local relationships and instru 
mentality. They are used, furthermore, for the purpose of forming 
abstract concepts, diminutive and augmentative nouns, and also ex 
press cases of nouns. 

Ideas of plurality are hardly developed; for, with the exception of 
two suffixes that express plurality of the subject of the sentence, 
Siuslaw has no other grammatical means of indicating plurality of 
action or of nominal concepts. Distinct verbal and nominal stems for 
singular and plural subjects or objects, such as are employed in other 
languages, do not exist. Plurality of subject and object is sometimes 
indicated by particles. 

Reduplication expresses primarily repetition and duration of action; 
while phonetic changes serve the purpose of denoting the performer 
and intensity of action. 

The grammatical function of particles covers a wide range of ideas, 
pertaining chiefly to the verb. Some express finality of action, sources 
of knowledge, emotional states, connection with previously expressed 
ideas, others have an exhortative and restrictive significance. 

In the pronoun, three persons, and a singular, dual, and plural, are 
distinguished. Grammatical gender does not exist. The first per 
son dual has two distinct forms, one indicating the inclusive (i AND 
THOU), and the other the exclusive (i AND HE). In like manner the first 
person plural shows two separate forms, one expressing the inclusive 
(i AND YE), and the other the exclusive (i AND THEY). 

The demonstrative pronoun, while showing a variety of forms, does 
not accentuate visibility or invisibility, presence or absence, and near 
ness or remoteness, in relation to the three pronominal persons. 

The numeral is poorly developed, exhibiting forms for the cardinals 
only. Means of forming the other numerals do not exist. They are 
expressed mostly by the cardinals. The ordinals are sometimes indi 
cated by means of an adverbial suffix. 

The syntactic structure of the sentence presents no complications. 
The different parts of speech may shift their position freely without 
affecting the meaning of the sentence. Nominal incorporation and 



words that are compounds of independent stems do not exist, and 
words denoting nominal or verbal ideas can be easily recognized 
through the character of their suffixes. 

MORPHOLOGY ( 20-136) 
Prefixes ( 20-21) 

Siuslaw has only two prefixes, a fact that stands out most conspicu 
ously when we consider the large number of prefixes that are found 
in some of the languages spoken by the neighboring tribes. Of these 
two prefixes, one is employed for the purpose of denoting nouns of 
relationship, while the other forms the discriminative case of nouns 
and pronouns. 

20. Prefix of Relationship m~ 

This prefix is found in a limited number of terms of relationship. 
All these terms occur also in Alsea, 1 and it is quite conceivable that 
they represent loan-words assimilated by means of this prefix. Bv 
far the majority of nouns expressing degrees of relationship occur 
without the prefix m-. Owing to the fact that Siuslaw does not permit 
an m to appear in initial consonantic clusters, the prefix is often 
changed into mi- (see 4). 

The following is a complete list of all terms employed in Siuslaw 
for the purpose of denoting the different degrees of relationship. 

English Siuslaw 

Father mita 2 

Mother mtta 3 

Elder brother matfl 4 

Younger brother m u u sk u 5 

Elder sister misl a 1 B 

Younger sister m{ctcl H 

Grandfather LipL, LvpL ma (see 84) 

Grandmother IcamL, TcaniL ma (see 84) 

Grandson liml sKm (see 83) 

Granddaughter Itsko n 

Paternal uncle, stepfather mit/a sk^n (see 83) 

Maternal uncle tfa fa sitsfi 7 

Paternal and maternal aunt ku la 

1 See p. 43 < , note 1. . < Alsea haft!. Alsea ao. 

2 Alsea t&a. 5 Alsea mu tslk-. 1 Alsea i. a otsa. 
Alsea HSfi. 



Parent-in-law mskll 1 

Son-in-law mu n(l) 2 

Daughter-in-law te mxan (f) 

Brother-in-law, sister-in-law ta jnaxt* 

Stepmother mUasWl ma (seo 83, 84) 

Stepbrother mu u s~fcu l ma (see 84) 

Stepsister (?) 

Nephew (son of brother) lip 

Nephew (son of sister); step- Hat* 

Niece (daughter of brother) li pxan (?) 5 

Niece (daughter of sister); tint* 
stepdaughter (?) 

Term of relationship, by mar- xayu sL 7 
riage, after the death of the 
person that caused this kin 

In addition to these terms of kinship, I have obtained a few other 
stems, whose exact rendering did not seem to be very clear in the 
minds of my informants. Thus, William Smith maintained that 
gJatd nM* denoted ELDER SISTER; while Louisa Smith thought she 
remembered that taq!l w% signified BROTHER-IN-LAW. Other terms that 
may belong here are the nouns tcma nl (rendered by my interpreter 
by COUSIN), that seemed to be used in addressing a non-related member 
of the tribe; ts^U mu t FRIEND, referring to a person outside the 
consanguinity and affinity group; tsi mqma PEOPLE, FOLKS; and ts q 
RELATIVE (see 123). 

21. Discriminative q- (qa-) 

This prefix is added to all terms of relationship and to all independ 
ent pronouns for the first and second persons, whenever they are the 
subject of a transitive action or whenever the presence of both a 
nominal subject and object in one and the same sentence necessitates 
the discrimination of the subject. The discriminative case of nouns 

1 jLlsea mak-l. 

2 Alsea mun~ 

8 Alsea temxt SISTER-IN-LAW. 

4 Likewise so by Dorsey for "nephew." The use of this term for "stepson " contradicts the term for 

6 frequently rendered COUSIN. 

8 The same contradiction as mentioned in note 4. 

7 Coos xa yusL&tc. 
" Alsea qa sint. 





other than terms of relationship is formed by means of an internal 
phonetic change (see 111). The same case for the independent per 
sonal pronouns for the third person will be found discussed in 113 
(pp. 575 et seq.). The rules of consonantic clusters change this prefix 
frequently into qa- (see 4). 

mita father 54.22 

m u u sk u younger brother 56.6 

mtta mother 54.23 

na I 21.8 
na han I 40.14 

qamita tc wi ltcfotun her father 

sent her 92.20 
u l wan waha haPn qa msk u tc now 

again (said to him) his younger 

brother 56.20, 21 
a l a q qlutci l ma ta yun qamila - 

a l tin one old woman kept (in 

her house) my mother 100.12 
tsfifklyanx qna s% ri i xyuts very 

much thee I like 22. T 
L/xu yun qna han I know it 19.9 
hl ir sanx ma nlsuts qnl x a ts well 

thou shalt always take care of 

me 22.2, 3 
u lnx qnl f x a ts xrii w n1sun and you 

will continually do it 98.10 
qna xun LElu yuts we two (excl.) 

hit thee 
qna nxan ya q u hisuts we (excl.) 

will watch thee 72. 6 
qwatc L/xu yun he who knows it 

Tcund ntc nl gioatc Jcu *nisuts not 

us (excl.) anybody will ever 

beat 72.17 

Suffixes ( 22-105) 
22. General Remarks 

Besides the few ideas that are conveyed by means of other gram 
matical processes (such as prefixation, reduplication, etc.), Siuslaw 
employs suffixation as a means of forming practically all of its mor 
phological and syntactic categories. These suffixes are either simple 
or they are compounded of two or more distinct formative elements. 
The compound suffixes usually have the cumulative significance of 
their separate component parts. In many cases, owing to far-reaching 


na u xun we two (excl.) 36.15 

na nxan we (excl.) 

watc who, somebod}^ 10.1 



[BULL. 40 

phonetic changes, the derivation of the compound suffixes can not be 
given with certainty. 

From a functional point of view all suffixes may be divided into a 
verbal and a non-verbal group; the former used in the formation of 
verbal ideas, the latter employed for the purpose of conveying gram 
matical concepts of a nominal, adjectival, or adverbial character. In 
one or two instances we do find a suffix denoting both verbal and 


nominal ideas. This is especialh 7 true of the suffix -u u , -u wi , which 
rn&y indicate an act performed by several subjects, or else the abstract 
concept of that action (see 79, 97); and of the auxiliary -tf, which is 
also employed in the formation of a number of words denoting adjec 
tival ideas. (See 76, 104.) While it might have been more proper 
to discuss such suffixes in a separate chapter as "Neutral Suffixes," 
practical considerations have induced me to treat them in accordance 
with their functional values, notwithstanding the fact that this treat 
ment entails some repetition. 

The majority of Siuslaw stems are neutral, and receive their respec 
tive nominal or verbal meaning from the nature of the suffix that is 
added to them. There are, however, a few stems denoting adverbial 
ideas that can under no circumstances be amplified by nominal suffixes. 
Furthermore, it seems to be a general rule that nominalizing suffixes 
can not be added to a stem that has already been verbalized by some 
verbal suffix; while numerous instances will be found where a stem 
originally developed as a verbal idea, and nominalized by means of 
suffixes, can again be verbalized by adding to the derivative noun an 
additional verbal suffix. 

The following examples will serve to illustrate the three possibilities 
that prevail in the derivation of verbs and nouns. 

Stem. Verb 

tslL/- to shoot 8.6 tsiL/a? he shoots 10.3 

Vt/a 1 he eats 44. 19 

htyatsu they live 

wait it snows 

tsxaya ir L/a a 1 day 
breaks 50.3 

a ntsux ya lqcfin they 
two dig (the ground) 

$*/- to eat 13.10 
hits- to live 
ult- to snow 
tsxa*- to shine (?) 

llq- to dig 80.6 


tsl L/l arrow 50.7 
U tfa 1 food 34.23 
hltsl 1 house 25.2 
u ltl snow 76.10 
tsxayu wi day, sun 

yalqa cP hole (in the 

ground) 84.6 





s*a tsa thus 8.7 

waha! again 19.5 

(3) NOUNS: 

ql utc female 


waa- to speak 7.1 


qlutcu ni 


yaftsa s B a ts E yax for a long time 

he did it thus 11.3, 4 
s E atsl xamyax thus it was done 

waha haPn qa!msk u lc again (said 

to him) his younger brother 

wa *tunx mPqwa LEmtc wa as 

you will again (talk) Crow s 

language 38.8, 9 1 


woman qlutcna? (when) 

he marries 76.8 

summer pictcfana 1 (when) 
it gets summer 

wa as language 

s E a i na mltc wa as 
wa a syaxa u n his 
language he 
spoke 36.14 

Verbal Suffixes ( 23-81) 


The study of the verbal suffixes of Siuslaw brings out a strong ten 
dency to phonetic amalgamation between different groups of suffixes, 
by which the component elements are often obscured. For this 
reason the question of an ultimate relationship between many of the 
suffixes that occur in Siuslaw can not be ascertained as easily as 
might seem at first sight, owing chiefly to the fact that in most of the 
compound suffixes the originally separate elements have undergone 
considerable phonetic changes and have become to a large extent 
petrified. However, a careful examination of the phonetic composi 
tion of those suffixes that convey kindred psychological and gram 
matical concepts will show that certain phonetic elements of a given 
suffix may have served originally to conduce one leading idea, and 
have amalgamated, in the course of time, with other suffixes, thereby 
showing a genetic relationship between many of the verbal suffixes. 

See also 135. 

3045 Bull. 40, pt 212 30 




[BULL. 40 

Thus, -u may have had primarily a transitive indicative function 
occurring in the suffixes -un (see 28), -uts (see 29), -ux (see 30), etc. 
In like manner, -ts- may have been the proto-suffix that indicated pro 
nominal relations between subject and object, being present in suffixes 
like -uts (see 29), -smts (see 31), -utsm- (see 34), -ults (see 36), 
-Its (see 42), etc.; and -I- seems to have been originally a modal 
suffix, denoting chiefly the possession of the object of the verb by 
another person or thing, because it is found in suffixes like -ul 
(see 35), -ults (see 36), -ll (see 45), -Uts (see 46), etc. To all 
appearances -I must have been an independent suffix implying a com 
mand, for it enters into composition with imperative and exhortative 
suffixes like -Is (see 62), -Its (see 42), -Imts (see 44), -ll (see 45), 
-llts (see 46), -Ixnti (see 63), -Inl (see 41), etc.; and -to was 
undoubtedly the general adverbial suffix. 

The following table will best illustrate the plausibility of relation 
ships between some of the suffixes that occur in Siuslaw. The forms 
marked with an asterisk (*) represent the probable original suffix, 
while the other forms indicate the suffixes as they appear today. 

*-u indicative 

-un direct object of third per 
son (see 28) 

-uts direct object of first and 
second persons (see 29) 

-ux indirect object of third 
person (see 30) 

-utsm object possessed by sub 
ject, but separable from it 
(see 34) 

-ul object possessed by a third 
person object (see 35) 

-ults object possessed by a first 
or second person object (see 

-yun, -l w yun exhortative (see 

-a w un intentional (see 70) 

*-ts pronominal relations be 
tween subject and object 


-uts direct object of first and sec 
ond persons (see 29) 

-Emts indirect object of first and 
second persons (see 31) 

-utsm object possessed by subject, 
but separable from it (see 34) 

-ults object possessed by a first or 
second person object (see 36) 

-Its imperative with direct object 
of the first person (see 42) 

-lints imperative with indirect ob 
ject of the first person (see 44) 

-llts imperative with object pos 
sessed by a first person (see 46) 

-tsx imperative expressing posses 
sive interrelations between ob 
ject and subject (see 47) 

-ItsmE exhortative expressing pos 
sessive interrelations between 
object and subject (see 48) 

*-l imperative 




-l w yun, -ini exhortative with 

direct object of the third 

person (see 41) 
-its imperative with the direct 

object of the first person (see 

-Imts imperative with indirect 

object of the first person (see 

-il imperative denoting that 

object is possessed by a third 

person (see 45) 
-llts imperative denoting that 

object is possessed by a first 

person (see 46) 
-ItsmE exhortative with posses 
sive interrelations between 

object and subject (see 48) 
-is imperative for transitive 

verbs (see 62) 
-ixmi intransitive exhorta- 

*-l possessive interrelations be 
tween object and subject 

-ul object possessed by a third per 
son object (see 35) 

-ults object possessed by a first or 
second person object (see 

-itte, -xamltx passive with posses 
sive relations of subject (see 

-il imperative denoting that object 
is possessed by a third person 
(see 45) 

-ilts imperative denoting that 
object is possessed by a first 
person (see 46) 

-I (?) exhortative (see 64) 

*-tc adverbial 

-t<? tentative (see 52) 

-to local (see 90) 

-Itc modal (see 94) 

tive (see 63) 

In discussing these suffixes it seems convenient to begin with the 
group that appears in the sentence in terminal position and proceed 
backwards with our analysis. According to this treatment, we may 

(1) Pronominal suffixes. 

(2) Objective forms. 

(3) Modal suffixes. 

(4) Temporal suffixes. 

(5) Verbalizing suffixes. 

(6) Plural formations. 

(7) Irregular suffixes. 

24. The Subjective Pronouns 

The pronouns denoting the subjects of an action, transitive and 
intransitive, as well as pronominal objects, are expressed by means of 
suffixes that invariably stand in terminal position. The third person 
singular has no distinct form. The first persons dual and plural have 



distinct forms for the inclusive and exclusive. The same pronouns 
are used for all modes and voices. In the imperative the second per 
son singular is omitted. 

The following table will serve to illustrate what may be called the 
fundamental type of the subjective pronouns: 

Singular Dual Plural 

1st person sinsr. . ) 

T , . , , , } . . -n -ns -nt 

inclusive du. and pi. j 

2d person nx -ts -tci 

3d person - -a u x -nx 

Exclusive du. and pi. . - -a u xun, -axun -nxan 

It would seem that the exclusive forms are derived from the third 
persons dual and plural and the first person. 

These suffixes appear also in the independent personal pronouns (see 
113). The suffix for the first person singular, -n, disappears regularly 
after the transitive -un (see 15), and the confusion that might arise 
from the fact that the transitive form for the third person singular 
ends in -un also, is avoided by accentuation of the first person singular 
as the subject of an action by the additional use of the independent 
pronoun that either precedes or follows the verb. 

The second person singular and the third person plural happen to 
consist of the same phonetic elements, -nx. Ambiguity of meaning in 
both forms is avoided by addition of the independent personal pro 
nouns. The suffix for the third person dual undergoes frequent 
changes, which have been fully discussed in 13. 

The rules regulating consonantic clusters require the insertion of an 
obscure (or weak) vowel between stems ending in a consonant and 
any of the subjective suffixes that begin with a consonant (see 4). 

According to the manner in which the subjective pronouns are 
added to a given verbal stem, the verbs may be divided into the five 
following distinct groups: 

(1) Verbs that add the pronominal suffixes directly to the stem or 
that take them after the verbalizing suffixes -a* and -u 1 . 

(2) Verbs that end in -I. 


(3) Certain verbs that end in x. 

(4) Verbs that express the third person singular by means of stern 
amplification (see 112). 

(5) Verbs that end in -a. 

The first group presents no difficulties whatsoever. The subjective 
pronouns are added directly to the stem or else follow the verbalizing 
suffixes -a 1 and -u l (see 75) . 

A number of verbs seem to end in -I, which undergoes a pho 
netic change whenever the pronominal suffixes are added to it. Thus, 
it is shortened when followed by the pronoun for the first person 
singular, and it undergoes the process of diphthongization (see 7) 
whenever a pronoun for any of the other persons is added to it. 
Whenever the third person singular is to be expressed, the verb 
appears with -i, which is often diphthongized into -ya. Verbs that 
take the tentative suffix -t<? (see 52) and the frequentative -at /I 
(see 68) are treated similarly. 

A peculiar treatment is accorded to certain verbs that end in x. 
Here belong only such verbs as have been amplified by means of the 
modal suffix -It? ax (see 51) and of the temporal suffixes -awax, -tux, 
and -yax (see 70, 73, 74). These suffixes do not change their pho 
netic composition when followed by the pronouns for the first person 
singular and second persons dual and plural. However, as soon as 
the subjective pronouns for any of the other persons are added to 
them, the final x disappears. An exception to this rule is offered by 
the future -tux (see 73) when followed by the pronoun for the third 
person dual. In this case the final x is always retained. Whether 
the disappearance of the x is due to contraction or to other causes, 
can not be said with any degree of certainty. 

The last two groups comprise verbs the stems of which undergo a 
process of amplification whenever the third person singular is to be 
expressed. Verbs belonging to the fourth group show an internal 
change of the stem, while those of the fifth group add an a to the 
bare stem. A full discussion of the phonetic character of these two 
processes will be found in 112, p. 574. 




[BULL. 40 

In accordance with these five types of verbs, the following tabular 
arrangement of the pronominal suffixes may be presented: 

1st type 

2d type 

3d type 

4th type 

5th type 

(Singular . . . 






1st person* 

Dual (incl.) . . 






Plural (incl.) . 






(Singular . . . 






Dual .... 






Plural .... 






3d person 

Singular . . . 
Dual .... 

, -a* , -fi< 

-I, -ya 


\ stem / 


Plural .... 







Dual .... 
Plural .... 






(1) Pronominal suffixes added directly to the stem or following the 
verbalizing -a* and -u*: 

winx- to be afraid 17.6 
waa- to speak 7. 1 
winx- to be afraid 17.6 
lna u w- to be rich 76.3 
Iqaq- to pass wind 86.7 
tsingf- to be poor 16.10 he eats 46.5 
tsingf- to be poor 16.10 

tdn- to come back 
skwa- to stand 10.9 
tqul- to shout 52.8 
smuf- to end 8.8 
qdt&nt he goes 12. 
tdnt- to start 23.1 
tsinq!- to be poor 16.10 

yuwa if he gets pitch 96.18 
nEqu ir tx- to be cold 

wi nxin I was afraid 58.22 
waa ir n I say 

wi ntdns we two (incl.) are afraid 
lna u wanl we (incl.) are rich 
Iga qanx thou passest wind 86.14 
tsi nq/ats you two are poor 
IHta yats you two eat 
tsi nqfatcb you are poor 
tsinq/ he is poor 
tdn he returned 7.7 
skwaha if he stands 14.4 
tqulu 1 he shouted 92.6 
smWu* it ends 14.6 
qa tc i nta u x they two go 23.1 
sd ntanx they started 88.20 
ts% f nq!a u x t hn we two (excl.) are 

yuwa ya u xtin we two (excl.) will 

get pitch 94. 17, 18 
nsqu^txanxan we (excl.) are cold 






(2) Pronouns added to verbs that end in I: 

xi l xei- to work 50.3 

- to desire 18.5 

- to work 50.6 

xi l xci- to work 50.3 

xi l xcin I work 

xVl xcyans we two (incl.) work 

afi l xcyanl we (incl.) work 

si ^xyanx (if) you desire 44.6 

si itfxyats you two desire 

wi nkyatcfi you are working 

wl nki he is working 

xi l xm, (xi l xcya) he is working 

xVl xcya u x they two work 

xi l xcyanx they work 

xnf l xcya u xun we two (excl.) are 

x& l xcyanxan we (excl.) are work 

(3) Pronouns added to certain verbs that end in x: 

qatc E n- to go, to start 8.2 
aq- to run away 52.10 

Ll u- to come 8.3 

aq- to run away 52.10 

/- to return 12. 6 

hutc- to play 8.8 
Ll u- to come 8.3 
tct it lives 32.21 
m%ku - to cut 82.14 
tsmu - to assemble 7.3 
Ll u- to approach 8.3 
aq- to run away 88.3 

ta* it lives 32.21 
Ll u- to approach 8.3 

aq- to run away 88.3 

qa t^ntuxan I shall go 22.2 
aqa waxan I intend to run away 


Ll uyaxan I came 
a qtuns we two (incl.) shall run 

away 92.2 
aqa wans we two (incl.) intend to 

run away 90.23 
xwl f L/tunl we (incl.) shall return 


xwl f L/yanl we (incl.) have returned 
hu tctunl we (incl.) shall play 7.2 
Llwa wanx you intend to come 25.8 
tat yanx thou didst live 
ml JtPtuxts you two will cut 90.5 
tEmu tuxtch you shall assemble 30.7 
Li utuxho, will come 8.9 
aqa wax he intends to run away 


tat yax (if) he lives 44.12 
Liu tuxa u x they two will come 
Ll uya u x they two came 
aqafwa u x they two intend to run 

away 86.18 



aq- to run away 88.3 aqa wa u xun we two (excl.) intend 

to run away 
Li u- to approach 8.3 Ll utunxan we (excl.) will come 

Ll uyanxan we (excl.) have come 

(4) Amplification of stem: 

llq- to dig 80.6 yalq (they two) dig 84.7 

citx- to flop c l yatx (they) flop (around) 36.23 

ha u - to be ready 8.10 ha wa it is ready 23.10 

Lion- to tell 16.9 L/wa a n he relates 16.6 

(5) Verbs that end in -a: 

hau - to quit 11.4 ha wa it is ready 23.10 

wa- to speak 7.1 waa he said 12.10 

qa ttfn- to go 12.1 qaftc*na he goes 36.1 

wllw- to affirm 17.7 wllwa he affirms 58.9 

25. The Objective Pronouns 

The same forms as those discussed in 24 are used to express the 
pronominal objects. In these terms the verbal stem is followed by 
an objective element, which in most cases is followed first by the 
pronominal object, then by the pronominal subject. In all cases 
where this composition would bring two consonants into contact they 
are separated by a weak vowel (a or $). 

The objective elements here referred to are -un, which expresses the 
relation to the third person object, and -uts, which indicates the rela 
tion to the first and second persons. These will be treated more fully 
in 27-29. 

In all forms that express a relation of a second person subject or of 
an exclusive subject to a singular pronominal object, the latter is 
omitted, and the pronominal subject follows directly the objective 
element before referred to. Perfect clearness is attained here, since 
the objective element defines the person of the object. Thus the 
forms THOU, YE TWO, YE, acting upon either first or second person, 
can refer only to the first person; I AND HE, and I AND THEY, only to 
the second, for otherwise they would be reflexives. In the combi 
nation I-THEE the subject is omitted. In the combinations I-HIM, 
I-THEM TWO, I-THEM, the subject pronoun -n seems to have been con 
tracted with the n of the objective element (see 15); while in 
THEY-ME the order of subject and object is reversed. 



These phenomena may be indicated in the following tabular form: 


Third person object 

First and second persons objects 









Inclusive . 
Exclusive . 
2d person . 
Sd person . 




Exclusive . 
2d person 
3d person . 






I-THEE iitsanx. 


THEY-ME utsanxin. 


All dual and plural objects; all third person subjects (except THEY- 

The following table may serve to illustrate more fully the forms 
that are used in Siuslaw to express relations between subject and object. 
Suffixes marked with an asterisk (*) are forms reconstructed by analog}^. 








Me . 









Inclusive ...